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GENERAL HISTORY 


NEW ENGLAND, 




FROM THE 


DISCOVERY TO MDCLXXX. 






BY THE 

REV. WILLIAM HUBBARD, 

*» ■ 

MINISTER OF IPSWICH, MASS, 


<e Mr, Hubbard was certainly for many years the most eminent minis- 
ct ter in the county of Essex : equal to any in the province for learning 
ef and candour, and superiour to all his contemporaries as a writer.” 

The late Rev. John Eliot, d. d. Cor. Sec. Hist. Soc. 


PUBLISHED 

BY THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
****** 

Cambridge::::Hilliard & Metcalf. 





District of Massachusetts, to wit: 


District Clerk’s office. 

Be it remembered, that on the second day of June, A. D. 1814, and in 
the thirty eighth year of the independence of the United States, Joseph 
McKean, of the said district, in the name and behalf of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, has deposited in this office the title of a book, the right 
whereof the said Society claims as proprietor, in the words following, to 
wit r 

“ A general history of New England, from the discovery to mdclxxx. 
By the Rev. William Hubbard, minister of Ipswich, Mass. 4 Mr. Hub¬ 
bard was certainly for many years the most eminent minister in the county 
of Essex ; equal to any in the province for learning and candour, aud supe- 
riour to all his contemporaries as a writer/ The late Rev. John Eliot, D. D, 
Cor. Sec. Hist. Soc.” 

In conformity to the act of the congress of the United States, entitled, 
“ An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, 
charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of suoh copies, during the 
times therein mentionedand also to an act, entitled, “ An act, supple¬ 
mentary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement of learning, by 
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and propri¬ 
etors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ; and extending 
the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching his¬ 
torical and other prints 



W. 


S. SHAW, £ 


Clerk of the district 
of Massachusetts. 






PREFATORY NOTICE. 


THE Historical Society consider it to be 
one important object of tlieir Institution, to 
multiply copies of rare and valuable works 
relative to our Country. The History, to 
which they now invite the attention of tlieir 
friends, was never published. Many of their 
associates and others have expressed a wish, 
that it might be given to the puhlick ; as it 
is the original source from which several of 
our earliest historians derived much of their 
information. 

The Society acknowledge, with gratitude 
to the memory of their most valued and res¬ 
pected associate, that this precious relick was 
among the rich contributions, furnished hy 
Rev. Dr. John Eliot from his invaluable col¬ 
lection of the treasures of American history 
and antiquities. It is believed to have been 
rescued by his excellent father from the fury 
of the mob in the depredations on the house, 
furniture and library of Governour Hutchin¬ 
son. 

The General Court, 11 Oct. 1682 , grant¬ 
ed fifty pounds to the Author, “ as a mani¬ 
festation of thankfulness” for this history, 
u he transcribing it fairly, that it may be the 
more easily perused.” The copy, from which 
this first edition is printed, was probably tak¬ 
en for the purpose of securing the benefits of 


IV 


this grant. On application by the Society, 
the legislature have encouraged the present 
publication by a very liberal subscription, for 
the use of the Commonwealth. 

Of the author, the late Rev. John Eliot d. d, 
has given a very interesting, tiiough not mi¬ 
nute account, in “ The New England Bio¬ 
graphical Dictionary.” He was born, 1621; 
was one of the first class of graduates, at Har¬ 
vard College, 1642 ; was settled in the min¬ 
istry at Ipswich, a colleague of Rev. Thomas 
Cobbet, about 1666 or 1667 ; and died, 1704. 
Of his publications, the following are all that 
are known: A Sermon, “ among the very good 
ones,”* on the General Election, 1676, 4to; 
Narrative of Indian wars, 4to, 1677, repub¬ 
lished 12mo, Boston, 177 o ; Fast sermon, 24 
June, 1682; Sermon and Memoirs on Maj. 
Gen. Denison, published with his Irenicon, 
12mo, 1684; Testimony (with Rev. John 
Higginson) to the order of the gospel in the 
churches, 1701, 

In John Dunton’s Journal of his visit to 
New England, 1685, a very interesting notice 
is taken of the Minister of Ipswich. t 

The authenticity and value of this histo- 
ry appear in the following testimonials. 

Rev. Thomas Prince, in “ A Chronolog¬ 
ical History of New England in the form of 
Annals,” has in his list of folio MSS.—“ 12. 
The Rev. Mr. William Hubbard’s General 
History of New England from the Discovery 
to 1680, in 338 pages : And though not in his 

• Eliot. 

f See “Extracts from the life &c. of J. D” Histor, Collect, vol.ii. 
2d Ser. p.121. 


V 


own hand-writing, yet having several correc¬ 
tions made thereby.”—Again, “ And where¬ 
as I observe some mistakes in Mr. Hubbard’s 
History of New England ; the reader may 
consider, that as we have only a copy of that 
valuable work, the substance whereof 1 pro¬ 
pose to give the Publick : some of these mis¬ 
takes may be owing to the Transcriber only , 
and some, that learned and ingenious au¬ 
thor fell into for want of Gov. Bradford’s 
History, and some other materials, which 1 
happen to be favoured with.”* 

His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, in 
“ The History of Massachusetts Bay,”f says, 
u Many such [materials for an history of the 
Colony] came to me from my ancestors, who, 
for four successive generations, had been prin¬ 
cipal actors in publick affairs: among the 
rest, a manuscript history of Mr. William 
Hubbard, which is carried down to the year 
1680, but after 1650 contains but few facts. 
The former part has been of great use to me : 
it w as so to Dr. Mather in his history, of 
which Mr. Neale’s is little more than an 
abridgment.” 

The opinion of his biographer, than whom 
no one was better able to appreciate duly the 
relative as well as absolute merit of our early 
writers, is given in the prefatory remarks to 
his valuable ecclesiastical history, in the His¬ 
torical Collections.} 

* Vol. i. 12mo. pp. 254, Boston, 1736. Preface, p. vii. and x. xi 
Mr. Prince made feiv corrections, for he brought down his annals only 
to 1633. That the copy from which this edition is printed, is the 
same which he consulted, is little doubted. This is not in Mr. Hub- 
bard’s hand writing, yet has his emendations. 

f 8vo. 2 vol. Lond. 1765. vol. i. pref. t Vol. vii. First Series, p. 263. 


VI 


Of tlie MS. copy a few pages at the be¬ 
ginning and end are mutilated, and the writ¬ 
ing, in some places, is scarcely legible. These 
passages are given, as far as the editors could 
spell them out. Where they have supplied 
words, or portions of words, conjecturally, 
such are printed in italicks. Where they 
w ere at a loss, they have used asterisks.* 

They had hoped to obtain an entire copy 
of this defective portion. This fond expec¬ 
tation was derived from their knowledge that 
a transcript was made by Hon. Peter Oliver, 
Esq. LL. D. Chief Justice of Massachusetts.! 
Application has been made to the family in 
England, for a part or the whole of this pre¬ 
cious document; but without success.^ 

A. HOLMES, Committee of the 

JOSEPH McKEAN, $ Historical Society. 

Cambridge , Mass . 1815. 

* From the ninth page, the manuscript is entire ; pages 7 and 8 
are nearly so ; 3, 4, 5, and 6, considerably torn and effaced ; 1 and 2 
appear to be wanting. At tlie end, page 337 is a little defective ; 338 
is nearly effaced ; the remainder is lost. The editors had contemplated 
retaining the author’s mode of spelling; but soon finding that this was 
not uniform, they concluded not to continue the attempt, after the first 
seven chapters. 

f " 1773#June 10. Judge Oliver came and drank tea with me. 
He has a copy of the Rev. Mr. Hubbard’s MSS. of Ipswich, which he 
himself copied from a copy which had corrections in Mr. Hubbard’s 
own hand writing. I think it contains 3 or 400 pages folio. This with 
Gov. Bradford’s and Gov. Winthrop’s MSS are the three most consid¬ 
erable historical accounts of the first settlement of New England.” 

President Stiles ’ Literary Diary. 

“ Every relick or document which related to the settlement of 
the country or was curious, had a value stamped upon it. He collect¬ 
ed many papers and records, and even transcribed William Hubbard’s 
MS. history with his ow n hand. All these, except such as Hutchinson 
made use of, w r ere carried away with him w hen he v'ent to England.” 

Art. Oliver. (P.) Eliot's N. E. Biogr. Dict.p. 350, 

% See the letters on this subject; Histy)r. Collections vol. iii. New 
Series. 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


_ Ms* Pr 

Prefatory notice. 3 

CHAP. I. Imperfect. 

CHAP. II. 

Of the first discovery of the country of New Eng¬ 
land. 4 g 

CHAP. III. 

Of the situation, bounds, and rivers of New Eng¬ 
land, 9 44 

CHAP. IV. 

Of the temperature of the air and nature of the 

climate . 14 19 

CHAP. Y. 

Of the fertility of the soil, with the commodities 

and other advantages of New England. 15 22 


CHAP. YI. 

Of the disposition of the natives of Amer ica in New 
England, with the conjectures about their pas¬ 
sage hither. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of the several nations of the Indians found in New 
England, upon the first discovery thereof; with 
a touch upon their laws,government, and succes¬ 
sions. 

CHAP. VHI. 

Of the first planting of New England, or any part 
thereof, by the English. 

CHAP. IX. 

Of the plantation at Patuxet, or New Plymouth, in 
the year 1620: with the occasions that led there¬ 
unto. 


19 26 

22 29 

2b 35 

34 41 


* The Ms. copy is carefully preserved in the library of the Historical 
Society. For the convenience of those who may wish to consult it, the 
pages of the Ms. as well as of the printed work are given. 



CONTENTS. 


CHAP, X. Ms. 

Of the government, civil and military, established in 

the colony of New Plymouth. 49 

CHAP. XI. 

Of the religion, worship, and discipline , professed 

or practised, by those of Plymouth. 56 

CHAP. XII. 

The general affairs of the colony of New Plymoutk, 
during the first lustre of years, from March 25, 

1621 , to March 25, 1626 *. 52 

CHAP. XIII. 

Mr. Weston's plantation of Wessagusquasset. 57 

CHAP. XIV. 

The necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of 
New Plymouth, during their first lustre of years: 
their patent, how and when obtained . 62 


CHAP. XV. 

The council established at Plymouth in the county of 
Devon, for the ordering the affairs of New 
England, and their proceedings with reference 
thereto. 6 5 

CHAP. XVI. 

The addition of more assistants to the government 
of Plymouth colony, with some passages most re¬ 
markable there, in the years 1621 , 1625 . 70 

CHAP. XVII. 

Affairs in the colony of New Plymouth, political 
and ecclesiastical, during the second lustre of 
years, viz. from March 26 , 1626 , to March 26, 

1631 . 75 

CHAP. XVIII. 

The discovery and first planting of the Massachu¬ 
setts. 79 

CHAP. XIX. 

Several planters transport themselves into New 
England . Ministers invited to join with them. 

The first plantation in the Massachusetts, called 
Salem. 85 

CHAP. XX. 

Of the civil polity and form of government, of the 
Massachusetts company of New England, by pa¬ 
tent . 


Pr. 

61 


63 


66 

72 


79 


81 


90 


96 


101 


111 


87 111 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. XXL 

The affairs of religion in the Massachusetts Colony 
in New England , during the first lustre of years 
after the first attempt for the planting thereof; 
from the year 1625 to the year 1630. 

* CHAP. XXII. 

Transactions of the patentees at London after the 
patent was obtained ; debates about carrying it 
over. Transportation of the patentees and many 
others, in the year 1630. 

CHAP. XXIII. 

The proceedings of the patentees at South-Hampton, 
when they took their leave of England. The 
solemn manner thereof. 

CHAP. XXIV. 

The fleet set forth to sea for New England : their 
passage, and safe arrival there. 

CHAP. XXV. 

The first planting [o/] the Massachusetts Bay with 
towns, after the arrival of the governour, and 
company that came along with him ; and other 
occurrents that then fell out. 1630, 1631,1632. 
CHAP. XXVI. 

The first courts kept in the Massachusetts, after the 
coming over of the governour . The carrying 
on of their civil affairs, from the year 1630 to 
1636, with the accusations against them before 
the king and council . 

CHAP. XXVII. 

Various occurrents in New England, from the year 
1631 to 1636. 

CHAP. XXVIII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs of the Massachusetts, during 
the first lustre of years often' the transferring of 
the patent and government thither ; from Jinno 
il631 to 1636. 

CHAP. XXIX. 

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years. 
The small pox among the Indians. Pestilential 
fever at Plymouth ; with other occurrences wor¬ 
thy to be observed, from the year 1630 to 1636, 

CHAP. XXX, 

Disturbance, both civil and ecclesiastical, in the 


M s. Pr, 

88 *10 

91 120 

93 125 

96 128 

99 131 

1 C 6 116 

113 160 

121 181 

131 191 


CONTENTS. 


Massachusetts, occasioned by Mr. Roger Wil- Ms. Pr. 

Hams, in the year 1634. 135 202 

CHAP. XXXI. 

'The first 'planting of those parts of New England, 
on the east and west side of Pascataqua river, 
called the Province of Main and New Hamp¬ 
shire, and the parts adjoining . Attempts for a 
new settlement of those lands by some of the 
Grand Council of Neiv England, before they 
surrendered ilieir chat ter into the hands of the 
Icing . 141 213 

CHAP XXXII. 

The general affairs of the Massachusetts, from the 

year 1636 to the year 1641. 151 238 

CHAP. XXXIII. 

Various occurrences in the Massachusetts, from the 

year 1636 to 1641. * 153 239 

CHAP. XXXIV. 

John Oldham murdered by the Indians of Block Isl¬ 
and; how discovered, and the tear that followed 
thereupon with them, and the Pequods, their a- 
bettors. 156 248 

CHAP. XXXV. 

The state of affairs in the Massachusetts, Anno 1636, 

while Mr. Vane was governour. 159 255 

CHAP. XXXVI. 

Troublesome occurrences in New England in the 
years 1637, 1638. Their patent undermined by 
some in England ; demanded by the Lords of the 
com *nittee for foreign plantations. The answer 
of the Massachusetts. 162 262 

CHAP. XXXVII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from 

1636 to 1641. * 166 273 

CHAP. XXXVIII. 

Disturbance in the Massachusetts colony, in New 
England, jrom l he year 1636 to 1641, by Mr. 
Wheelwright and Mrs . Hutchinson. 169 280 

CHAP. XXXIX. 

The occasion of spreading erroneous opinions in 
New England, and much disturbance occasioned 
thereby in and about Boston, in the years 1636, 

1037, $c. 172 2B5 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. XL. Ms. Pj*. 

A synod called in New England, Anno 1637, at 

Cambridge. The occasion and success thereof . 177 298 

CHAP. XLI. 

The first planting of the country about the river 
of Connecticut. The occasions leading thereunto, 
and progress thereof in the years 16 $5 and 1686 , 
with some occurrences which have since happened 
there, both in their civil and ecclesiastical af¬ 
fairs. 183* 30$ 

CHAP. XLII. 

The first planting of New Haven . Some of the 
most remarkable passages concerning that colo¬ 
ny , as also of Rhode Island, Providence, and 
the places adjoining, near the Narraganset bay , 
in the years 1637, 1638. 188 317 

CHAP. XLIII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs, ivith other occurrences, at 
Providence and Rhode Island to the year 1643. 

Intercourse between them and the Massachusetts . 196 335 

CHAP. XLIV. 

Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at 
Puscataqua and the places adjacent. Contests 
between Mr. Cleeves and Mr. Vines about the 
bounds of Ligonia . 203 350 

CHAP. XLV. (44.)f 

The general affairs of New England, from 1641 to 

1646. 211 370 1 

CHAP. XL VI. (45.) 

Various occurrents in New England, from 1641 to 

1646. 213 375 

CHAP. XLVII. (46.) 

Troubles occasioned to the Massachusetts inhabitants 
by one Samuel Gorton, and his company , all of 
them notorious familists. 223 401 

CHAP. XLVIII. (47.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England from the year 

1641 to 1646. 226 408 

* Pages 180, 1, 2, and pt. of 190 of the Ms. are blank. 

fin the Ms. the numbering of this chapter ;s 44 ; and a similar mb?' 

take continues through the volume. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. XLIX. (48.) Ms. 

Memorable accidents in New England from 1641 to 

1646. 330 

CHAP. L. (49). 

The colonies of Connecticut and New Haven dis¬ 
turbed by the Dutch at Manhatoes , and the 
Swedes at Delaware Bay , during this lustre , 
from 1641 to 1846. 336 

CHAP. LI. (50.) 

Conspiracies of the Indians against the English in 
New England discovered and prevented, from 
the year 1641 to 1646. 241 

CHAP. LII. (51.) 

The Confederation of the United Colonies of New 
England; the grounds and reasons leading 
thereunto , with the articles agreed upon for 


that end. 249 

CHAP. Lin. (52.) 

Ships seized in the harbours of the Massachusetts , 
by pretended commissions of the Admiralty in 
England , in the year 1644. 253 

CHAP. LXV. (53 ) 

Transactions between the Massachusetts and some of 
the governours of the French plantations , in A- 
cady , from the year 1641 to 1646. 254 

CHAP. LV. (54.) 

The general affairs of New England , from the 

year 1646 to 1651. 863 

CHAP. LVI. (55.) 

Various occurrents in New England, from 1646 to 

1651. 271 

CHAP. LYII. (56.) 

Memorable accidents in New England, from the year 

1646 to 1651. 273 

CHAP. LVIII. (57.) 

Ecclesiastical affair sin New England from the year 

1646 to 1651. 277 

CHAP. LIX. (58.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts , in New Eng¬ 
land ., from 1651 to 1656. 280 

CHAP. LX. (59.) 

A quarrel between the inhabitants of New Haven 


Pi- 

419 

432 

446 

465 

474 

478 

499 

52Q 

524 

532 

542 


CONTENTS. 


and the Dutch at Manhatoes ; the Massachusetts Ms. Fr. 
not willing to engage therein ; from 1651 to 
1656. 232 545 

CHAP. LXI. (60.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in JYew England, from 1651 

to 1656. 264 55# 

CHAP. LX1I. (61.) 

Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to 

1656. 284 552 

CHAP. LXIII. (62.) 

The general affairs of New England, from 1656 to 

1661k 386 555 

CHAP. LXIY. (63.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the 

year 1656 to the year 1661. 2S4 562 

CHAP. LXY. (64.) 

The plantations of New England troubled with the 
Quakers—Laws made against them by the gen¬ 
eral court of the Massachusetts, within the space 
of this lustre, from 1655 to 1660. 392 671 

CHAP. LXVI. (65.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 

1661 to 1666. 394 575 

CHAP. LXYII. ( 66 .) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the 

year 1661 to 1666. 299 587 

CHAP. LXVIII. ( 67 .) 

The general affairs of New England, from the 

year 1666 to 1671. 800 591 

CHAP. LXIX. ( 68 .) 

The Province of Maine returns to the government 
of the Massachusetts: the occasion and manner 
how it was brought about. 301 593 

CHAP. LXX. (69.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from the 

year 1666 to 1671. 305 601 

CHAP. LXXI. (70.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts , from the year 

1671 to 1676. 309 610 

CHAP. LXXII. (71.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the 
year 1671 to the year 1685, 


315 621 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. LXXIII. (72.) Ms. Pr. 

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years , 

from 1671 to 1676. 317 627 

CHAP. LXXIV. (73.) 

A further continuation of the narrative of troubles 
with the Indians in JVew England, from April 
1677 to June 1680. 318 639 


CHAP. LXXV. (74.) 

Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that hap¬ 
pened in JVew England % from 1666 to 1682. 323 640 

CHAP. LXXVI. (75.) 

The suceess and progress of the gospel amongst the 

Indians in JVew England. 327 649 

CHAP. LXXVII. (76.) 

I continuation of the History of JVew Plymouth , 

from the year 1633, until the year 1678. 332 661 

CHAP. LXXIII. (77.) 

The country about Hudson's river , when first dis¬ 
covered and planted; what changes have passed 
over them, since their first planting to this pre¬ 
sent time. 334 666 


Note. A few literal errors have been noticed. Candid readers will 
readily excuse these in a work of so difficult execution. 

The reference, p. 86, is to Prince. 

The words in Italicks, p. 126; and in other places, Latin words and 
phrases in the same character, are in. the Ms. copy. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


OF 

NEW ENGLAND. 


* # * * * # 
* * * * # * 

* * * * * * $ 

necessary for the supplyes and comfort of man’s red- 
idence in other more habitable parts of the world: here 
were * * silver and gold, store of precious pearles 

lockt up in the earth and depths of the sea, all which 
treasures of the rich cabinets of nature had wayted a 
long time for an expert and skilful hand, better acquaint¬ 
ed with their worth than the natives to disclose and dis¬ 
perse them abroad amongst the rest of the world, for 
whose use they were in their first creation int ended* 
There were allso many spacious and vast tracts of land, 
fit for the use of men of other nations; the sayd places hav¬ 
ing never had enough inhabitants to manage so many fer¬ 
tile countryes. * * * * thereof had probably 

for a long time been occupied by a people who nei¬ 
ther themselves nor their ancestors had acquaintance 
with civility or any liberal sciences ; with the knowledge 
or worship of the true and living God. What * * 

* * * may have in that kind is not for us to 

deter mine. It seems to bee the pleasure of the Almighty 
by the for csayd means to open the way for sending the 
light of the gospel amongst those dark parts of the 
earth for their conversion, as is hoped, and thus to leave 
the rest without excuse at the last day. The gospel must 
be preached to the nations for a testimony unto them; 
which it never was * * * * It being an usual! 

observation that the great Husbandman is not pleased to 



GENERAL HISTORY 


S 

send forth labourers, where he hath no harvest to bee ga- 
thered in , or work for them to accomplish : Wherefore 
the bringing of the natives of this country to the know¬ 
ledge of God, and^our Saviour Jesus Christ , being 
peculiarly intended by those of New England, as is par¬ 
ticularly expressed in their grand charter to be principal¬ 
ly the adventurers true profession, and his Majesties roy- 
all intension when he granted it; the various providences 
that have attended the settlement of that part of Ameri¬ 
ca, soe called, shall in what follows be particularly de¬ 
clared, that so they may remain a perpetual monument of 
divine ******** 
********* 

* * Reports, and for the satisfaction of those who 

may be odious to inquire into the reall truth of former 
transactions, the Generali History of New England is 
now taken in hand ; Wherein the first discovery of the 
country, its scituation, temperature of the aire, fertility and 
nature of the soyle, disposition of the inhabitants, together 
with the first planting thereof by the English. These be¬ 
ing breefly touched upon, the principall occurrences that 
have fallen out within the compasse of the next sixty or 
eighty years, concerning the affayrs of religion, * * 

* * since that time shall be more largely handled. 

CHAP. II. 

Of the first discovery of the country of New England . 

Christopher Columbes, a Genoesian, had the happiness 
and honour first to discover this before nnknowne part of 
the world, though Americus that came after him had the 
honour to have it called after his own name, America. 
Others * * *S'etetian Cabbot, a famous Portuguez, 

more particularly, discover more than * * In the yeare 
1497 hee with his father, John Cabbot, sent out under a 
commission of Henry VII. ranged a great part of this un¬ 
known region , in that and some years following, discov¬ 
ering many places in it between the 40th degree of south 
and 67th of north latitude; where * * * 

contenting himselfe with the riches of Hispaniola, Cuba, 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 


9 


and some other is/ands, which hee fortunately fell upon 
in the yeare 1492. He did not discover the may n land 
till the yeare 1498, a whole yeare after Sebastian Cabbot 
had been upon the Continent, in reward of which not- 
able discovery he was afterward made Grand Pilot of En¬ 
gland and Ireland by king Henry the 8th, and in his old ago 
had an honrble pension pr.ann . of 1661. 13s. 4d. allowed 
him by Edward the 6th. These c/iscoveryes of theCabbots 
were the foundation and ground worke of those noble ad¬ 
ventures made afterwards by those of the English nation 
or others, who, moved either with emulation of the Span¬ 
iards, or an ambitious desire of advancing the glory of 
their respective nations, did in the next age attempt a 
more full discovery of the several parts of the world, spe¬ 
cially of America, hoping thereby either to finde out 
some new possessions, or else a nearer passage to the more 
remote parts of the world discovered,, and wel/ knownc 
long before, (although not reached unto without going a 
greate compasse about.) On some such accoumpt the 
French historians report that James Quartier, a Florren- 
tine, employed by Francis the first, king of France, dis¬ 
covered New * * * * , * France 

* * New Foundland in the yeere [1534] * * 

* * * the sayd James Quartier and Mon * j* 

* * * * * the lady of the English 

world. In the yeare [1587] John White aforesayd was 
sent with three more ships to make\ further enquiry after 
the colony left there before by Sir Richard Greenvilh 
But although this last time they tarryed all winter , as may 
be conjectured by the words of the relation, till the yeare 
1590 the sayd colony could never be heard of: And thus 
was the first plantation at old Virginia, after much time, 
labour, and charge brought to confusion, and finally de¬ 
serted in the yeare 1590: nor was there ever any planta¬ 
tion attempted in that place or carried on with prosperous 
success to this day, the reason of which is not yet render¬ 
ed : The planting of any place about Florida being thus 
nipped in the bud", if not blasted with some severer curse, 
like Jericho of old, all hopes of settling another plantation 

\ Here appears to be a chasm. Ed* 

t 2 


10 


GENERAL HISTORY 


in that part of the world were for the present abandon¬ 
ed, and lay dead for the space of twelve yeares next fo/- 
/owing, when they were revived again by the valiant res¬ 
olution and industry of Capt. Bartholmew Gosnold and 
Capt. Bartholmew Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen, 
their associates, who in the year 1602 attempted a more 
exact discovery of the whole coast of Virginia. The first 
voyage, Capt. Gosnold in a small bark with a company set 
savle from Dartmouth March 26, the same yeare a sou \h 
west course from the Azores, made his passage shorter by 
several degrees then ever the former adventurers found it, 
who had always fetched a compasse round by the West 
Indies, and by that course fell upon Florida. But Capt. 
Gosnold, possibly more by the guidance ©/providence then 
any special art acquired of man, on the 14th May following 
made land in the lat. of 43,° where Capt. Gosnold was pre¬ 
sently welcomed by eight of the salvages in one of their 
shallops , who came boldly aboard them, which considered 
with * * * shew made the other conjecture 

some beseamersf had been wrecked in fisK\r\g there : the 
Captain, how well soever hee liked his * * * 

weather which made him soone after weigh and * * 

* * ward into the sea ; the next morning, finding 

himselfe drawing nigh a mighty head land, let fall his an¬ 
chor againe * * nigh the shore, and then him¬ 

selfe with foure men went on shore presently ; marching 
up the highest hill next morning , they discerned the 
headland to bee part of the mayn, round which were ma¬ 
ny islands: in five or six houres time his comp any caught 
more codfish then they well knew what to do with. And 
this promontory hath ever since borne the name of Cape 
Cod , which hee was not willing to exchange for the 
royal name, that Capt. Smith or some other mariner 
had given ; the fishing which they there met with, being 
retained to this day. It appears by what is written by 
Capt. John Brierton in the same voyage, that the first hill 
they ascended was upon the south side of Cape Cod, for 
the islands ther abouts retaine the same names which at 
that ty me were imposed on them: viz. Marthas or Martins 
Vineyard and Elizabeth Islands, being replenished with 

f 1 his word appears plainly in the MS. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


11 


the blossoms of strawberys, rasberys, and gooseberyes, 
and divers other fruits, besides severali sorts of living 
creatures, as deere, cranes, hernes, and other wild fowl, 
which made them call the island Marthas Vineyard ; and 
in the same place they took up theire station all the while 
they remay ned in the country. In the middle of May 
they sowed wheat, barlv, oates, pease, which sprang up 
eight or niue inches in fourteene days. All which con¬ 
siderations togeather with the seeming courtesies of the 
salvages encourage d some of the company to thinke of tar¬ 
rying there the yeere about. Butt considering how mean¬ 
ly they were provided, they -alteredthe resolution, and re¬ 
turned back a gaine to England, where they arrived, a bout 
the 23 July following, carrying such newes as enduced the 
aldermen [and certain merchants ] of Bristoll to raise a 
stocke of [10001.] which was imployed for furnishing 

* * more the next yeare under the command o/Martin 

Pring or Pin and Robert Sa Iterne, who had beene there 
the yeere before. In the yeere 1603 following the Capt . 
Grosnold made noe relation, butt * * * * 

* * fell with the land * * of 43° on the north 

of Virginia, as all the country was then called. From 
thence they ran ged the coast along till they came to a 
place which they named Whitson Bay. How long they 
tarried upon the coast, or when they returned, is not 
mentioned in Salterne’s relation, yett it seems the report 
they carried home was not like that of the unbelieving 
spyes, for itt gave encouragement to the Right Honora¬ 
ble Sir Thomas Arrundall Barron of Wardor to send 
forth another vessell in the yeare 1605, with 29 stout 
seamen, under the comand of Capt. Thomas Wey¬ 
mouth with intent to have them make another discovery 
of the coast southward of 39 degrees. Butt by reason 
of cross winds they fell to the northward of 41 by 20 min¬ 
utes, where they found themselves strongly embayed by 
shoals, so that in the running of sixe leagues they should 
come from 100 fathom to five, yett see no land. Then 
at the next throw they should have 16 or * * which 

constrayned them to putt back againe to sea, though the 
wind poynts were as fay re as they could desire. The 
want of wood and water made them take the best ad van* 


GENERAL HISTORY 


13 

tage of winds that came next to fall with the shore. On 
the 18th of May they cast anchor within a \cagae of the 
shore, which proved an island, though at first it appeared 
as some high land of the mayne ; and here they took five 
of the salvoes, as saith Capt. Smith, page 20, whom 
they found like all of that sort, kinde till they had oppor¬ 
tunity to doe mischeife, butt soonc after found a place 
fitter for the purpose, which they called Pentecost Harbor, 
from White Sunday, on whic/f they discovered itt. The 
isles there abouts in the ent * * * * 

Itt se * * * * of St. Georges 

Isles. Att this time they nfocovercd a great river in those 
parts, supposed to bee Kennibecke, neere unto Pema- 
quid, which they found navigable 40 mites up into the 
country, and 7, 8, 9, or [10] fathome deepe, as Capt. 
Wey mouth reports. It was one mayn end of all the fore- 
mentioned adventurers, as well as those that first discov¬ 
ered itt, to plant the Gospell there. The whole country 
from Florida to Nova Francia went at first under the 
name of Virginia, (yett distinguished by the Northern 
and Southern parts:) that which is now famously known 
by the name of Virginia, (where since the veare 1605 
have severall English Colonies been planted,) is a coun¬ 
try within the two Capes, where the sea runneth in 
200 mites north and south under the Deg. 57, 38, 39 of 
north lat. first discovered, as is generally believed, by 
Capt. John Smith, sometimes Governour of the country, 
into which there is but one entrance by sea, and that is 
at the mouth of a very goodly bay 20 mites broad be¬ 
tween those two Capes, of which that on the south is call¬ 
ed Cape Henry, that on the north Cape Charles, in honor 
of the two famous princes, branches of the Roy all Oak. 
The first planting of that country was begun in the yeare 
1606; and carried on by various changes and by sundry 
steps and degrees, as is described at large from the first 
beginning of the enterprise to the year 1627, by Capt. 
Smith, one of the first discoverers, and so a chief founder 
of the plantation from that time. That whole country, 
extending from the 34th to the 44th degrees of North lat. 
and called Virginia upon the accident mentioned before, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


13 


formerly Norumbe^a, came afterwards to be divided in¬ 
to two colonyes—the first and the second. The former 
was to the honrble city of London, as saith Capt. Smith, 
and such as would adventure with them, to discover and 
take their choyce where they would, betwixt the degrees 
of 34 and 41: the latter was appropriated to the the citye s 
of Bristoll, Plymouth, and Exeter, and the west parts of 
England, and all those that would adventure and joyn 
with them ; and they might take their choice any where 
betwixt the degrees of [3] 8 and 44, provided there should 
bee at least an 100 miles distance betwixt the two colo - 
wyes, each of which had lawes, priviledges, and authority 
for government, and advancing their plantations alike. 
After this time several attempts were made for the plant¬ 
ing and peopling of this N. pari of Virginia, called after¬ 
wards New England by Capt. Smith in the ye are 1614, 
who took a draught of it the same yeare. This he on 
his return presented to the o/iterwards famous Prince 
Charles, of blessed memory, humbly intreating him 
to adopt it for his own, and make a confirmation 
thereof, by applying Christian names upon the sev¬ 
eral places first discovered, many of which were ever 
after retavned; the whole countrey being on that rea¬ 
son called New England to this day. In the year 1606, 
Sir John Popham, who was a principal undertaker, as 
saith Capt. Smith, and 1607, found men and means to 
make the beginning of a plantation about the mouth of 
a great river called Kennibeck, to the northward of 43 
deg. but with what successe shall be seen afterward. In 
the yeares next following, other attempts of further dis¬ 
covery were made by the industry and endeavours of 
Capt. Edward Harlow, Capt. Hobson of the Isle of 
Wight, Mr. John Mathews, Mr. Sturton, and especially 
Capt. Henry Hudson, who searched severall rivers alonge 
the coast from Delaware Bay up towards the frozen 
ocean; in honour of whose memory, the great river where 
afterward the Dutch seated themselves and laid the foun¬ 
dation of their Novum Belgium, was called after his name, 
Hudson’s river; as another place, the utmost bounds of 
his discoveryes northward, is likewise called after the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


14 

manner of elder times, Hudson’s streight. Probably 
every year’s experience might adde something to a fuller 
knowledge of the havens, rivers, and most desirable plac¬ 
es of the country, by such as came yearly to make fish upon 
the coast, eastward about the island of Monheggin, Dam- 
erille Cove, Casco Bay, Cape Porpuise, Accomenticus, 
and although no colony was ever settled in any of those 
places till the yeare 1620, when New Plymouth was first 
planted within Cape Cod, of which more in what follow¬ 
ed!, when there will be just occasion to mention the in¬ 
credible successe of those plantations of New England, 
that from so small and meane beginnings, did in so few 
yeares overspread so large a tract of land by the indus¬ 
try and diligent paines oi a poor people, to which alone, 
next under the blessing of Almighty God, must the 
success of the whole business be ascribed: it being the 
declared intent of the adventurers and others that ingag- 
ed in this designe since Capt. Gosnold’s voyage in the 
yeare 1602, as one Mr. Rosier, that came alonge with 
Capt. Weymouth, doth expressly mention soon after, 
viz. 1605, to propagate God’s holy church, by planting 
Christianity in these darke corners of the earth, which 
was the publick good they aymed at, more than the ad¬ 
vancing their own privat or particular ends. 

CHAP. III. 

Of the scituation , bounds , and rivers of JSexv England* 

New England, at the first accounted no distinct coun¬ 
try of itselfe, as worthy of a proper name of its owne, 
was taken onely for a part of Virginia : But is of late 
discovered to bee a country of too large a compasse any 
longer to lacky after any other sister, though elder 
than hersclfe, and therefore deservedly accounted worthy 
of that adoptive name with which it is honoured as one 
of the principall daughters of the Chief Lady of the Eu¬ 
ropean world, from whence she is descended. It is situ¬ 
ate in the 315 degree of longitude, betwixt the degrees 
of 39 and 45 of north latitude, accounting from about 
Delaware Bay to the south of Nova Francia, the bounds 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


15 


thereof. On the east side are the great ocean, called the At- 
lantick Sea, on the west is the Pasificke or South Sea, the 
distance how farre being as yet unknowne. On the south 
of New England, lyes partly the sea and partly the coun¬ 
try of Delaware and Virginia. From the head of Cape Cod 
to the Manatos, now called New Yorke, in honor of his 
Royal Highness, to whose commissioners it was of late 
surrendered by the Dutch, and since by treaty to them 
confirmed, the land trendeth away almost due west: On 
the north lyeth that called Nova Scotia, the limits of each 
country being terminated about St. Georges or St. 
Croix, for when Sir John Popham’s plantation was be¬ 
gun about Kennibecke, the English were possessed of 
St. Croix, Mount Mansell, probably now called Mount 
Desert, Penobscot, and Port Ryall: Butt afterwards, 
when itt was knowne that the French began to encroach 
upon those places that lye beyond Kennibecke, they 
were wisely and timely displaced by Sir Samuell Argali, 
sometimes, and att that tyme Governor of Virginia, and 
likewise chief agent there. How these places fell 'into 
the handes of the French nation by purchase from Sir 
William Alexander without pay, though not without 
promises, there may bee occasion to speake more after¬ 
wards, when such occurrants as happened in the same 
yeare, when that fell out, come to be spoken unto. The 
French have been fora considerable tyme togeather dis¬ 
turbed in theire possession of those places after they had 
them first in theire hands; and that of right the title of 
them did belong to the English monarch, as hee was 
kinge of Scotland, Doctor Walker, that learned civilian, 
did, not longe since, as is sayde, declare itt before his 
Majestie and Lords of his Councell, when that matter 
was debated before them, on the accompt of the French 
interest. However, itt seems upon the accompt of the 
French agent, all those places to the east or north east 
of Pemmaquid, that at any tyme heretofore were pos¬ 
sessed by any persons that belonged to the kings of 
France, were resigned up unto theire possessions a- 
gaine, theire demands noe doubt being grounded upon 
such pleas, as to him that made the concession seemed 


16 


GENERAL HISTORY 


not only just butt honorable. As for the breadth of this 
whole country under debate, accounting alonge the 
shore and sea coast, itt seemes to amount to neere five 
hundred miles, within the compass of which circuitt are 
many spacious and navigable rivers, which generally att 
the mouth of them, where they disembogue themselves 
into the great ocean, affoard very commodious havens 
for shipps, wherein they who have made tryall, finde 
they anchor and ride safely, and pass upe higher into the 
country with great advantage to the inhabitants on 
either side. The principall of them to the northward are 
that att Pemmaquid, and another called Shipscot river, 
above a mile over att the entrance, within twelve miles 
of which to the southward lyeth Kennibecke, neere a 
league over att the mouth, navigable about 60 miles up 
into the country, or more; Within whose channell are 
severall ilands, capeable to entertaine a great number of 
inhabitants. Within a few miles of the aforesayd river 
lyes Casco Bay, a spacious haven about 9 leagues over 
att the entrance, and running up neere 20 miles within 
its capes. Itt is filled with a large number of islands, 
some of which are considerable, where sea faring men 
have taken up their habitations. Att neere 20 miles 
distance to the south, the river of Saco finds its passage 
into the salt sea, att the mouth of which is a notable 
haven, called Winter Harbor, that gives encorragement 
to a number of inhabitants to take theire abode there, 
sufficient to make a plantation ; this river is of a consid¬ 
erable breadth many miles higher into the country. 
The next river of noat on that side of the coast, about 
30 miles from the former, is that called Piscataqua, 
which has beene frequented ever since the country was 
first planted, by such as came this way for trafficke with 
the inhabitants, natives and others, that have seated 
themselves in several plantations about the upper¬ 
most branches thereof. The channell is very swift and 
spacious, fit for vessells of great burden for the space of 
neere 20 miles, where itt divides ittselfe into many con¬ 
siderable bayes and small branches, whose streames are 
in theire passage obstructed with falls of broken rockes. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


17 

that putt a stop to such as at the entrance might, by the 
helpe of its streams, be in hopes of aspiring higher into 
the inland parts of the country. Merrimacke is another 
gallant river, seventy miles neere hand to the southward, 
the entrance into which, though a mile over in breadth, 
is barred with shoales of sand, having two passages that 
lead thereinto, att either end of a sandy island, that ly- 
eth over against the mouth of the sayde river. Near the 
mouth of that, are two other lesser ones, atymt which 
are seated two considerable townes, the one called New¬ 
berry, the other Ipswich, either of which have fayre chan- 
nells, wherein vessells of fivety or sixty tuns may pass 
up safely to the doores of the enhabitants, whose habi¬ 
tations are pitched neere the banks on either side. Mer¬ 
rimacke is a very stately river neere the mouth of itt, and 
runnes neere a hundred miles up into the country, and 
would be of great advantage to many small townes seat¬ 
ed on severall lesser streames that loose themselves in 
itt’s greater channell, were itt not for severall falls that 
obstruct the quiet passage of the streames before itt hath 
run 20 miles within the land; which disadvantage at¬ 
tends most of the great rivers of New England, through¬ 
out the whole country : on the banks of whose streames 
are many veynes of very rich and fertile land, that would 
receive abundance more inhabitants, who might live as 
well as in most places of the world, were itt not for the 
intolerable burden of transportation of theire goods by 
land, for want of navigable channells in those rivers. 
Charles river is the next to be taken notice of, issuing 
its waters into the bottome of the Massachusetts Bay, 
and affords as gallant an harbor neer the mouth of it, as 
any river of that bigness in all Christendom, and runnes 
up twenty or thirty miles into the country, yet not navi¬ 
gable above foure or five, which makes it lesse servicea¬ 
ble to the inhabitants seated up higher upon the bankes 
thereof. More to the southward of Cape Cod are 
very many commodious harbors and havens for ships ; 
And two very great rivers that carry a considerable 
breadth and deep channels above an hundred miles up 
into the country. But by reason of great falls, where the 


18 


GENERAL HISTORY 


watter forceth its passage over great and steep rocks that 
lye crosse over the whole stream, they are made impas¬ 
sable any higher for any sort of vessells, which is the 
great disadvantage of those that dwell in the upper, or 
more inland parts of the country. As touching the said 
rivers, the one is called Connecticutt, running north and 
south, and distant neer an hundred miles from the most 
easterly poynt of Cape Cod; first discovered by the 
Dutch, called by them the Fresh river. About fifty or 
sixty miles from the entrance of which, are seated the 
townes of Middleton, Wethersfield, Hartford, and Wind¬ 
sor, and Springfield about 25 miles above them; and 
between thirty and forty miles, above them, are seated 
Hadly, Northampton, and Hatfeild; above which were 
Deerefeild and Northfeild or Squakhet, which for some¬ 
time were ruined by the Indians, but since planted again. 
All which are accomodated with intervale land of an ex¬ 
cellent soyle, and otherwise very desireable, were itt not 
for the distance of a markett, and difficulty of transpor¬ 
tation. The other is called Hudson’s river, running on 
% the same poynt with the former, soe as a west lyne from 
Boston att the mouth of Charles river, falls directly 
thereupon, neere Fort Albany, (lately while the Dutch 
had the possession, called Fort of Aurania,) neere which 
are very great falls, where the channel^ has a precipice 
downe neere fivety foote in a right descent; butt how 
much higher that great river comes from within the con¬ 
tinent, is as yett unknowne. Att or neere the mouth, it 
is above a league over, and carries his breadth with suta- 
ble proportion thereunto, about a hundred and fivety 
miles ; and it is a very stately river upon all accompts, 
butt for the inconveniency of sundry falls much inter¬ 
rupting the passage of the streame, beyond the sayd 
place of Fort Albany. From the mouth of this, called 
Hudson’s river, to the mouth of the former, called Con¬ 
necticutt, runneth a great channell between the mayn 
land and that called Long Island, in length making 
about a hundred miles; in some parts thereof carrying 
a considerable breadth withall. Other rivers there are 
besides the aforementioned, not inconsiderable : As that 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


19 


called Pequod river, in the bottome of Narraganset Bay, 
where it empties ittselfe into the mayn ocean, making a 
very goodly haven, neere unto which is seated the towne 
called New London ; in nothing but the name imitating 
the glory of the mother citty, and famous mart of Eu¬ 
rope, if not of the world, unless in the advantage of the 
stately harbor, and vicinity of the ocean. T welve miles 
from which, upon the bankes of the same river, is seated 
another towne, called Norwich. Butt the streame of 
this watter being issued in so small and short a course, 
itt is not mentioned as one of the great rivers of the 
country ; the breadth, a little above the first towne, not 
being in any degree proportionable to that itt is below. 

CHAP. IV. 

Of the temperature of the ayre and nature of the climate. 

The climate of New England lyes in the middle, be- 
tweene the frigid and torrid zones, the extrems on either 
hand ; and therefore may bee suposed to bee in the most 
desirable place of a temparate ayre, for the advantage 
both of wholesome and delightful! living, falling into the 
same latitude with Italy and France : some provinces in 
both which countrys in former times being taken for the 
most desirable in the whole universe ; yet by reason of 
some occult and secret accident, is this country knowne 
by longe experience to partake a little too much of the 
two extrems of heat and cold, proper to the two opposite 
regions on either hand, in those seasons of the yeare when 
those qualities rise to be most prevayling. Both the 
sea coast and the continent are indifferently mixt of 
mountainous champaigne lands, the aire thereby becom¬ 
ing more salubrious by far, than the next adjoyning prov¬ 
ince of Virginia to the south, which consisteth generally 
both of a lower and richer soyle; it being found by ex¬ 
perience that the vapours drawne out of the earth in the 
levels and moister parts thereof by the directer beames 
of the sun, and not purified by the ventilating of the aire, 
as is usually seen in the higher and more hilly countrys, 
it useth to make the places more unwholsomand obnox* 


so 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ous to diseases, which the more hilly countreys are 
freed from. The greatest inconvenience of the country 
in respect of the temperature of the aire, either in sum¬ 
mer or winter, is judged to arise from the inequality 
thereof, which yet is more discerned in Virginia, a 
countrey more land lockt and that lyes not so open to the 
sea, the reason of which is hard to bee rendred. The 
heat in the summer and cold in the winter seldome are 
observed to continue in the same degree, but are very 
subject to suddoine alterations, from whence many epi- 
demicall distempers are knowne to proceed oft times. 
Those hotter countreys, scituate in the torrid zone be¬ 
tween the two tropicks, by the ancient philosophers, up¬ 
on a mistake of ignorance or want of experience, deter¬ 
mined to be not habitable, were they not continually fan¬ 
ned by those they call the trade windes, that continually 
follow the sun, the fierye and sulphurious vapors exhal¬ 
ed by the sun beanies so directly falling upon the earth, 
would els suffocate the inhabitants : for want of which 
ventilation here, sometimes the summer seasons are 
found more unwholesome and difficult to beare ; though 
generally the temperature of the aire is, since the planting 
of the country by the English nation, found more rmxh 
erate by experience, and much more suitable for the 
constitution of the inhabitants; however the complaint 
of the people that dwell therein is for the most part 
more, for being annoyed with the heat of the summer 
then cold of the winter—against the extremity whereof 
wayes may be found for men to secure themselves more 
easily then from the extremity of the heat, especially in 
such who are not as yet well naturallized and inured to 
the climate. The frost heare useth to visit the inhabi¬ 
tants so early in the winter, and ordinarily tarrys so long 
before it takes its leave in the spring, that the difficultye 
of subsistance is much increased thereby : for it com¬ 
monly begins to take possession of the earth about the 
middle of November, forbidding the husbandman to 
meddle therewith any more, till the middle or end of 
March, not being willing till that time to resign up its 
possession or the hold it hath taken for nere two foot be- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


81 

low the surface of the earth. However, the purity of the 
aire makes amends for the sharpness of the cold, being 
much clensed in its lower roomes, or chambers, which 
are thoroughly purged thereby ; and so is the climate per- 
served from those rotting diseases of coughs and consump¬ 
tions, which other countries, where heat and moisture 
prevayles, are more incident unto. By reason of this 
longe continued and extreme sharpnesse of the cold 
through the whole countrey, the seven monthes of the 
summers increase are usually devoured by the five leane 
and barren ones of the winter following, as was shewed 
to Pharoah in his dream ; so as if some stranger should 
chance to bee there in the end of every winter, hee might 
be ready to think, that all the cattle hear were the issue 
of Pharoah’s leane kine, that had bein transported hither; 
the cattle at that time of the yeare much resembling the 
wilde dear in Greenland, when the bridgroome of the 
earth begins to smile upon them, after the long, cold, and 
darke night of winter begins to take his leave. The un- 
serchable providence of Almighty God is the more to bee 
admired, that doth so richely clothe the earth of the coun¬ 
trey in so short a space, that hath bin so long before dis¬ 
mantled of all the former ornaments and glory, which eve¬ 
ry summer is wont to cloth her withall; for although 
some times it be the middle of May before the fruit trees 
bee blossomed out, or the fallowed ground of the fields 
bee willing to receive its portion of the seed to be sowme 
or planted therein ; yet within three monthes after, the har¬ 
vest of English graine will bee fit for the hand cf the 
reaper, and the fruits ready for the hand of the gatherrer, 
at the usuall appointed season thereof: whence we may 
conclude, that the salubriousnesse of the aire in this coun- 
trey depends much upon the winter’s frost; and the 
earth, as to its fruitfullnesse, is as much beholding to the 
summer’s heat, and influence of celestiall planets. 


GENERAL HISTORY 




CHAP. V. 

Of the fertility of the soyle , with the commodities and 
other advantages of New England, 

Since the charter of the gospell was first opened to 
the world, the privHedges of which onely remayne 
with the church, itt need not be wondered att if the pa¬ 
tents of eternal prosperity should bee altred, least they 
should prove, as often they have done before, through 
man’s corruption, the hindrance of piety and devotion ; 
nor is itt to bee expected that the professed followers of 
the Lambe should all of them in this age heare of a land 
flowing with milke and hony, when there fore runners 
w r ere made to fly into the wilderness from the dragon, 
of which sort, in a literall sense, is this place, whither 
providence hath occasionally brought the inhabitants of 
New England; yet may they say, that God hath not 
beene a wilderness nor a land of darkness unto them 
therein, it being a country capeable, with good improve¬ 
ment, to maintayne a nation of people, after once it comes 
to bee subdued. As for the soyle, it is for the generall 
more mountainous and hilly then other wise, and in ma¬ 
ny places very rocky and full of stones; yett intermin¬ 
gled with many plains and valleys, some of which are 
sandy and inclinable to barrenes, yea, most of them are 
such; especially those that abound with pitch pines, and 
there are many of that sort; as likewise many swamps 
or boggy places, full of small bushes and under wood. 
Butt here and there are many rich and fruitfull spots of 
land, such as they call intervail land, in level Is and 
champain ground, without trees or stones, neere the 
banks of gr^at rivers, that often times are over flown by 
the channels of watter that run besides them, which is 
supposed to enrich the soyle that is soe waterd : The 
fatnesse of the earth, that is by the raines and melting 
of the snow washed from the surface of the earth in the 
higher part of the countrey, being by these flouds cast 
upon those levells, that lye lowest by the sides of these 
greater streames. In many such places theire land hath 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


£3 


beene knOwne to bee sovvne or planted full forty yeeres 
togcather, without any considerable abatement of the 
crope, never fay ling of thirty or forty bushels per acre : 
butt for the generality of the soyle, itt is of a lighter sort 
of earth, whose fruitefullnesse is more beholding to the 
influences of the heavens, advantages of the seasonable 
skill and industry of the husbandmen, then the strength 
of its own temper. Such as came hither first upon dis¬ 
covery, chanced to bee here in the first part of the sum¬ 
mer, when the earth was oneiy adorned with its best 
attire of herbs and flowers, flourishing with all such 
early fruites which weather beaten travellers are wont to 
refresh themselves with the beholding of; as strawbe- 
ries, goosberies, rasberies, cheries, and whorts ; as they 
observed that first landed about Martha’s Vineyard : 
whence they promised themselves and theire successors 
a very flourishing country, as they did that first landed 
upon the coast of Florida. Butt as it is proverbially 
sayd of some parts of England, they doe not every where 
abound with mines, though there bee lead in Mendin 
Hills : So neither did or doth every place abound with 
those florishing and alluring aspects, nor is the country 
at all times found of the verdant hue, though many pla¬ 
ces do naturally abound with some of those berryes, as 
other places with grapes, which gave great hopes of fruit- 
full vineyards in after time : but as yet either skill is 
wanting to cultivate and order the roots of those wild 
vines, and reduce them to a pleasant sweetnesse, or time 
is not yet to bee spared to looke after the culture of such 
fruits, as rather tend to the bene , or melius esse , of a 
place, then to the bare esse , and subsistance thereof. Each 
season of the yeare, so fast, as it were, treading upon the 
heeles of that which went before, that but little time is to 
be found spare, for that tillage, which is not of absolute 
necessity, but for pleasure and delight. Yet are all sorts 
of grayne found to grow pretty naturally there, that are 
wont to be sowne in the spring season, (the cold oft times 
proving so extreme as it kills all that is committed to the 
earth before winter, especially in the Massachusetts col¬ 
ony,) that which the land produeeth upon the surface 


24 


GENERAL HISTORY 


thereof, is that upon which the inhabitants have their de« 
pendance for the most certaine part of their wealth ; for 
that which is hid in the bowells thereof, the present gene¬ 
ration either wanting leisure or ability to ransack so deep 
under ground: nor have they that could spare time, and 
have more skill then their neighbours in the nature of 
mineralls, met with any thing that promiseth better then 
iron, with which the country every where abounds; most 
of their rocks being observed to bee of such a grit—as 
those in the northern parts, as Acady and Nova Francia, 
are judged to incline as much to copper, as some that 
have been on that coast have reported. In many places 
are supposed to bee medicinal watters, whether, upon the 
first discovery of such springs, the halt, maymed, and 
diseased did resort frequently, in hope they might leave 
their crutches upon the trees adjoyning, as the Papists 
have used to doe at the chappill of the Lady of Loretto. 
But upon the very best experience that hath bin knowne, 
it is conceived that all is but some springs passing through 
iron mines, and have gotten some tincture of a chalybiat 
quality, the pouring down many draughts of which is 
sayd by some, that have made the experiment, to have 
had the same effect with those kind of pills, that are given 
to remove the obstructions of the spleen, and may be 
usefull, if the quantity they use to drinke downe doe 
not more harme by the coldnes of the potion, then the 
quality of such chymicall matters doe them good. As 
for medicinail herbes, Gerard and Johnson, as w T eli as 
Theophemus of old, might have made herballs here as 
well as in any other particular country ; the same tree, 
plants and rootes, herbes and fruites being found either 
naturally growing here that are knowne to doe in the 
northern countrys of the like climate of Europe, and up¬ 
on tryal have beene found as effectuall in their operation, 
and doe thrive as well when transplanted; as the oak, 
walnutt, ash, elm, maple, hornbeame, abundance of pine, 
spruce, etc. also a kinde of white cedar in many swamps; 
and such herbes as are common in England"—ellicam- 
pane, angelica, gentian, St. John’s wort, agrimony, bet- 
ony, and the like. 


/ 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


25 


As for living creatures—as the natives were not 
known to bring any along with them, so neither doe they 
keep any (but small dogs), according to the custome of 
more civiil nations : soe neither were here any found butt 
wild deere, and in some places skunkes, wild cats, and 
in some places porcupins, a sort of conyes, and hares— 
moose, beares, wolves, and now and then a straglin 
ounce, like the tygers in the West Indyes. Yett is the 
place capeable to breed and norrish all sorts of servicea¬ 
ble beasts and cattle, which other parts of the world have 
subdued and tamed, to theire use. 

The like may be said of feathered foule, especially 
such as live upon the watter, which abound as much 
here as in any other place. The bird of the greatest 
rarity in this place, if not in the world, is a small one, not 
exceeding the bignes of a great bee, called humbirds, 
from the noyse they make with their wings, while they 
are flying from one flower to another to suck out the ho¬ 
ney ; but never set tlrnr feet down. Turkies also, and 
pigeons, (that come inpn altitudes every summer, almost 
like the quayles that fell round the campe of Israel in the 
wilderness,) partridges, quayles, and all birds of prey, by 
nature’s instinct, or by conduct of Divine Providence, 
have found the way into these endes of the earth, as well 
as into any other part of the habitable world : nor did 
Hircinia Sylva goe beyond what is found here for wild 
cretures, it used of old to bee haunted with, which since 
is turned into a fruitfull and pleasant land ; as this also 
may be in time. Nor is the sea less propitious to the 
marriner and fisher man, then the earth and dry land is 
all over the country to the diligent husbandman—the 
bayes, rivers, creeks, havens, abounding with all sorts 
of fish, that the coast of Greenland and Norway, or the 
narrow seas are siored with ; which, as it was the first 
improvement that ever was made of this coast, soe it is 
still the most certaine and stable commoditie the country 
affordeth; although provisions of all sorts here are plen¬ 
tiful!, and as cheap as in most parts of Europe, great 
quantities of which are dayly transported from hence for 
the reliefe of many other places, of the English in the 
West Indies. 4 


I 


GENERAL HISTORY 

CHAP. VI. 

Of the disposition of the natives of America in New Eng¬ 
land ', with the conjectures about their passage hither . 

W hen God first made man, he gave him a command, 
with a secret promise, to encrease and multiply, and re¬ 
plenish the earth ; of which it is noe question butt Ame¬ 
rica was intended as a part, although probably it was 
long before any of his posterity found the way thither, 
which in the shortest cutt they can be suposed to take 
from Eden or Armenia, could not bee less than a jorney 
of eight or ten thousand miles. Butt in what age or by 
what meanes, or by whose conduct they found theire 
passage over hither, is not easy, if possible, in this age, to 
finde : unless the astrologers can find it in the starrs, or 
that itt can be gathered from the motion [of] the celestiall 
bodyes, that lighted them hither; none of the inhabitants 
being ever knowne to have keept any annaA or records 
of things done in fore past tymes. Nor is it less to bee 
wondered att, that any of the posterity of Adam should 
ly hid so long from the knowledge of the rest of the 
world. It will be impertinent to trouble ourselves with 
uncertaine guesses of all those that have busyed them¬ 
selves to make enquiry into this matter. Mr. Mede’s 
opinion about the passage of the natives into this remote 
region carryes the greatest probability of truth with it; 
of whose conjecture it may be said, in a sense as some¬ 
times of Achithopell’s counsell in those dayes, that itt 
was as the oracle of God. His conceitt is, that when 
the devill was putt out of his throne in the other part of 
the world, and that the mouth of all his oracles were 
stopt in Europe, Asia, and Africa, hee seduced a com¬ 
pany of silly wretches to follow his conduct into this un- 
knowne part of the world, where hee might lye hid and 
not bee disturbed in the idolatrous and abominable, or 
rather diabolieall service hee expected from those his fol¬ 
lowers ; for here are noe foote stepes of any religion be¬ 
fore the English came, butt meerely diabolieall. Sto- 
ryes were delivered by the people of Mexico, the seat of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


S7 

Montezuma’s Empire, when the Spaniards first seized 
itt, which seemes to intimate the passage of theire ances¬ 
tors from some other remote place aboute nine hundred 
yeeres before it was possessed by them, Anno 1498 or 
1500. Butt which way those people should come is 
hard to say, for the streights of Magallan wee may 
thinke are too neere one of the frigid zones to give 
opportunity of such a passage ; although it bee certaine 
that on the south continent, called Nova Guena, there 
are people inhabiting, as Sir Francis Drake relates in his 
voyage through the Pacificke Sea, towards China and 
the East Indies: others therefor more probably conceive, 
that they might finde some passage out of Tartaria bv the 
streights of Anian beyond California. And that which 
gives not a little countenance to this opinion is, that the 
natives upon this continent do in their manners more 
resemble the Salvage Tartar, then any other people what¬ 
soever ; though possitively to affirm any thing in a matter 
so uncertaine is not convenient. 

If any observation bee made of their manners and 
dispositions, its easyer to say from what nations they did 
not, then from whom they did derive theire orriginall. 
Doubtless theire conjecture who fansy them to be de¬ 
scended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried 
captive by Salamaneser and Esarhaddon, hath the least 
shew of reason of any other, there being noe footsteps to 
bee observed of their propinquity to them more than to 
any other of the tribes of the earth, either as to their 
language or manners. No instance can bee given of 
any nation in the world that hath so fare degenerated 
from the purity of their orriginall tongue in 1500 or 
2000 yeeres, butt that there may be observed some 
rudiments of the ancient language, as may bee seene in 
theGreeke and Latine tongues, though they are now utter¬ 
ly lost as to the purity of them ; yett it is easy to trace 
either of them amongest the nations since descended 
from those that naturally spoke the language ; butt here 
can noe such tninge bee observed amonge the natives of 
America. Besides, here is found no footsteps of the 
idolatry or rites of any religious worship the people had 


GENERAL HISTORY 


28 

degenerated into, nor are any other customes here to bee 
observed, that bespeake any relation to that stocke, more 
then to any other people, unless it be poligamy, which 
yett was no more peculiar to the Jews then to all other 
nations of the East. It is certainly knowne also, that 
within 200 miles compasse theire language is nothing 
akin; so as one nation of the natives can no more under¬ 
stand the language of them that live a 100 miles from 
them, unlesse a little upon the sea coast, then if they 
spakeGreeke or Welch; as is evident to them that have 
been amongst the Mohawks, who live not above 100 
miles westwards from the sea coast: yett their language 
is different one from the other, as the English is from 
the Welch. In generall theire disposition, and temper or 
inclination is much what the same all over New Eng¬ 
land, being neither so sottish as those amongst the ne¬ 
groes, nor yett so firce and warlike as some of the north¬ 
ern Tartars and Scythians. They are indifferently affable 
and courtous, yett subtill and strangely revengful, and 
malicious. A small kindness will oblige them for an 
whole generation ; and as little an injury, or suspicion 
thereof, will worke in them a deadly hatred and opposi¬ 
tion ; in whom if once a spirit of jealousy arrise against 
any person or people, it is scarce possible to allay it. 
They are so very treacherous, deceitefull, and cruell 
withall, when they get any of their enimies into theire 
hands; itt being theire ussall course to torture them 
with cutting and mangling their flesh, whom they intend 
to sacrifice to their malicious genius, and burning the 
wounded parts with coales and hot embers, as it were 
carbonadeing theire flesh while they are alive ; yet so ob¬ 
durate are they that they never use to exprdsse any sense 
of payne, while the most exquisite torments of that na¬ 
ture are inflicted upon them. Butt for eating of man’s 
flesh, it was never of use amongst any of them since the 
English had any interest here. Many of them are very 
active and quick of apprehension in any mechanicall sci¬ 
ence, which,with a little observation they attayne, working 
in iron, brasse, pewter, as well as in timber; but have been 
accustomed to such lazy, idle kinde of life, leaving all 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


29 

theire drudgery and laborious worke to their womer, 
that it is rare to finde any of them that care to bee held 
to any constant irnployment or bodily labour a whole day 
togeather. As for our religion, some, yet a few of them, 
have seemed seriously to embrace itt; butt until they 
bee reduced to more civility, some judicious persons 
have conceived no great harvest is to be expected of 
reali converts, which, for the future, must be left to the 
observation of them that come after, there being linle 
progresse made that way for the present, notwithstanding 
that many endeavours have been made in that kinde; of 
which more afterwards. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of the severall nations of the Indians found in New-Eng¬ 
land upon the first discovery thereof \ with a touch upon 
their laws , government , and successions . 

The northern parts of America were never observ¬ 
ed, by any of the first discoverers, to be alike pop¬ 
ulous with the southern, the land there being less fruit- 
full, and the winters more tedious and severe, so as such 
multitudes could not herd together as was found about 
Mexico and Peru, where little care need be taken either 
for meat or clothing, and not onely the soyle, being fare 
more rich, but the season, being allwayes summer in those 
parts, and affording more cropsyin a yeere then one, 
greater numbers might more easily be inaintayned to¬ 
gether. Butt for those parts that lie more northward, 
they were, when the English first discovered them, never 
observed to bee any thinge so populous, nor were any 
great numbers ever knowne to bee reduced under any 
one generall head, theire government being rather patri. 
archall then monarchicall; that is, some family is com¬ 
monly found to predominate above others, of which the 
eldest heire hath the sole and absolute government and 
rule over the rest, whom they use to call sagamore or 
sachem. The Indians of every noated plase, so combined, 
make a kinde of a petty lordship, and are commonly 
united under one chiefe person, who hath the rule over all 
those lesser fraternities or companies. In the places 


30 


GENERAL HISTORY 


more eastward they called the chief rulers that com¬ 
manded the rest, bashabeas, as in the more westward 
plantations they called them sagamores and sachems, 
and that government they have is likewise rather arbi¬ 
trary and costomary, then limitted by any lawes or con¬ 
stitution knowne before hand : so as they depend upon 
the absolute will of theire chieftains. As for succession, 
it is rather collaterall than direct. When the English 
first settled any plantations along the coast since called 
New England, there were severall nations of these In¬ 
dians that were in some kinde of confederacy one with 
another, against some other of theire potent neighbors, 
that were att enmity, and commonly they agreed to be at 
peace with those that spake the same language. Those 
that were seated more eastward about Pemmaquid and 
Kennebecke w'ere called Tarratines, betwixt whom and 
those that lived about Piscataqua, Merrimacke, and Aga¬ 
wam, now called Ipswich, had arisen some deadly feud, 
upon the accompt of some trechery used by those west¬ 
ern Indians against the others; so as every year they 
were afraid of being surprised by them, which made 
them upon every occasion to hide themselves among the 
English, after they were settled in any of those places. 

Every noated place of fishing or hunting was usually 
a distinct seigniory, and thither all theire friends and 
allyes of the neighboring provinces used to resort in the 
time of yeere to attend those seasons, partly for recrea¬ 
tion, and partly to make provission for the yeere. Such 
places as they chose for their abode, were usually at the 
falls of great rivers, or near the sea side, where was any 
convenience of catching such fish as every summer and 
winter used to come upon the coast: att which times 
they used, like good fellows, to make all common; and 
then those who had entertained their neighbors by the 
sea side, expected the like kindness from them againe, 
up higher in the country : and they were wont to have 
theire great dances for mirth at those generall meetings. 
W ith such kinde ofentercourse were their affay res and com¬ 
merce carried on, between those that lived up in the coun¬ 
try, and those that were seated on the sea coast, about 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


31 


the havens and channells that issued into the sea ; where 
there used to be at all times, clams, muscles, and oays- 
ters, and in the summer season lobsters, bass, or mullet, 
and sturgeon, of which they used to take great plenty, 
and dry them in the smoake, and keepe them the rest of 
the yeere. Up higher, at the falls of great rivers, they 
used to take salmon, shad, alewives, that use in great 
quantities, more than cart loades, in the spring to pass 
up into the fresh watter ponds and lakes, therein to 
spavvne, of all which they, with there wares, used to take 
great store for their use. In all such places there was 
wont to bee great resort/ In time of yeere for their de¬ 
nomination, they use to be divided, as the clans in Scot¬ 
land, by the head of the tribes, and called after their 
names. Every son of such a chiefe person used, if he 
could, to get a company to him, of which he also made 
himself the sagamore. 

Att every of these places there used to be, if commo¬ 
dious, about an hundred or two hundred inhabitants, 
who had a sagamore over them, whom they acknowledg¬ 
ed as their chiefe; and commonly in every province where 
the tribe was greater, there was some greater sagamore, 
to whom the rest owed more reverence then to the 
lesser, whom they called sachem. So as things of com¬ 
mon concernement were acted by common consent and 
agreement, and in such cases they used to bee mutually 
engaged to assist each other in tyme of danger. 

Betwixt Kennebecke and Connecticut were observed 
to bee about twenty societies or companyes of these salv¬ 
ages, when the English first came upon this coast, to 
which all the rest may be reduced, all of them together 
not being capable to make a nation. As 1. at Kennebecke 
itselfe, where was a great number of them when it was 
first discovered, who were only knowne to those of the 
Masachusets by the name of Tarratines, or eastern men. 
2. Casco bay, at the head of which, or neerc by about 
Sheepscoat* river, was the seat of Amorascoggan Indians, 
still standing out in hostilitie against the English, in the 

* Pegipscot, margin. Ed, 


GENERAL HISTORY 


33 

year 1677. After all, the rest were either subdued or 
fieed away, if they have not lately concluded a peace 
with our agents* 3. Saco, a more noted river then 
many others, which alwaies was wont to entertain a saga¬ 
more, with a considerable number of Indians. 4. Pis- 
cataqua, which being a navigable river, and into which 
many lesser channels used to empty themselves, was a 
fit seat for many tribes of them. 5. Merrimacke, tvhere 
were severall receptacles of them, some twenty and thirty 
some forty or fifty miles from the mouth of it, as Wara- 
meset, Pentucket, Patucket, Amoskeag, Pennicook, etc. 
6. The river of Newberry, att the falls of which was a 
noted plantation of them, by reason of the plenty of fish, 
that almost at all seasons of the yeere used to be found 
there,both in winter and summer. 7. Att Agaw am, called 
now Ipswich, was another noted and desireable place, for 
plenty of severall sorts of fish found there in time of 
yeere, both att the harbors mouth shell fish of all sorts, 
and other kinds higher up the stream, and to which be¬ 
longed those of Newberry falls that lyes in the midway, 
betwixt Merrimack and Agawam. 8. Naumkeag, now 
called Salem, was much frequented by the salvages in 
former tymes, together with Marblehead and Lin neere 
adjoyning, which Lin had a distinct sagamore of theire 
ovvne surviving till of late, called George, and the In¬ 
dians name of the place was Saugust. 9. The Massa- 
chusets, at or neere the mouth of Charles river, where 
used to bee the general rendezvous of all the Indians, 
both on the south and north side of the country. That 
which by the English is called Charles river, is the bot- 
tome of that great bay that runns in betw r eene Cape Cod 
and Cape Ann, and was the seat of a great sachem or 
sagamore, much reverenced by all the plantations of the 
Indians; neere by to which were Narponset, Punkapog, 
Wessagusquasset, and so up Charles river, where were 
severall plantations of the natives seated. Att Misticke 
was the seat of another sagamore neere adjoyning, which 
is a great creeke, that meets with the mouth of Charles 
river, and so makes the haven of Boston. 10. Poka- 
nacket or Sowame, the seat of the Wompanoogs, of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


38 


whom Woosamequen or Massasoit was the chiefe sa¬ 
chem, Anno 1620, whose son was the author of the 
rebellion of the Indians, 1675; which fire kindled 
first there, did soone runne over all the country. 11. 
Those called Nipnetts, seated amongst some lesser rivers 
and great lakes up higher, within the continent, which 
some have said were a kinde of tributaries to Massasoit. 
12. The Narragansetts, a great people upon the sea 
coast more towards the mouth of Connecticutt, consist¬ 
ing of severall lesser principalities, yett ail united under 
one generall ruler, called the Chiefe Sachem, to whom all 
the others owed some kinde of subjection. It is said 
that before they were destroyed by theire late quarrelling 
with the English, they had about two thousand fighting 
men, of all which now there are few or none left, butt a 
a hundred or two, belonging to Ninigret, who, though 
hee secretly bore the English noe more good will then 
the rest, yet being an old man, and cunning, and remem- 
bring how his neighbors, the Pequods, were ruined by 
their power, durst never engage against them, butt all- 
wayes professed and maintayped friendship to the last, 
in outward appearance. 13. The Pequods, seated on a 
brave river beyond the Narragansetts, a more fierce and 
warelike people then apy of their neighbors, and there¬ 
fore made them all stand in awe, though fewer in num¬ 
ber than the Narraganssetts, that bordered next upon 
them. 14. The Mohegans, whose seat is betweene the 
country of the Pequods and the river of Connecticutt, 
upon some higher branches of that called Pequod river. 
15. The River Indians, such who had seated themselves 
in severall commodious plantations up higher upon Con¬ 
necticutt river. 16. The Cape Indians, upon Cape Cod 
and some other islands neere adjoyning, as at Martin’s 
Vineyard, where civility and Christianity hath taken a 
deeper roote than in any other plantation of the Indians. 
17. The Mohegans about Hudson’s river. 18. The 
Cynikers,* upon the same river, more westward. 19. 
The Moquawes, comonly called the Mohawkes, whose 
seat is amongst the rivers and ponds, about seventy miles 


* Senecas. Ed. 


34? 


GENERAL HISTORY 


northwest from fort Albany, These have lately renewed 
or continued a league tripartite with the governor of 
New Yorke and the rest of the English, both offensive 
and deffensive. What is like to be the benefit and issue 
thereof future tyme may declare. 20. The Indians on 
Long Island and on the mayne opposite thereunto, 
alonge the sea coast from Connecticut to Hudson river, 
of whom they that live about the mouth of the great 
river, and on the island neer adjoning, were always ac¬ 
counted more barbarous, treacherous, and false, then any 
other sort of them. 

Concerning the right of succession and inheritance, itt 
is not certainly knowne, nor is it worth the enquiring 
after; however, it is said by some, that brothers inherit 
successively before the sons, and the uncles before the 
nephews, following therein the costome of theire ancess- 
tors, their poverty, and barbarous manner of living, not 
affording opportunitie, for want of means, to run into 
many capital! evills, which the wealth of other nations 
doth dispose them unto. Few or no crimes have beene 
observed, besides murder and treason, amongest them to 
bee punished with death, which seems to have beene a 
law in force among all nations, since the Allmighty 
destroyed the world with a flood, to purge away its 
guilt and defilement, contracted by the violence and 
cruelty of bloodshed, and soone after enacting the 
standing law so necessary for the upholding humane soci¬ 
ety, that “whosoever sheds man’s blood, by man shall his 
blood bee shed.” But theire inhabitants being so poore 
and meane, and theire manner of life soe uncult and 
brutish, it is scarce worth the while to enquire farther 
into the way of theire successions thereunto, or the lawes 
and costomes whereby they use to be maintained and 
governed in the possession of them. As for their re¬ 
ligion, they never were observed by any of the first com¬ 
ers or others, to have any other but what was diabolicall, 
and so uncouth, as if it were framed and devised by the 
devill hirnselfe, and is transacted by them they used to 
call pawwowes, by some kinde of familiarity with the 
devill, and to whom they used to resort for counsel! in 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


35 

ail kinde of evills, both corporall and civil. It is not worth 
the while either to write or read what it was, all of it depend¬ 
ing on the uncertayne reports of some occasional specta¬ 
tors ; but nothing uncleane or filthy, like the heathen’s 
feasts of Bacchus and Venus, was ever heard of amongst 
any of them. Their low and meane dyet and fare, (be¬ 
ing always accustomed to drink water,) not disposing 
them to any inordinacy in that kind, as used to be said 
of old, “ Sine Baccho et Cerere friget Venus i. e. ebri- 
ety and gluttony produces venery. 

CHAP. VIII. 

Of the first planting of New-England or any part 
thereof by the English .* 

After the expense of much treasure, time, and pains 
in the discovery of that part of America called Virginia, 
that lieth to the north of Florida, some eminent and 
worthy persons, (moved more by a religious zeal to 
propagate the gospel, and promote the glory of the 
English nation, than any emulation of their catholick 
neighbours of Spain,) entertained serious thoughts of 
planting colonies of their countrymen in that part of the 
new world. That vast country being found upon experi¬ 
ence and trial too large to be moulded into one entire 
government, (the whole extending from 34 to 48 de¬ 
grees of north latitude,) it was thought meet should be 
divided into a first and second colony, to which end 
patents were granted to sundry honourable persons of the 
famous cities of London, Bristol, Exeter, and town of 
Plymouth, about the year 1606 ; soon after which time 
the name of New England began to be appropriated to 
the north colony by the renowned Prince of Wales, 
after captain Smith discovered the bounds thereof, as 
some say, about the year 1614; the other still retaining 
the first name, Virginia. This latter, by the fertility of the 
soil and commodiousness of the havens and rivers, giving 
greatest hopes of prosperity and success, was undertak¬ 
en by those of London, whose adventures, difficulties, 

• From this place the modern orthography will be adopted. Ed. 


86 


GENERAL HISTORY 


and present estate, those that desire may receive satisfac¬ 
tion of, by the information of those who have for a long 
time been conversant in the country ; the other, by those 
of the west of England, whose endeavours were influ¬ 
enced chiefly by the interest and authority of the honour¬ 
able patron of justice and virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord 
Chief Justice of England, who found both men and 
means to possess it, about the year 1606, and 1607, 
when a small colony was by him sent out for that end: 
for beside the first ship sent in 1606, two more were sent 
after them in the year 1607, and some time after a third, 
as saith Capt. Smith, page 203. And then finding the 
situation of the place most commodious for fishing, (as 
having in sundry voyages made trial thereof,) intended 
to begin their first plantation about Monhiggon, an island 
hot far distant from the mouth of a spacious river called 
Kennebeck, a place some where about the mouth whereof 
was then, and is still called Sagadahock, and there were 
the first company that intended to begin a new colony 
in the north of America, landed about a hundred in all, 
Anno 1606 or 1607. The gentlemen that undertook 
the business had shaped in their minds the idea of a 
large and flourishing commonwealth, sending persons of 
quality to reside there as Commanders in Chief, as 
Capt. George Popham for President, Capt. Rawley Gil¬ 
bert for Admiral, Capt. Edward Harlow for *Master of 
the Ordnance, Capt. Robert Davis for Sergeant Major, 
and for Marshal, Capt. Ellis Best, and for Secretary Mr. 
Seaman. Capt. James Davis was to be commander 
over the fort when it was built, Mr. Gome Carew was to 
be Searcher. All the forementioned gentlemen were to 
be of the Council, who with a hundred more as planters 
of the colony, were to stay in the country. By their en¬ 
deavors was a foundation laid of a greater building than 
the adventurers ever found means to erect, the master 
builders too much imitating those, that laid out so much 
cost upon the gates, that they had not enough left to 
build a city proportionable thereunto. Experiences 
of this nature abundantly declare, that it is one thing, in 
an idea, to model the great affair of a commonwealth 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


37 


and country, and another to bring materials, and frame 
them together into a flourishing state; for the hopes of 
this new colony, that blossomed so early were soon nip¬ 
ped in the bud by the sharpness of a cold winter following, 
wherein they lost the President, an ominous accident, 
which, with other solemn occurrences, blasted all that 
which, with so great shew of prosperity was there newly 
planted, especially being attended with the unwelcome 
news of the removal by death of the main pillar of the 
fabrick, Sir John Popham, happening, together with the 
loss of Sir John Gilbert, whose brother, Capt. Rawley 
Gilbert, designed Admiral of this puny plantation, upon 
the first bruit thereof, hasted over to enjoy the inheri¬ 
tance of his'deceased brother. And indeed the season¬ 
ing of a hard winter in that barren, rocky, and moun¬ 
tainous desert, so discouraged all the rest, that they 
took the first advantage of shipping that next came to re- 
turnhome for England the following year, viz. Anno 1608. 
All the fruit of this their expedition, during the long win¬ 
ter and the after time of their abode there, was building a 
bark, which afforded them some advantage in their re¬ 
turn. Yet did Sir Francis Popham, son and heir of that 
noble patriot, his father, the chief author of the under¬ 
taking, not wholly give over the design, but did divers 
times afterwards send to the same coast for trade and 
fishing, to which purpose he had great opportunity, by 
the ships and provision of the company, that remained in 
his hands ; as likewise did the Earl of Southampton, and 
others of more publick spirits, that employed Mr. Ed¬ 
ward Harlow soon after, to make further discovery of 
the southern parts of Cape Cod, where they resolved 
themselves that the said cape was no island, as was 
deemed before, but a part of the continent. In this en¬ 
terprise they seized three of the savages, which, proba¬ 
bly, were the three an old woman complained of after¬ 
wards to our neighbours of Plymouth, soon after the first 
planting of Patuxet, viz. in the year 1G20; but one of 
them escaping, he enticed some of his consorts to take 
revenge of that unkindness, who cut away the boat from 
the stern of the ship, which they so guarded with their 


GENERAL HISTORY 


bows and arro\vs, that the sailors were not able to get it 
again. At another place they, with two or three more, 
so filled their fellow Indians with a spirit of revenge, that 
they welcomed the English into the next harbour they 
entered, with such a shower of arrows, that they were 
glad to betake themselves to their artillery, to keep off 
the savages. At one of the islands at Cape Cod, 
(by Capt. Smith called Nohone,) they took in 
that voyage an Indian called Sakaweston, who, 
after he had lived divers years in England, went a 
soldier into the wars of Bohemia, as saith Capt. Smith. 
Thus the said Harlow returned for England with five 
of the savages, some of which they detained so long in 
England that they began to learn our language, and were 
able to inform our merchants sundry things concerning 
their country, which inspired them with a fresh resolu¬ 
tion to attempt another plantation in the place formerly 
deserted, but with not much better success ; for Capt. 
Smith having endeavoured to settle a plantation upon 
James River in Virginia, was not unwilling to set the 
design afloat for New England a second time. For such 
an end he was sent with two ships to take a farther view 
of the country, Anno 1614, at the charge of Capt. Mar- 
maduke Roy den, and the others, viz. Mr. Langham, 
Buley Skelton, and others, to make some further exper¬ 
iment of the commodities of the country, both by sea 
and land, in the waters of one to kill whales, in the bowels 
of the other to search for mines ; but their best refuge 
was their common fishing and ordinary furs* those 
places use most to abound withal. Captain Smith return¬ 
ed the same year for England, well laden with furs, 
train oil, and core fish, and his mind as full fraught with 
hopes of great advantage the next return; but, as the 
wise man saith, “ riches are not always to men of under¬ 
standing, nor favour or prosperity to men of skill, for 
time and chance happeneth to them all.” When the said 
Smith returned for England, he left one Thomas Hunt 
master of the bigger vessel, with order to sail directly 
with the fish he made upon the coast, for Malaga, but 
he, like a wicked varlet, having gotten twenty four of 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


39 


the natives aboard his ship, from Patuxet, (who, in con¬ 
fidence of his honesty, had thus innocently put them¬ 
selves into his hands,) clapped them under hatches, with 
intent to sell them for slaves amongst the Spaniards ; but 
they not permitting him to make sale of the poor wretch¬ 
es in any of their ports, some of them found means to es¬ 
cape back to their own country : but in the year follow¬ 
ing, some that had conceived better hopes of good that 
might ensue by prosecuting the former honourable and 
pious work, having dispatched Capt. Hobson from the 
Isle of Wight, with some others, to make a farther at¬ 
tempt for planting the country, they carried with them 
two of the aforesaid natives to facilitate the work. These, 
contrary to expectation, find their design as good as over¬ 
thrown, before it was well begun, by that treacherous 
practice of Hunt: for, the two natives coming ashore, 
and understanding what had befallen their countrymen in 
their absence, contracted such a hatred against the whole 
nation, that they studied nothing but how to be reveng¬ 
ed of them ; contriving secretly with their friends how 
to bring it to pass, which no doubt they might easily 
have done, had not one of them, Manowet by name, been 
taken away by death soon after the ship’s arrival there : 
but the other, called Epenow, observing the good order 
and strong guard the people kept, studied only for the 
present how to free himself from the Englishmen’s hands; 
and laid his plot so cunningly that he effected his pur¬ 
pose ; although with so great hazard to himself and 
those his friends, who laboured his rescue, that the Cap¬ 
tain and his company imagined he had been slain. Their 
design, not being well compassed, wrought the slaugh¬ 
ter of some of their own people, as well as the hurt of 
some of the English, as appeared afterwards. This com¬ 
pany, together with Capt. Hobson, looking upon the end 
of their attempt as wholly frustrate by the cross accident, 
resolved, without more ado, to return home, carrying 
back nothing with them but the news of their bad suc¬ 
cess. And a war now began between the inhabitants of 
these parts and the English. Thus was this little spark 
of their hopes, raked up in the embers of those long and 


40 


GENERAL HISTORY 


tedious delays, by this misfortune almost quite extin¬ 
guished. But this is not all, for another occurrence fell 
in here, which was as disastrous in a manner as the for¬ 
mer. The company of New England had in the re¬ 
turn of the year 1615, found means likewise to set out 
Capt. Smith, with Mr. Dermer, Rocraft and others, with 
a ship from Plymouth; either to lay the foundation of a 
new plantation, or strengthen and second that of Capt. 
Hobson ; but they being scarce free of the English coast, 
were suddenly attacked by a violent storm, shaking his 
mast overboard, which forced him back into the harbour, 
where the undertakers furnishing them with another 
ship, they put to sea a second time ; but after they got 
to the height of the Western Islands, they were chased 
by a small pirate, who took them prisoners, and detain¬ 
ed them so long that their voyage was wholly overthrown; 
nor do we find that ever Capt. Smith had an opportunity 
in his own person afterwards to visit these coasts of New 
England, though his inclination and purpose ran strong¬ 
ly that way. However, Capt. Dermer, meeting with 
some one or more of those natives transported by Hunt, 
and encouraged by Capt. Mason, at that time Governour 
of New England, carried them to Plymouth, from whence 
he was sent again to New England, where, about the 
year 1619, by his prudence and great diligence, he pro¬ 
cured a peace between our men and the savages of the 
place, that had been so much exasperated against them 
by the wrongs formerly received. This industrious and 
prudent gentleman, having spent almost two years in 
searching the coast between New England and Virginia, 
the fruit of whose labours and hazards many others have 
since reaped, was at the last, in his return to Virginia, 
set upon by some malicious savages in some parts be¬ 
yond Cape Cod, from whom he received fourteen or fif¬ 
teen w r ounds, upon which occasion, retiring to Virginia, 
he there ended his days, about the year 1621. What ex¬ 
peditions were made by the English, or attempts to 
plant any part of the country between the year 1614 and 
1620, may be seen more at large in Purchas, fol. 1778, 
and in Capt. Smith’s General History of New England, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


M 


iib. 6, pag. 228,229; as likewise in a Script, published 
1622, in the name of the Governonr and Company of 
New England. But they being, at the best, matters very 
inconsiderable and of small consequence, relating to the 
plantations that followed after that time, it is judged not 
worth the while to transcribe out of those imperfect re¬ 
lations any other particulars about those transactions, 
which may well be looked upon rather as dead and su¬ 
perfluous branches of the body of the following history, 
than any thing likely to confer much delight to the rea¬ 
der, or benefit to the compiler thereof. 

CHAP. IX. 

Of the-plantation at Patuxet , or New Plymouth , in the 
year 1620, with the occasions that led thereunto . 

The fore mentioned discoveries of the north parts 
of Virginia, being bruited abroad amongst the western 
country of Europe, no doubt filled the minds of many 
with expectations of famous plantations likely ere long 
to be erected in those parts of the new world: “ Est 
enim natura hominum novitatis avidaor, whether 
some divine virtue had inspired them with a desire of be¬ 
ing instruments to promote some higher ends than ever 
as yet had been brought to light—all former attempts 
for planting those parts being vanished away, or like to 
come to little. About this time a strange impression 
was left upon the minds of some religious and well af¬ 
fected persons of the English nation, sojourning in a fo¬ 
reign country, that some place in that remote region 
might be found out far more convenient for their pur¬ 
pose that seemed studious for reformation, than hitherto 
they elsewhere either had, or were like to attain unto, 
under the wings of a foreign state. Which consideration, 
for as much as it gave the first rise to the flourishing 
plantations of New England, since erected, we shall in 
the first place, take a little notice of the occasion that led 
thereunto. 

Notwithstanding the bright and clear rays of the Gos¬ 
pel light, that began to dawn and diffuse themselves 


42 


GENERAL HISTORY 


through the whole hemisphere of the English nation* 
promising an hopeful day of reformation to arise upon 
them after the long night of antichristian darkness, in 
the glorious reign of our English Josiah, king Edward 
the 6th, and Queen Elizabeth of blessed and famous 
memory ; yet were not all that had opportunity to sit 
under the shadow of their royal authority so well satisfi¬ 
ed with every part of that so happy and hopeful refor¬ 
mation by them begun, as to rest contented, without 
strenuous endeavours to shape and mould the business 
of church discipline moreto the primitive pattern. There¬ 
fore sundry of them, having wearied themselves with 
their private contrivements, all the whole reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, and finding little hope of bettering their con¬ 
dition under her successour, resolved to try, if change of 
air would not afford a remedy to the distemper at last, to 
their grievances and burdens they laboured under at 
home. Divers therefore of that persuasion, that had 
about the year 1602 entered into a private covenant, first 
in the North of England, then in the Netherlands, Ann. 
1610, to walk with God and one with another, according 
to the best and primitive patterns (as they conceived) of 
the w T ord of God, finding the low and watery situations 
of that country as unwholesome and infectious to their 
bodies, and national views of the place dangerous for 
their minds, by reason of bad example, as that of their 
own country, uncomfortable for their purses and estates : 
By reason of opposition, they at last projected the trans¬ 
porting themselves and their families into America, hop¬ 
ing by that means that if not all, yet the greatest and 
more general ends to be aimed at in reformation, might 
better be provided for, in a place of their own, free from 
all former inconveniences. The persons engaged in 
this design were Mr.Robinson’s church, that ten years be¬ 
fore settled at Leyden in Holland. The said Robinson, 
to give him his due, was a man of good learning, of a 
polished wit, and ingenious disposition and courteous be¬ 
haviour, yet not without great tincture of the spirit of 
the rigid separation, as is so well known by sundry of 
his writings, published to the world about those times : 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


43 

yet doth he deserve commendation in this, that although 
he had been transported so far with those principles as 
to publish his opinion against hearing any of the preach¬ 
ers of the Church of England, were they never so learn¬ 
ed and pious ; yea to that confidence was he arrived, that 
he began to play with Dr. Ames his name, styling him 
in one of his pamphlets, “ Mr. William Amissyet 
after the Doctor had taken him to task, and showed him 
his great mistake, in his unanswerable piece, called “A 
manuduction to Mr. Robinson,” and finding himself 
unable to grapple any longer with so great a master of 
reason, he submitted, not being willing to speak any 
thing against the truth, that had been by the help of an 
antagonist discovered unto him. Yea farther, he came 
afterwards to acknowledge, and in a judicious and god¬ 
ly discourse to approve and defend the lawful liberty, if 
not the duty, in case of hearing the godly preachers of 
the Church of England. Thus like Paul he preached 
that, which he had with his pen persecuted before ; like 
some fruit, that before it is ripe is harsh, sour, and un¬ 
pleasant, till it attain, by the advantage of after time, to 
the mildness and sweetness of riper age; as was observ¬ 
ed in this good man, who, as he grew in years, grew in 
many excellent gifts, both of nature and grace, and great 
moderation of spirit in regard of what he manifested in 
former time, which was not often found in them of that 
rigid persuasion. This passage is intended as rather 
matter of commendation than reflection upon that emi¬ 
nent person, or any of the Christian brethren of his 
church. To proceed, therefore, there was one Mr. 
Brewster, a prudent, grave, and serious Christian, of 
great experience in things of religion, and a man of a 
finer alloy than the ordinary sort of the separation, hav¬ 
ing had no small advantage by his education under Sec¬ 
retary Davison, in the court of Queen Elizabeth, that 
was joined with the said Mr. Robinson in the eldership, 
by whose prudence and discretion that church was kept 
in sweet and entire union and accord, both before and 
after their parting asunder, contrary to the manner and 
custom of some of that persuasion in Holland, as may ap - 


M 


GENERAL HISTORY 


pear by the testimony given them by those, amongst 
whom they sojourned before in Leyden, as we see, 
Morton, page 4 of New England’s Memorial. The 
reasons of their removal were debated both in public and 
private, and found more weighty than could readily be 
answered, in so much as a very great and considerable 
part of the church were persuaded to attend the motion, 
apprehending it to be from God; and if their minds had 
not been fully satisfied therein, it had been scarce possi¬ 
ble for them to have gotten over so many difficulties 
and sore trials as they encountered with through the 
whole undertakings.—As for the reasons which prevailed 
with them to leave Holland, the principal were these 
—difference of language, difficulty of subsistence, haz¬ 
arding of posterity, which they feared might come to 
pass, and at last occasion their losing their interest in the 
English nation; they being desirous (how differing soev¬ 
er they were in the persuasion of some matters of disci¬ 
pline) to live under their natural Prince, and, if it might 
be, to enlarge his Majesty’s dominions; having also 
some hope and inward zeal by this means to propagate 
the gospel, promote and advance the kingdom of the 
Lord Jesus Christ amongst the barbarous inhabitants of 
these remote parts of the world—in w'hich good work 
it is hoped they have not failed of their expectation alto¬ 
gether. After they had, upon the reasons afore mention¬ 
ed, resolved upon their “ terminus quo,” viz. to leave 
Holland, the next and no less difficult question was the 
“terminus ad quern,” where to find a place, in which they 
might securely promise themselves a freedom from the 
former evils they had long groaned under, and an oppor¬ 
tunity of enjoying the contrary benefits so much desir¬ 
ed, viz, the liberty of a civil as well as ecclesiastical gov¬ 
ernment, which they found by sad experience was not 
to be obtained or expected in any foreign nation of Eu¬ 
rope : therefore they in the general concluded to inquire 
after some place that had not formerly been inhabited; 
and again they vrere divided in their opinions. Some of 
their company, and those none of the meanest, were for 
Guiana in the West Indies, a rich and fertile soil or 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


45 


country, blessed with a perpetual spring, where the earth 
bringeth forth abundance of all things necessary for the 
life of man, with little labour or art. But the greater 
part, considering that those hot countries were incident 
to sundry diseases, and in other respects very unsuitable 
to English bodies, besides the neighbourhood of Span¬ 
iards, which they had little reason to desire, who, though 
they had not as yet, but soon might, possess themselves of 
that part of America, and might displant them, as they 
had done the French in Florida ; therefore it was deter¬ 
mined at last to find out some place bordering upon Vir¬ 
ginia, then newly or not many years before discovered 
and planted. There they hoped to find liberty for a dis¬ 
tinct colony under the general government of Virginia; 
and also the free exercise of their religion, which they 
conceived probable to be attained by some of their friends, 
upon suit to his Majesty ; of which they were put in no 
small hope by some persons of great rank and quality, 
who were made their friends. In pursuance of this con¬ 
sideration, two were chosen out of their company and 
sent to England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit the 
matter; who found the Virginia Company very desirous 
to promote their going thither, promising to grant them 
a patent, with as ample privileges, as they had or could 
grant to any ; and some of the chief of that company 
doubted not but to obtain their suit to the king for lib¬ 
erty of their religion* how averse so ever he had always 
been to the settling of it in England. Sir Robert Nan- 
ton, at that time one of the chief Secretaries of State, 
with some others, who had interest in the Arch Bishop 
of Canterbury, were employed therein ; by whose me¬ 
diation they had a promise of a conveniency upon their 
peaceable carrying under the civil government ; upon 
which intimation they were encouraged to proceed on, 
presuming they might be allowed to plant themselves 
within some parts of those bounds, without molestation. 
This course they looked upon as most probable, con¬ 
ceiving they might there as safely rest in God’s provi¬ 
dence, as in other things. Upon this resolution other 
messengers were sent over to issue the business with 


46 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and pro¬ 
cure a patent, with as good and ample conditions as 
might be by any good means obtained, as also to treat 
and conclude with such merchants and other friends as 
had manifested their forwardness to provoke unto and 
adventure in this voyage, giving them instructions how 
far they should proceed before they returned for farther 
advice. One of the principal persons, with whom they 
were concerned of the Virginia Company, was Sir Ed¬ 
win Sandys, by whose letter, directed to Mr. Robinson 
and Mr. Brewster, the pastor and elder of their church, 
it may be seen how willing they were to encourage them 
in this matter. “ After my hearty salutations, the agents 
“ of the congregation, Robert Cushman and John Car- 
“ ver, have been in communication with divers select 
s< gentlemen of his Majesty’s Council for Virginia, and 
6( by writing of seven articles, subscribed with their 
“ names, have given them that good degree of satisfac- 
“ tion, which hath carried them on with a resolution to 
“ set forward the desire in the best sort that may be, to 
“ go on for the public good ; divers particulars whereof 
“ we leave to their faithful report, having carried them- 
£< selves here with that good discretion, as is best to 
“ their own benefit and the end for which they came : 
st And whereas they being to treat for a multitude of peo- 
“ pie, they have requested farther time to confer with 
ct them, that are to be interested in this action about the 
“ several particularities, which in the prosecution there- 
“ of will fall into consideration, it hath been very wil- 
“ lingly assented unto you. If therefore it may please 
“ God so to direct your desires, as that on your parts 
fi< there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same 
“ direction, it shall likewise appear, that on our parts all 
c< forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the 
“ best sort, which with reason may be expected. And 
“ so I betake you with this design, (which I hope verily 
“ is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and 
“ blessing of the Highest. 

“ Your very loving friend, 

« London, Nov. 13, 1617. EDWIN SANDYS ” 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 4^ 

Mr. Robinson and Mr. Brewster returned him an an¬ 
swer, full of all thankful acknowledgment of his love 
and care for them, intimating how ready and willing they 
were to accept of his kindness ; on which account they 
sent another letter to Sir John Worstenholme the Janu¬ 
ary following, who was also of the Virginia Company, 
and had a great interest therein, as well as Sir Edwin 
Sandys, where they laboured to satisfy him about their 
judgment and opinion about church discipline, expres¬ 
sing themselves for the substance to agree with the 
French Reformed Churches ; from whom they said they 
differed only in some accidental points. But their pro¬ 
ceedings with those of the Virginia Company met with 
much obstruction the next year by reason of some dis¬ 
sensions and factions of that Company amongst them¬ 
selves, which issued in Sir Thomas Smith, that was Gov¬ 
ernor thereof, he laying down his place, and the choos¬ 
ing Sir Edwin Sandys in his room. But at the last, it 
seems, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed 
under the Company’s seal: yet did those divisions in 
the said Company take off many of their pretended friends, 
and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and 
proffered means. But by the advice of some friends, 
that patent was taken, not in the names of any of their 
own company, but in the name of one Mr. John Wincob, 
a religious gentleman, belonging to the Countess of 
Lincoln, who intended to go with them; but God so dis¬ 
posed that they never went, nor they ever made use of 
the patent, which cost them so much time and charge. 
The reason they made no use thereof will appear in the 
sequel. Soon after this their agents were sent into Eng¬ 
land again, to conclude of articles and propositions be¬ 
tween them and such merchants and friends, as should 
either go or adventure with them, and those, who in or¬ 
der to their removal had sold out their estates, put their 
moneys into a common stock, which was to be disposed 
of by those appointed to make general provisions. Mr. 
Weston was one who had interested himself much in 
their affairs, undertaking to provide shipping for their 
transportation ; but about this time they were informed. 


48 


GENERAL HISTORY 


both by the said Weston and others, that sundry hon¬ 
ourable Lords and worthy gentlemen had obtained a 
large patent from the King for the more northerly part of 
America, distinct from the Virginia patent, and wholly 
excluded from their government, and to be called by an¬ 
other name, viz. New England; unto which Mr. 
Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, think¬ 
ing it was best for them to go thither, as for other reasons, 
so chiefly for the hope of present profit, to be made by 
fishing on that coast. But in all business, the active 
part is most difficult, especially where there are many 
agents that may be concerned. So was it found in them, 
for some of them, who should have gone in England, 
fell off, and would not go; other merchants and friends 
that proffered to adventure their money, withdrew, and 
pretended many excuses ; some disliking they went not 
to Guiana—others would do nothing unless they went 
to Virginia ; and many, who were most relied on, re¬ 
fused to adventure. If they went thither in the midst 
of these difficulties, they of Leyden were driven to 
great straits ; but at the length, the generality was sway¬ 
ed to the better opinion. Howbeit, the patent for the 
northern part of the country not being fully settled, at 
that time they resolved to adventure with that patent they 
had, intending for some place more southward than that 
they fell upon in their voyage, at Cape Cod, as may ap¬ 
pear afterwards. The conditions, on which those of 
Leyden engaged with the merchants, the adventurers, 
were hard enough at the first for the poor people that 
were to adventure their persons as well as their estates : 
yet were their agents forced to change one or two of 
them, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to 
be concerned with them, although the altering them with¬ 
out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to 
them, and became the occasion of some contention 
amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow : 
“ First, the adventurers and planters do agree, that every 
person that goeth, being 16 years old and upward, be 
rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted 
a single share. Secondly, that he that goeth in person, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


49 


and furnisheth himself out with ten pounds, either in mo- 
ney or other provisions, be accounted as having twenty- 
pounds in stock, and in the division shall receive a dou¬ 
ble share. Thirdly, the persons transported and the ad¬ 
venturers shall continue their joint stock and partner¬ 
ship the space of seven years, except some unexpected 
impediments do cause the whole company to agree oth¬ 
erwise : during which time all profits and benefits that 
are gotten by trade, traffic, trusting, working, fishing, or 
any other means, of any other person or persons, remain 
still in the common stock until the division. Fourthly, 
that at their coming there they shall choose out such a 
number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats 
for fishing upon the sea, employing the rest in their sev¬ 
eral faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling 
and planting the ground, and making such commodities 
as shall be most useful for the colony. Fifthly, that at 
the end of the seven years, the capital and the profits, 
viz. the houses, lands, goods and chattels be equally di¬ 
vided amongst the adventurers—if any debt or detriment 
concerning this adventure. Sixthly, whosoever com- 
eth to the colony hereafter, or putteth any thing into the 
stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed pro¬ 
portionally to the time of his so doing. Seventhly, he 
that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, shall be 
allowed for every person, now aged 16 years and up¬ 
ward, a single share in the division ; or if he provide 
them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between 
10 years old and 16, then two of them to be reckoned 
for a person, both in transportation and division. Eighth*. 
!y, that such children that now go and are under the age 
of 10 years, have no other share in the division than fifty 
acres of unmanured land. Ninthly, that such persons as 
die before the seven years be expired, their executors to 
have their parts or share at the division, proportionably 
to the time of their life in the colony. Tenthly, that all 
such persons as are of the colony, are to have meat, drink, 
and apparel, and all provisions out of the common stock, 
and goods of the said colony.” The difference between 
tha conditions thus expressed and the former, before 


50 


GENERAL HISTORY 


their alteration, stood in these two points : first, that the 
houses and lands improved, especially gardens and 
fields, should remain undivided, wholly to the planters, 
at the seven years’ end: secondly, that the planters 
should have two days in the week for their own private 
employment, for the comfort of themselves and their fam¬ 
ilies, especially such as had them to take care for. The 
altering of those two conditions was very afflictive to the 
minds of such as were concerned in the voyage ; but 
Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, answered the com¬ 
plaints peremptorily, that unless they had so ordered the 
conditions, the whole design would have fallen to the 
ground, and necessity, they said, having no law, they 
were constrained to be silent. The poor planters met 
with much difficulty, both before and after the expiring 
of the seven years, and found much trouble in making 
up accounts with the adventurers about the division ; at 
which time, though those that adventured their money 
were no great gainers, yet those that adventured their 
lives in carrying on the business of the plantation were 
by much the greatest sufferers, as may easily be gather¬ 
ed in what follows, next to be related ; for all things be¬ 
ing now prepared, they improved their utmost endeav¬ 
ours to be ready to enter upon their voyage at the time 
agreed upon. That a patent, as is aforesaid, was obtain¬ 
ed, is published in print, and affirmed by such as yet sur¬ 
vive of the first planters ; but where it is, or how it came 
to be lost, is not known to any that belong to the said 
colony. Nor is the place with the bounds particularly 
specified: concerning which they were notably over¬ 
reached by some of their neighbours amongst the Dutch, 
who, understanding their design for the southern parts 
about Hudson’s river, where some of that nation had a 
design to plant for themselves, secretly contracted with 
Jones, the master of the bigger ship employed for their 
transportation, who thereupon bent his course on purpose 
more northward, and so fell amongst the shoals of Cape 
Cod, to the hazard both of the lives and goods of himself, 
as well as his passengers and company~had not the Al¬ 
mighty, whose eyes run to and fro through the whole earth, 


OF NEW ENGLAND# 


51 


by his merciful providence prevented the danger, which 
by that false, underhand dealing they were exposed un¬ 
to. For, meeting with sundry difficulties and obstruc¬ 
tions, which is usual in things of that nature, it was long 
before they could all be removed ; besides which they 
met with bad weather at first setting out to sea, which 
forced them to turn into harbours twice before they could 
clear the land’s end, and at last were forced to dismiss 
one of the ships designed for the voyage, insomuch 
that it was the 6th of September before they last put to 
sea, which made it near the middle of November before 
they made any land; which after they had discovered, 
they were altogether ignorant where it was, or whether 
there was any commodious place near by, where to be¬ 
gin a plantation: but in all these changes, whatever were 
the malice or fraudulency of instruments, the over-ruling 
hand of Divine Providence was to be acknowledged that 
at the last found out a resting place for them, by send¬ 
ing the Angel of his presence to go before them, and 
safely conduct them through so many dangers and deaths. 
It is also very remarkable and worthy of consideration, 
that if they had, according to their intention and desire, 
been carried to Hudson’s River, the Indians in those 
parts were so numerous and sturdy in their disposition, 
and if they landed, so many ways enfeebled, that they 
could never have defended themselves against them; 
whereas, in the place where they were now landed, a 
convenient situation was prepared for their reception, 
by the removal of the former inhabitants, who were late¬ 
ly swept away by a strange kind of mortality, which 
happened the year before. After the disappearing of 
the blazing star in the west, in the year 1619, the obser¬ 
vation of which towards the west, made Mr. Brigges, that 
famous mathematician, conclude that some notable event 
was like to ensue, betokening the death of the natives in 
those parts. Whatever were in his presage or in the ground 
thereof, the matter so came to pass, not one in ten of the 
Indians in those parts surviving, so that they were un¬ 
able, though they had never so much resolved to have 
made resistance. Our Saviour Christ, foretelling the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


3£ 

destruction of the Jews, yet out of humane or natural 
compassion, wished them to pray their flight might not 
be in the winter; yet such was the dispensation of the 
Almighty towards this poor despised company, that hav¬ 
ing hardly escaped the dangers of many violent and furi¬ 
ous storms at sea, they were no sooner set on shore, but 
they were immediately called to encounter with hard and 
rough weather, in a desert and barren land, upon the 
very edge of winter. The sun had now by his late decli¬ 
nation, withdrawn his delightful beams, giving them but 
short visits, after tedious long and cold nights, many 
times brought in with boisterous storms of snow or rain. 
The earth was also dismantled of all its comely and 
pleasant ornaments, observed by the first discoverers, in 
the summer time, by the early approach of hard and 
sharp frosts presenting them with no other aspect than 
the ruthful and weather beaten face of winter. The bar¬ 
barians the Apostle Paul fell amongst after long storms 
and dangerous shipwrecks, as it is said in the Acts, shew¬ 
ed them no small kindness, kindling them a fire, and suf¬ 
fered them to gather bundles of sticks themselves for that 
end; whereas these barbarous savages were at the first not 
willing to spare them any bundle or stick, but such as 
were turned into arrows, and improved not to warm, but 
to wound their new come guests ; the remembrance of 
which consideration remains yet in some of their minds ; 
who, after a long passage over the vast and wide ocean, 
were at their first landing entertained with no other sight 
than that of the withered grass on the surface of the cold 
earth ; and the grim looks of the savage enemies. Sure¬ 
ly such passengers or pilgrims, had need of some other 
more inward support and comfort the world is not ac¬ 
quainted with. They had need of a good conscience with¬ 
in, to administer matter for a continual feast to feed upon, 
that are thus bereft of all other outward supplies where¬ 
with to sustain their hearts, Habak. iii. 17,18. It would 
have tried the faith of Abraham, when sent from Ur of 
the Chaldees (a region bordering upon the confines of 
Paradise as some conceive) if he had been directed to the 
Arabian wilderness, and not into the land flowing with 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


53 


milk and honey. But they that had the same faith which 
Abraham had, were, when put upon the trial, not unwil¬ 
ling to follow the conduct of Divine Providence into a 
land not sown, not knowing indeed, as it might truly be 
said,whither they went, yet hoping that God, \_who~] by his 
especial guidance, had brought them into a wilderness, 
would not be a wilderness unto them therein, as since they 
have found. 

Mr. Robinson, their faithful pastor, at their last parting 
in Holland, wrote a letter to the whole company, where¬ 
in he gave them much seasonable ad vice,and many whole¬ 
some directions, needful to be observed by such as under¬ 
took a work which now they had in hand, which is as fol¬ 
io weth in page 6 of Mr. Morton’s Memorial.* Accord¬ 
ingly, as soon as they came to an anchor in the harbour of 
Cape Cod, which was on November the 9th, 1620—con¬ 
sidering how necessary government would be, and to pre¬ 
vent any inconveniency that might arise for want there¬ 
of, and finding their patent was made void and useless to 
them, now they were landed in another place,they resolv¬ 
ed by mutual consent, for the better carrying on their af¬ 
fairs, to enter into a solemn combination, as a body politic, 
to submit to such government, laws and ordinances, as 
should, by general consent from time to time, be agreed 
upon; which was accordingly put in practice on the 
(Morton, page 15,) foresaicl day, before any of them 
went ashore, by signing the Instrument here following,* 
with all their hands that were of any note in the company, 
bearing date the 10th November, 1620. And soon after, 
Mr. John Carver was chosen Governour, for the following 
year; a gentleman not only well approved for his piety 
and religion, but well qualified also with civil prudence, 
for the managing of the place of rule and government 
amongst them. Their own necessity also, as well as the 
master and mariners importunity, did in the next place 
put them upon a speedy looking out for a place where 
to take up their habitations. To that end, while the car¬ 
penters were fitting up their shallop, 16 of them that were 
most hearty end strong after so long and tedious a voyage 

* These papers are not in the MS. copy, Ed. 


5% 


GENERAL HISTORY 


by sea, offered their service on the land, to take a view 
of the country, and try if they could make a discovery of 
any place convenient for such a purpose; and to see if 
they could meet with any of the natives, to begin some 
treaty with them, thereby to make way either for trading 
with them or inhabiting amongst them. This attempt 
of theirs was in itself no small adventure, if any should 
but consider what befel a French ship that was cast away 
on this coast but three years before ; the country at that 
time being full of people who were under no small dis- 
gustagainst all foreigners that happened to land there upon 
one attempt or other, in remembrance of the villany that 
one Hunt a few years before had acted amongst them ; 
who, after he had made his fishing voyage at Monhiggan, 
as is mentioned before, came to this place, as the Indians 
report, and took away from hence 20, and 7 from a place 
called Nasitt, carrying them captive to Spain. For al¬ 
though the men got ashore, and saved their lives, with 
much of their goods and victuals, yet it being understood 
by the Indians, they gathered together from all parts, and 
never left dogging and waylaying them, till they took 
opportunities to kill all but three or four, which they 
kept as slaves, sending them up and down, to make sport 
with them from one Sachem to another. Two of the said 
French were redeemed by Mr. Dermer, that insinuated 
a little into them for trade, (though with loss of his own 
life, as was said before;) the third lived so long amongst 
them till he had got so much of their language as to be 
able to discourse with them, and in the end, he told them 
before he died, that God was angry with them for their 
wickedness, and would destroy them and give their 
country to another people, that should not live like beasts 
as they did; but they, deriding him,said they were so ma¬ 
ny, that God could not kill them ; to whom the French¬ 
man replied, that if they were never so many, yet God had 
more ways to destroy them, than they were aware of. It 
was not long after his death,before a pestilent disease came 
amongst them, that was never heard of by any of them 
before, which sweeped them away by multitudes, leav¬ 
ing their carcases like dung upon the earth, and none to 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


55 


bury them; the bones of whom were seen above the 
ground by those of Plymouth, after they planted 
that side of the country. The Indians thereabouts, in 
remembrance of the Frenchman’s words, as some of them 
confessed afterwards, at the first, kept at a distance from 
them, and would have assaulted them, but that God left 
an awe upon their hearts. The English, being furnished 
with ammunition,not only defended themselves,but struck 
such a terrour in the Indians, that they soon after sought 
their favour, and came into acquaintance with them,by the 
means of some that had been carried away by Hunt, and 
had lived a while in London, or elsewhere, after they bid 
escaped out of Spain, as shall be seen hereafter; where¬ 
by the especial providence of God was seen by such 
means to make way for their abode and quiet settlement 
in that place, which otherwise had not been possible for 
them to have expected or attained. But to return, the 
sixteen sent out upon discovery, having wandered about 
a mile by the sea side, came within view of 5 or 6 In¬ 
dians, but could not come to the speech o£any of them ; 
all-taking themselves to their heels, like so many wild 
creatures, hasted into the woods, out of their sight. In 
vain it was to pursue their tracks, they being much too 
nimble for our scorbutick pilgrims, that had tired them¬ 
selves in passing a small compass of ground; yet did they 
adventure to lie out all night, under the safe though open 
covert of heaven’s protection. The next day they met 
with a field where Indian corn had been planted the last 
summer, and by accident stumbled upon some Indian 
beans, stored with baskets of their corn, which (as to 
them seemed) did in some sort resemble the grapes of 
of Eshcoll, more to the apprehension of faith than of 
sense. However, they returned to their company with 
little encouragement as to situation, which put them 
Upon a second discovery, a few days after, by their 
shallop, being now ready, wherein they met with some 
such like rarities as they had done before, yet but with 
small encouragement from that called Cold Harbour, 
which might have cooled their affections, had they not 
been inspired from a higher principle; for the sharpness of 




GENERAL HISTORY 


the winter drawing on apace, it put them upon an anxious 
dispute whether to tarry where they were, a place fit on¬ 
ly for anchoring ships, or to remove to this branch of a 
Creek, which though farther up into the country, upon 
the present experiment they made, called Cornhill, yet 
could harbour nothing but boats. In fine, they resolved 
to make a third discovery on December the 6th, wherein 
they met with much difficulty upon sundry accounts, both 
of wind and weather, together with a dangerous assault 
from the Indians, one of whom was so resolute as to stand 
three shots of a musket, after the rest fled; until one 
taking a full aim, made the splinters fly about his ears, 
off the tree, behind which he sheltered himself. Some 
report he was wounded on the arm, as he was drawing 
an arrow out of his quiver, which made him sensible 
that a tree that could keep off a hundred arrows, was a 
slender defence against the English artillery; thus being 
mercifully delivered, in remembrance thereof they called 
that place ever after, the First Encounter,leaving of which 
they coasted along in their shallop, divers leagues, till by 
a storm that arose, they were in danger of all being cast 
away, by a mistake of the pilot, who could not distin¬ 
guish between the Gurnet’s Nose, and the mouth of Saga- 
guabe harbour. But he that sits at the helm of all his 
people’s affairs, guided them into the right harbour, 
when all other help failed ; for when the pilot and the 
master’s mate, saying his eyes never saw the place before, 
would have run the boat ashore before the wind, in a 
cove full of breakers, in a rainy season, to the hazard, if 
not the loss of all their lives, a stout hearted seaman that 
steered, cried out to them that rowed, if they were men, 
about with her, else they were all cast away ; the which 
they did with all speed; so then he bid them be of good 
cheer, and row hard, for there was a fair sound before 
them, which he doubted not but it would afford them 
one place or other wherein to ride safely; whose words 
they found soon after, to their great comfort, very true, 
for they presently got under the lee of a small island, 
where they rode quietly all night. In the morning, they 
found it to be an island which they understood not be- 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


57 

fore; from thence forward they called it Clark’s Island, 
from the name of the mate, so called, that first stepped 
ashore thereon; where with much ado they kindled a 
fire to relieve themselves against the extremity of the 
cold. This being the last day of the week, they rested 
there the Lord’s day : but on the next day, sounding 
the harbour, they found it convenient for shipping, as 
they did the land round about commodious for situa¬ 
tion, in meeting there with many cornfields, severed with 
pleasant brooks of running and wholesome water—the 
fittest place which yet they had seen, where to make a 
place of habitation ; at least the season of the year, to¬ 
gether with their own necessity, made them so to judge; 
and the news of it was no small comfort to the rest of 
their people, insomuch that immediately after their re¬ 
turn they weighed anchor, and the next day, viz. De¬ 
cember 16, they arrived in the said harbour, newly dis¬ 
covered the week before; which having viewed well the 
second time, they resolved for the future not only there 
to winter, but to pitch their dwelling; and on the 25th 
of the same month were as cheerfully employed in build¬ 
ing their first house for common use, as their friends 
were elsewhere about their cheer, according to the cus¬ 
tom of the day. After some little time spent in unlad¬ 
ing their goods, which at that time of the year was very 
difficult, for want of boats and other helps, they began 
to erect every one some small habitation for themselves— 
sicknesses and diseases increasing very much amongst 
them, by reason of the hard weather and many uncom¬ 
fortable voyages in searching after a place wherein to 
settle, occasioning them to be much in the cold, with 
the inconveniency of the former harbours, that compelled 
them to wade much in the water upon every turn, by 
reason whereof many were seized with desperate coughs, 
as others with scurvy and such like diseases ; that in 
the three next months after their landing, they lost one 
half if not two thirds of their company, both passengers 
and seamen. Such were the solemn trials that God was 
pleased to acquaint them with in their first adventure, the 
more to exercise their faith and patience, and daily to re- 


58 


GENERAL HISTORY 


mind them that they were pilgrims and strangers upon 
the earth, and must not seek great things for themselves. 
So great was their distress in that time of general sick¬ 
ness, that sometimes there was not above six or seven 
sound and well, able to take care of the rest, who (to 
their commendation be it spoken) were very ready to do 
the meanest offices to help the weak and impotent, spar¬ 
ing no pains, night nor day, wherein they might be help¬ 
ful to them. 

It had been a very easy matter for the savages at that 
time to have cut them all off, as they had done others be¬ 
fore, had not God, by his special providence, laid a re¬ 
straint upon them, as was promised of old to Israel, that 
their enemies should not have mind to invade them, when 
they went up to worship before the Lord. This time of 
sickness and calamity continued with them all the latter 
part of the winter, and if a great part of those had not 
been removed by death, it was feared they might all have 
perished for want of food, before any more supplies came 
from England. In the beginning of March the coldness 
of the winter was over, and the weather began to be very 
comfortable, the spring coming on that year more early 
than ordinarily it uses to do, which was no small reviving 
to those decrepit and infirm planters. But that which 
added more life unto their hopes, was not so much the 
change of the air, as the change wrought in the hearts of 
the heathen, who were come, instead of hating, to fear 
this poor handful of people, and to be proffering them all 
kindness they were capable to show, thereby, as it were, 
seeking their favour. Thus was ic found in their expe¬ 
rience, that the hearts of all are in the hands of the Lord, 
and that he turns them as the rivers of waters; for about 
the middle of the said month of March, an Indian, called 
Samoset, came to them, and soon after another, whose 
name was Squanto, or Tisquantum, (for he is called in 
several authors by these several names,) came boldly in 
amongst them, and said in a broken dialect of our lan¬ 
guage, “Welcome, Englishmen.” Within a day or 
two came the other, and spake in the like dialect, to the 
same purpose or effect; at which the planters were sur- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


59 


prised with no small amazement; but they presently un¬ 
derstood that the said Indians had been acquainted with 
our English mariners, that had of late yearly frequented 
the coast, upon account of making fish at the Eastward, 
and could tell the names of the masters of ships, and 
mariners that were commonly there ; yea, one of these na¬ 
tives, Tisquantum, that came last amongst them, was one 
of them that had been carried away by Hunt, and had af¬ 
terward escaped from Spain, and was carried to London, 
where he had lived with one Mr. Slany, a merchant, 
about two years. These were by that means so well ac¬ 
quainted with our language, that they were pretty well 
able to discourse with them, and acquaint them with ma¬ 
ny matters needful for the carrying on their design—as 
how to plant their corn—after what manner to order it— 
where to get fish, and such other things as the country 
afforded, about which they would have been very much 
to seek without their instruction. They gave them like¬ 
wise information of the number of the Indians, their 
strength, situation, and distance from them; acquaint¬ 
ing them also with the estate and affairs at the eastward ; 
but the principal benefit obtained by their means was ac¬ 
quaintance with an Indian of the chiefest note in that 
side of the country, called Massasoit. Him they brought 
down to the English, though his place was at forty miles 
distance, called Sowans, his country called Pokanoket, 
and one that had the greatest command of the country 
betwixt Massachusetts and Narraganset. And \\ ithin 
four or five days came the said Sachem, with his friends 
and chiefest attendants, to welcome them to his country ; 
and not only giving them liberty there to take up their 
habitation, but likewise acknowledging himself willing 
to become the subject of their sovereign Lord, King 
James. Further also he was willing to enter into a 
league of friendship with our pilgrims, which continued 
very firm with him and his people during the term of 
his own life, and some considerable time with his two 
sons, his successors, until that unhappy quarrel began by 
the second of them, by the English called Philip, in the 
year 1675 , which ended in the loss of his own life, and the 


general history 


60 

extirpation of all his friends and adherents, within a few 
months after they began it, as is declared in the narra¬ 
tive, which may be hereunto annexed. The articles and 
conditions, which the said league was agreed upon, 
were as followeth, as in Mason, page 24. The experi¬ 
ences of the aforementioned passages of providence put 
the new inhabitants of Plymouth in mind of God’s promise 
to the people of Israel in their passage towards the pos¬ 
session of the land of Canaan, where he engaged to them 
concerning the Canaanite and the Hittite, that he would 
by little and little drive them out from before his people, 
till they were increased, and did inherit the land ; which 
consideration is the more to be remembered herein, in 
that it was known to the said planters of Plymouth not 
long after, that these Indians, before they came to make 
friendship with them, had taken Balaam’s counsel against 
Israel in getting all the powwaws of the country togeth¬ 
er, who for three days incessantly had, in a dark and 
dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English, 
and thereby have prevented their settling in those parts, 
which when they discerned was not like to take place, 
they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The 
like was confessed many years after to have been at¬ 
tempted by an old and noted and chief Sagamore and 
Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the 
Massachusetts, called Passaconaway, who, when he per¬ 
ceived he could not bring about his end therein, he left 
it, as his last charge to his son, that was to succeed him, 
and all his people, never to quarrel with the English, 
lest thereby they came to be destroyed utterly, and root¬ 
ed out of the country. This hath been confirmed to the 
remnant of the faithful, that surely there is no enchant¬ 
ment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel. 

It may be here added, that in the following year, 1621, 
several other Sachems or Sagamores—which are but 
one and the same title, the first more usual with the 
southward, the other with the northward Indians, to ex¬ 
press the title of him that hath the chief command of a 
place or people—as well as the afore named Massasoit, 
came to the Governour of New Plymouth, and did volum 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


61 


tarily acknowledge themselves to be the loyal subjects 
of our Lord, King James, and subscribed a writing to 
that purpose with their own hands, the tenour of which 
here followeth, with their names annexed thereunto, that 
succeeding times may keep a memorial thereof, it hav¬ 
ing no small influence into the first foundations here 
laid. Morton, page 29. 

Sept . 13, Anno Bom . 1621. 

“ Know all men by these presents, that we whose 
“names are underwritten, do acknowledge our- 
“ selves to be the loyal subjects of king James, king of 
“ Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the 
“ faith. In witness whereof and as a testimonial of the 


“ same, we have subscribed our marks, as followeth. 


OBQUAMHUD 

CANACOCOME 

OBBATINNA 

NATTAWAHUNT 


CAWKATANT 
CHXKKATABUT 
QUADAQUINA 
HUTT AMOIDEN 
APANNOW ” 


CHAP. X. 

Of the Government , Civil and Military , established in the 
Colony of New Plymouth . 

That which our Saviour once affirmed concerning 
a kingdom, is as true of the smallest colony, or puny 
state, or least society of mankind, that if it be di¬ 
vided against itself it cannot stand; and how can divi¬ 
sions be avoided where all sorts of people are to be at 
their liberty, whether in things civil or sacred, to do 
all that doeth, and nothing but what doeth seem good 
in their own eyes. Our first founders of this new colony, 
were aware of this, before they removed themselves from 
the parts of Europe, whether England or Holland, to 
those of America; and therefore, according to the pru¬ 
dent advice of Mr. Robinson, their Pastor, they had 
procured a patent for themselves, or had a power grant¬ 
ed from their Sovereign Prince, whereby they might 
form themselves into a body politic in the place speci¬ 
fied in their patent. But missing of the place, the things 


GENERAL HISTORY 


62 

contained therein were utterly invalidated, and made 
useless thereby, which they wisely considered in the 
first place, as was said before, and therefore they all 
signed an instrument, concerning some way of order and 
government, which they, according as necessity required, 
intended to mould themselves into, upon the first oppor¬ 
tunity, which should offer itself, after they had found a 
place of habitation fit to settle upon. By the aforesaid 
accident, things so fell out, that for the present they 
could not fall into any order of government, but by 
way of combination ; with which they intended to con¬ 
tent themselves till occasion might serve for the obtain¬ 
ing another patent from the King, for that place where 
Providence now had cast their lot. For the present 
therefore they devolved the sole power of government 
upon Mr. John Carver, in whose prudence they so 
far confided, that he would not adventure upon any mat¬ 
ter of moment without consent of the rest, or at 
least advice of such as were thought to be the wisest 
amongst them, and not to increase the number of rulers, 
where the persons were so few to be ruled ; knowing 
also that they could at their pleasure add more as there 
might be occasion, much better dian to have eased 
themselves of the burden, if they should pitch upon too 
many at first. One Nehemiah is better than a whole 
Sanhedrim of mercenary Shemaiahs. 

The Laws they intended to be governed by were 
the Laws of England, the which they were willing to be 
subject unto, though in a foreign land, and have since 
that time continued in that mind for the general, adding 
only some particular muncipal laws of their own, suit¬ 
able to their constitution. In such cases, where the com¬ 
mon laws and statutes of England could not well reach 
or afford them help in emergent difficulties of the place, 
possibly on the same ground that Pacavius sometimes 
advised his neighbours of Capua, not to cashier their 
old magistrates, till they could agree upon better to 
place in their room; so did these choose to abide by the 
Laws of England, till they could be provided of bet¬ 
ter. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


63 


As for their military affairs, they were at this time as 
necessary to be provided for, in regard of enemies with¬ 
out, as were the civil concernments within amongst 
themselves; and although the order thereof be founded 
in the same authority with the former, yet is it, at least 
in bur days, usual and needful it should be managed by 
other hands, for which purpose they were well furnished 
by a person of that company, though at that time not of 
their church, well skilled in the affair, and of as good 
courage as conduct, Capt. Miles Standish by name, a 
gentleman very expert in things of that nature, by 
whom they were all willing to be ordered in those con¬ 
cerns. He was likewise improved with good acceptance 
and success in affairs of greatest moment in that colony, 
to whose interest he continued firm and stedfast to the 
last; and always managed his trust with great integrity 
and faithfulness. What addition and alteration was made 
afterwards in and about the premises, there may be an 
occasion to observe afterward. 


- CHAP. XI. 

Of the Religion , JVorship> and Discipline , professed or 
practised , by those of Plymouth . 

As of old notice was taken in the Sacred Records, 
how happy it was with Israel, when they were led like a 
flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron, so hath it been 
observed in all ages, as a certain token of God’s presence 
with and amongst his people, when their ecclesiastical, 
as well as civil affairs, are carried on by the same care and 
endeavour. The faith and order of the church of the Co- 
lossians, was a desirable sight in the eyes of the Apostle. 
The addition of civil order forementioned in the new 
colony, without doubt, did not a little increase the 
beauty of this small society, rendering this little citadel 
of Sion, that was now begun to be erected in America, 
hopeful to become beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusa¬ 
lem, terrible at the last as an army with banners, that the 


64 


GENERAL HISTORY 


powers of dark ness and the gates of hell have not yet been 
able to prevail against, how strangely soever of late times 
they have endeavoured it. As for the doctrine of religion 
held forth by this people, together with their worship, it 
was for the substance little discrepant from that of the 
rest of the reformed churches of Europe, abating the 
discipline, with the rites and ceremonies observed in 
the church of England, ever since the first reformation 
begun in those kingdoms, under the English sceptre ; 
on which account those people that were a part of Mr. 
Robinson’s church at Leyden, whose pedigree some 
that favour that interest derive from the English church 
at Frankford, settled afterwards at London, made a pro¬ 
fessed separation from the rest of the reformed churches, 
whence in the former age they were styled separatist, and 
generally known by that name, not only with relation to 
the rites and ceremonies of worship, but in special also 
in regard of the discipline and government of the church; 
all which, because they were so well known to the world 
by several writings that passed between Mr. Robinson, 
with some of the like persuasion, and other learned per¬ 
sons of the contrary judgment, no further or no partic¬ 
ular account need be given thereof in this place ; but 
when we come to speak of the settling of the other col¬ 
onies, there will be a fitter occasion to treat more fully 
thereof, for as much as none of the rest of the planters 
came over in any settled order of government, only re¬ 
solving when they came hither to carry on those affairs 
as near as they could exactly according to the rule and 
pattern laid before them in the word of God, wherein 
they cannot be blamed for endeavouring, according to 
their best understanding, to approve themselves faithful 
to the Supreme Lord of his church, as opportunity 
might be afforded. It is easy to observe a difference be¬ 
tween him that is about repairing of a building, by age 
and time fallen into some decay, and one that is about 
to rear a new fabric; with whom it is no harder work, if 
he have materials at hand, to square every thing accord¬ 
ing to the best pattern and method made known, than 
it is for the other to endeavour the bringing of things to 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


65 


their primitive structure and fashion, in a word there¬ 
fore, only to satisfy the reader how a Christian church 
could in any tolerable measure carry on the public wor¬ 
ship of God without suitable officers, as was the case of 
those people of Plymouth, we must know that these 
were a serious and religious people that know their 
own principles, not like so many of their followers 
in some parts of the country, properly termed Seekers ; 
of whom it may be said, as our Saviour Christ some¬ 
times said of the Samaritans, “ ye worship ye know not 
what.” Now these knew and were resolved on the way 
of their worship; but in many years could not prevail with 
any to come over to them, and to undertake the office 
of a pastor amongst them, at least none in whom they 
could with full satisfaction acquiesce; and therefore in 
the mean while they were peaceably and prudently managed 
by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and serious 
person that only could be persuaded to keep his place of 
ruling elder amongst them; having acquired by his long 
experience and study no small degree of knowledge in 
the mysteries of faith and matters of religion, yet wisely 
considering the weightiness of the ministerial work, 
(and therein he was also advised by Mr. Robinson,) 
according to that of the Apostle, “ who is sufficient for 
these things;” he could never be prevailed with to ac¬ 
cept the ministerial office, wffiich many less able in so 
long a time could have been easily drawn unto. Besides 
also several of his people were well gifted, and did 
spend part of the Lord’s day in their wonted prophecy- 
ing, to which they had been accustomed by Mr. Robin¬ 
son. Those gifts, while they lasted, made the burden of the 
other defect more easily borne, yet was not that custom 
of the prophecying of private brethren observed after¬ 
wards in any of the churches of New England besides 
themselves, the ministers of the respective churches 
there not being so well satisfied in the way thereof, as was 
Mr. Robinson. The elders likewise of the said churches 
or the most judicious and leading amongst them, as Mr. 
Cotton, &c. that were not absolutely against the thing, 
were yet afraid that the wantonness of the present age, 


66 


GENERAL HISTORY 


would not well bear such a liberty, as that reverend and 
judicious divine, the great light of those churches, ex¬ 
pressed to a person of great quality, to whom he bore 
no small respect, a few hours before he departed this 
life. 


CHAP. XII. 

The general affairs of the colony of New Plymouth , during 
the first lustre of years , from March 25, 1621, to 
March 25, 1626. 

Although the dispensations of God towards his peo¬ 
ple under the gospel be not like those under the law, in 
respect of the outward prosperity, so as any time it could 
be said as in Solomon’s reign during the time of his 
building the house of God or his own palaces, that 
there was neither adversary nor evil occurrent; yet did 
the Almighty water this new planted colony with many 
blessings, causing it by degrees to flourish, taking root 
downward, that it might in after time bring forth fruit up¬ 
ward. For now’ the spring of the following year was come, 
they began to hasten the ships away, which had tarried 
the longer, that before it had left the country, it might 
carry the news back of the welfare of the ‘plantation. 
The ships’ company also during the winter, growing so 
weak that the master durst not put to sea till they were 
better recovered of their sickness and the winter well over. 

Early in the spring they planted their first corn, being 
instructed therein by their friend Squanto, and had bet¬ 
ter success therein than in some English grain they sow¬ 
ed that year, which might be imputed to the lateness of 
the season, as well as their own unskilfulness in the 
soil. But the month of April added much heaviness to 
their spirits by the loss of Mr. John Carver, who fell 
sick in that month, and in a few days after died. 
His funeral rites w r ere attended with great solemnity, as 
the condition of that infant plantation would bear; as in¬ 
deed the respect due to him justly deserved, if not for 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


67 

the good he had actually done in the foundation of their 
colony, yet for that he was like to have done, if God had 
spared him his life ; he being a gentleman of singular 
piety, rare humility, and great condescendency; one 
also of a publick spirit, as well as of a publick purse, hav¬ 
ing disbursed the greatest part of that considerable estate 
God had given him, for carrying on the interest of the 
company, as their urgent necessity required. Extreme 
grief for the loss of him, within a few weeks, hasted the 
removal of a gracious woman, his wife, which he left 
behind. At his decease the eyes of the company were 
generally upon Mr. William Bradford, as in the next 
place fittest to succeed him in the government: where¬ 
fore, as soon as ever he recovered of his great weakness, 
under which he had languished to the point of death, 
they chose him to be their governour instead of Mr. Car¬ 
ver, adding Mr. Isaac Allerton only, to be his assistant. 
The second of July following, in imitation of David, 
who was as ready to acknowledge kindnesses received, 
as to ask or accept them in the time of his distress, 
they sent Mr Edward Winslow, with Mr. Stephen Hop¬ 
kins, to congratulate their friend Massasoit, by the late 
league firmly allied to them, partly also to take notice 
what number of men he had about them, and the other 
Sachems, as likewise of what strength they were. 
They found his place 40 miles distant from their town, 
and his people, but few in comparison of what formerly 
they had been, before the great mortality forementioned, 
that had swept away so many of them. They returned in 
safety, giving a good account of the business they were 
sent about; adding moreover what they understood of the 
nation of the Indians, called Narragansetts, seated on the 
other side of the great bay,adjoining to the country of Mas¬ 
sasoit: a people many in number,and more potent than their 
neighbours at the present juncture, and grown very inso¬ 
lent also, as having escaped the late mortality, which 
made them aspire to be lords over their neighbours. 
On that occasion, the establishing of their peace with the 
natives near about them was much furthered by an In¬ 
dian, called Hobbamacke, a proper lusty young man, 


68 


GENERAL HISTORY 


and of good account amongst the other Indians in those 
parts for his valour. He continued faithful and con¬ 
stant to the English until his death. The said Hobba- 
macke with Squanto, being a while after sent amongst 
the other Indians about business for the English, were 
surprised about Namasket, (since called Middleborough,) 
by an Indian Sachem not far off, called Corbitant, upon 
the only account of their friendship to the English. The 
said Corbitant, picking a quarrel with Hobbamacke,would 
have stabbed him, but he being a strong man easily 
cleared himself of his adversary ; and after his escape, 
soon brought intelligence to the governour of his dan¬ 
ger, adding withal that he feared Squanto was slain, 
having been both threatened on the same account; but 
Capt. Standish sent forth with 12 or 14 men well armed, 
beset the house, and himself adventuring to enter, found 
that Corbitant had fled, but yet that Squanto was alive. 
Two or three Indians pressing out of the house when it 
was beset, were sorely wounded, whom notwithstand¬ 
ing the English brought to their chirurgeon, by whom, 
through God’s blessing, they were soon cured. After 
this exploit they had divers congratulatory messages 
from sundry of the other Sachems, in order to a settled 
amity, and Corbitant soon after made use of Massasoit, 
as a mediator to make peace, being afraid to come 
near himself for a long time after: the Indians also of the 
Island Capowake, since called Martha, commonly Mar- 
tyne’s Vineyard, sent to them to obtain their friendship. 
By this means the colony, being better assured of a peace 
with their neighbours, improved the opportunity to ac¬ 
quaint themselves with such of the Indians that lived 
more remote, especially those of the Massachusetts; for 
vvhich purpose they sent thither a boat with ten men, and 
Squanto for their interpreter, on September 18 follow¬ 
ing, in part to discover and view the said bay, of which 
they had heard a great fame, and partly to make way for 
after trade with the natives of the place, for having lived 
with the Dutch in Holland, they were naturally addicted 
to commerce and traffick ; and which at this time was 
very necessary for their support. Therein they were kind- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


69 


ly entertained by the natives of that place, wishing, it 
seems, they had been seated there ; but he who appoints 
to all men their inheritance, and sets to the inhabitants of 
the earth the bounds of their habitation, had by his provi¬ 
dence otherwise disposed of them ; and by his purpose 
reserved that place for such of their friends, as should 
come after; thus far those people had experience of the 
outgoing of divine favour, blessing their going out and 
their coming in, and giving them encouragement, so 
they might be instrumental to lay a foundation for many 
generations. But the remembrance of the cold winter 
the year before gave them an item that it was time now 
to fit up their cottages against the same season, now fast 
approaching upon them, which they suddenly attended 
after harvest, for now their old store of provision being 
by this time all finished, they welcomed the first harvest 
fruits with no little joy. The hand of providence also 
in the beginning of winter increased them, as by sending 
in great plenty of fish and fowl to their great refreshing. 

The ninth of November ensuing added 35 persons more 
to their company, which was no small rejoicing to the 
first planters, nor were the new comers a little glad to see 
such plenty of provisions beyond expectation. The com¬ 
mander of the vessel was one Mr. Robert Cushman, an 
active and faithful instrument for the good of the pub- 
lick ; yet herein was he overseen, that he so overstored the 
plantation with number of people in proportion to the 
provision he brought with them, for the whole company, 
having nothing to trust to but the produce of the earth, 
and what they could procure by fishing and fowling, 
they were in great straight for provision before the re¬ 
turn of the next harvest; nor had they at this time any 
neat cattle, to afford them any present relief or future in¬ 
crease ; nor did it appear they had any benefit con¬ 
siderable, by other creatures. Presently after the dis¬ 
patch of this ship, whose stay in the country was not a- 
bove 14 days, the Narragansetts sent an uncouth 
messenger unto the plantation, with a bundle of arrows 
tied together with a snake’s skin, not much unlike that 
which sometimes the Scythians of old sent to the Per- 


70 


GENERAL HISTORY 


sian King Darius, when he without cause went to in¬ 
vade their country, of which those of Plymouth were 
not a whit guilty. Squanto their friend told them, he be¬ 
ing their interpreter, that the English of it was a threat¬ 
ening and a challenge, at which the governour, relying 
more on the power and promises of God, than the 
strength or number of his own company, was not a 
whit dismayed; but did, by another messenger, let him 
know how he resented their message, sending back their 
snake’s skin full of powder and bullets, with this word, 
that if they loved war better than peace they might begin 
when they would ; that as they had done them no wrong, 
so neither did they fear them, nor if they minded to try, 
should they find them unprovided. It is thought that 
their own ambitious humour prompted them to this inso¬ 
lent message, supposing the English might be a bar in 
their way in raising a larger dominion upon the ruins of 
their neighbours, wasted by late sickness, observing that 
Massasoit their next rival for sovereignty, had already 
taken shelter under the wings of the English; 
however it was a seasonable caution to the English to be 
more watchful and continually stand upon their guard, 
closing their dwellings with a strong pale, made with 
flankers at the corners, and strengthening their watches, 
having first divided their company into 4 squadrons, ap¬ 
pointing to each their quarter, to which they were to re¬ 
pair, in case of danger upon any alarm, and in case of 
fire ; assigning one company for a guard of their weap¬ 
ons, while the others were employed in putting out what 
was kindled. Thus having gotten over another of the 
cold winters, to which their bodies began now to be pret¬ 
ty well inured, they designed the succeeding spring, 
Anno 1622, to prosecute their commerce with the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, as they had certified the natives, about which 
there was some demur, in the first hand of the year 
upon some jealousies between Hobbamacke and Squan¬ 
to, grounded on some surmises raised by one of them, 
as if the natives of Massachusetts were like to join in a 
conspiracy with the Narragansetts. But this tempest being 
soon blown over, they accomplished their voyage with good 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


71 


success, and returned in safety, having for the greater secu¬ 
rity carried both the said Indians along with them; but after 
their return they discerned that Squanto, notwithstanding 
his friendship pretended to the English, began to play the 
Jack on both sides, endeavouring to advance his own 
ends betwixt the English and the Indians, making his 
countrymen believe that he could make war and peace 
when he pleased, or at his pleasure. And the more to 
affright his countrymen and keep them in awe, he told 
them the English kept the plague under ground, and 
could send it amongst them when they pleased, meaning, 
as he said, a barrel of gunpowder hid under ground. 
By . this means however he drew the Indians from their 
obedience to their Sachem, Massasoit, making them de¬ 
pend more upon himself than upon him, which caused 
him no small envy from the Sachem, insomuch as it 
had cost him his life, had it not been for the English, 
to whom he was constrained ever after to stick more 
close, so as he never durst leave them till his death, 
which the other did endeavour to hasten openly as well 
as privately, after the discovery of those practices. By 
this it appears that the very same spirit was then stirring 
in the father which of late did kindle this late rebellion 
and war between Philip his son and the English, occa¬ 
sioned by a jealousy the said Philip had conceived 
against Sausaman, whom he had entertained as his secre¬ 
tary, and sure counsellor, yet harbouring a jealousy in his 
mind against him, for the respect he bore to the English, 
which made him contrive his death, so thence have risen 
all the late differences or mischiefs as shall be shewed 
more fully afterwards, but as for the emulation that 
grew between Hobbamacke and Squanto, the English 
made good use thereof; the governour seemed to favour 
one, and the captain the other, whereby they were the bet¬ 
ter ordered in point of their observance to the English, 
which was a prudent consideration. The same course 
was taken of late by the governour of Plymouth, and him 
that immediately preceded, with reference to Philip and 
Josiah, two sagamores within their jurisdiction, but not 


5^ 


GENERAL HISTORY 


with the like success ; for when governour Prince only 
seemed more to favour Philip, as the other gentleman, at 
that time commander in chief of all the military forces, did 
Josiah, Philip conceived such a mortal hatred against the 
honourable gentleman, that at last it raised this fatal war, 
and ended in the ruin of himself and all his people, and 
all those that engaged with him therein. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Mr, Weston's Plantation of JVessagusquasset, 

About this time, viz. towards the end of May, 
Anno 1622, it appeared that Mr. Thomas Weston, (who 
was one of those adventurers that were first engaged in 
the foundation of Plymouth colony, and as is said had 
disbursed five hundred pounds to advance the interest 
thereof,) observing how the plantation began to flourish, 
was minded to break off and set up for himself, though 
little to his advantage, as the sequel proved. When men 
are actuated by private interest and are eager to carry 
on particular designs of their own, it is the bane of all 
generous and noble enterprises, but is very often re¬ 
warded with dishonour and disadvantages to the under¬ 
takers. At the last, this Mr. Weston had gotten for 
himself a patent for some part of the Massachusetts 
about Wessagusquasset, by the English since called 
Weymouth, for the carrying on a plantation there, he 
sent over two ships on his own particular account; in 
the one of them, which came first, were sixty young 
men which he ordered to be set ashore at Plymouth, 
there to be left till the ship that brought them was re¬ 
turned from Virginia, whither she was to convey the 
rest of her passengers; and likewise seven more that 
a little before arrived at Plymouth, sent thither from 
Damarill’s Cove, out of a ship employed there by said 
Weston, and another on a fishing design. In the mean 
time Mr. Weston’s men were courteously entertained by 
them of Plymouth the most part of that summer, many of 
them being sick, and all of them wholly unacquainted with 
setting up of new plantations. At the ship’s return from 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


73 

Virginia, those that were well and sound were carried 
to the place designed to plant, leaving their diseased and 
infirm at Plymouth till the rest were settled, and fitted 
with housing to receive them. But as Solomon saith, 
“wisdom is good with an inheritance,” which was much 
wanting at this time, either in him that undertook or in 
those that were sent to manage the inheritance of this 
patent, by which means the whole soon after came to 
nothing; for the company ordered to plant the said patent 
land proving unruly, and being destitute of a meet per¬ 
son to govern and order them, they fell first into disso¬ 
luteness and disorder, then into great want and misery, 
at last into wickedness, and so into confusion and ruin, 
as came to pass soon after; which followeth nextly to 
be related, premising only a short passage or two, which 
will but make way thereunto. By the vessel which brought 
the seven men bound for Virginia, as was mentioned 
before, was sent a courteous letter from one Hudson, 
master of one of the fishing ships about the eastern parts, 
giving them notice of the late massacre at Virginia, in 
the spring of this year, advising them to beware, accord¬ 
ing to old rule, by other men’s harms; which seasonable 
hint was wisely improved by those of Plymouth in rais¬ 
ing an edifice thereupon, which served them as well for 
a meeting-house wherein to perform their publick wor¬ 
ship, as for a platform to plant their ordnance upon, it 
being built with a flat roof, and battlements for that pur¬ 
pose; for at this time they were filled with rumors of the 
Narragansetts rising against them, as well as alarmed by 
the late massacre at Virginia. The courteous letter of 
the said Hudson did encourage those of Plymouth to 
return a thankful acknowledgment by Mr. Edward 
Winslow, sent by a boat of their own, with intent also 
to procure what provisions he could of that ship or any 
other in those parts ; the plantation at that time being in 
great want thereof, to which they received a very com¬ 
fortable return from the said master, who not only spared 
what he could himself, but wrote also in their behalf to 
other vessels upon the coast to do the like, by which 
means the plantation was well supplied at that time, 
10 


n 


GENERAL HISTORY 


which yet was soon spent by the whole company, that 
had no other relief to depend upon. Their f* ar also for 
the following year increasing with their present wants, 
for a famine was threatened by a great drought which 
continued that summer from the third week in May to 
the middle of July; their corn beginning to wither with the 
extremity of parching heat, accompanying the great want 
of rains, which occasioned the poor planters to set a day 
apart solemnly to seek God by humble and fervent prayer 
in this great distress; in answer whereunto the Lord was 
pleased to send them such sweet and gentle showers in 
that great abundance that the earth was thoroughly soak¬ 
ed therewith, to the reviving of the decayed corn and 
other withering fruits of the earth, so that the very In¬ 
dians were astonished therewith to behold it, that before 
were not a little troubled for them, fearing they would 
lose all their corn by the drought, and so would be in a 
more suffering condition for want thereof than them¬ 
selves, who, as they said, could make a shift to supply 
themselves of their wants with fish and other things, 
which the English they could not well do; yea some of 
them were heard to acknowledge the Englishmen’s God’s 
goodness, as they used to speak, that had sent them soft, 
gentle rains, without violence of storms and tempests, that 
used to break down their corn, the contrary which they 
now to their great astonishment beheld. It was observ¬ 
ed that the latter part of the summer was followed with 
seasonable weather, amounting to the promised blessing 
of the former and latter rain, which brought in a plentiful 
harvest, to their comfort and rejoicing; the which was now 
more welcome in that the merchants, that at first adven¬ 
tured, and on whom they relied for their continual supply, 
had now withdrawn their hands, nor had they ever after 
this time from any of them supply to any purpose; for 
all that came afterwards was too short for the passengers 
that came along therewith, so as they were forced to de¬ 
pend wholly on that they could raise by their own indus¬ 
try, by themselves. And that which was raised out of 
the field by their labour, for want of skill either in the 
soil or in the sort of grain, would hardly make one year 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


75 

reach to another; so if they could not supply themselves 
otherwise they many times were in want and great suf¬ 
ferings for provisions. But at this time for encourage- 
ment, another comfortable supply was occasionally 
brought in by one Capt. Jones, that a little before came 
into the harbour with intent and order to discover 
the harbours between this place and Virginia. He 
had much trading stuff, with which he might have fur¬ 
nished the plantation, but he took his advantage by their 
wants to raise his price at cent per cent, yet exacting in 
exchange coat beaver at three shillings per pound, 
which more than trebled his gain, with which it is well 
if his ship was not overburthened, and no doubt his con¬ 
science was, if it were not lightened by repentance, be¬ 
fore the storm of death approached. However, the 
planters, that by their necessity were driven by him to 
buy at any rates, found means thereby for a present re¬ 
lief. The Memorial of Plymouth Colony makes more 
honourable mention of one Mr. Pory, formerly Secre¬ 
tary in Virginia, who taking our new plantation onward 
in his way to Virginia, returned to governour and 
church a very grateful letter of the acknowledgment of 
the good he received by the perusal of some of Mr. 
Ainsworth’s and Mr. Robinson’s works, which it seems 
were not so common in the world as they have been 
since; and in way of his requital alter his return, procured 
no small advantage to the plantation of New Ply mouth, and 
amongst persons that were not of the meanest rank. 
But by this time Mr. Weston’s plantation at Weymouth 
had made havock of all their provisions; and whatever 
their boastings were, what great matters they would do, 
and never be brought into such streights as they found 
their friends at Plymouth in, at their first coming 
amongst them, yet now they saw poverty and want com¬ 
ing upon them like an armed man ; wherefore, under¬ 
standing that their friends at Plymouth had supplied 
them formerly with trading stuff for the procuring of 
corn from the Indians, wrote to the governour that they 
might join with them, offering their small ship to be im¬ 
proved in that service, requesting the loan or sale of 
so much of their trading stuff as their price might come 


76 


GENERAL HISTORY 


to, which was agreed unto on equal terms ; but going fol- 
out in this expedition, by cross winds and foul weather, 
and bending their course southward, they were driven 
in at Manomet, whereby they procured the corn they 
desired; but lost their interpreter, Squanto, who there 
fell sick and died. Not long before his death he desired 
the governour of Plymouth, who at that time was there 
present, to pray for him, that he might go to the place 
where dwelt the Englishmen’s God, of whom it seems 
this poor Indian or heathen had a better opinion than 
one of the Spanish Indians had of the Spaniards’ God ; 
who upon his death bed inquiring of some of their relig¬ 
ion whither the Spaniards went when they died, and 
being told they went to heaven, replied, that he would 
go to the contrary place, whether purgatory or hell, im¬ 
agining tlie place to be more desirable where he might 
be sure to find fewest of them. Thus we see blind 
heathens are apt by their natural consciences, to judge 
both of men’s religions and worship, and the God to 
whom it is performed, according to their lives and man¬ 
ners that profess it. But after their return with a con¬ 
siderable quantity of corn, which with frugal improve¬ 
ment might have answered the necessities of both their 
plantations for a long time, before the month of February 
was ended, John Sanders, that was left as the guide or 
overseer of Mr. Weston’s plantation, sent a sorrowful 
messenger to the colony at Plymouth, informing of their 
great straits they were in for want of corn, and that they 
had tried to borrow corn of the Indians and were denied; 
to know whether he might take it by force for the relief 
of his company, till he returned with supply from the 
ships eastward, whither he was then bound. It is more 
than probable that the poor heathen judged of them by 
their former manners to be like the wicked, Solomon 
speaks of, that borroweth and payeth not again, which 
made them so unwilling to lend. Yet as to case of 
conscience propounded by the men of this new planta¬ 
tion, an ordinary casuist might easily have resolved it at 
home, especially at that time, when it might have en¬ 
dangered the welfare of both plantations, those Indians 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


77 


that lived in or about the Massachusetts being so exas¬ 
perated by some of their former pranks, stealing their 
corn, &c. that they were in great danger of being all 
cut oft' by them. Yea, it is reported by some that sur¬ 
vived sometime after the planting of the Massachusetts 
colony, that they were so base as to inform the Indians 
that their governour was purposed to come and take their 
corn by force, which made them combine against the 
English. Certain it is, they were so provoked with their 
filching and stealing, that they threatened them as the 
Philistines did Samson’s father-in-law, after the loss of 
their corn; insomuch that the company, as some report, 
pretended in way of satisfaction to punish him that did 
the theft, but in his stead hanged a poor, decrepit old 
man, that was unserviceable to the company, and bur- 
thensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the 
story with which the merry gentleman that wrote the 
poem called Hudibras did, in his poetical fancy, make so 
much sport. Yet the inhabitants of Plymouth tell the 
story much otherwise, as if the person hanged was really 
guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and 
if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, 
at that time to do justice, there being some of Mr. Wes¬ 
ton’s company living, it is possible it might be executed 
not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be 
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had 
been let alone. In conclusion, the people of Weston’s 
plantation were brought to that extremity by their folly 
and profuseness, that they were all beggared by parting 
with all they had, to get a little relief from the Indians at 
any rate, and some of them starved. One going to get 
shell fish on the flats at low water was so enfeebled with 
hunger that he could not get his feet out of the mud, 
but stuck there fast till he died* Others that were more 
hale and strong lived by stealing from the Indians, with 
which they were so provoked, that they entered into a 
general conspiracy against all the English, as those of 
Plymouth understood by the persons whom they sent to 
visit and relieve Massasoit, of whom they heard in the fol¬ 
lowing year that he was dangerously sick. Conceiving that 


GENERAL HISTORY 


vs 

if they began or meddled only with Weston’s men, those 
of Plymouth would revenge it; therefore to prevent the 
danger, they plotted against them all. Massasoit discov¬ 
ered the conspiracy, that it was like speedily to be put in 
execution, in this opportunity of their weakness and 
want, advising them to surprise some of the chief in the 
plot, before it were too late. One Phineas Pratt, yet living, 
(1677) and that was one of the company, having made a 
strange yet happy escape by missing the path, (for being 
pursued by two Indians, he escaped their hands by that 
occasion, and so saved his life by losing his way,) when 
he came to Plymouth, they being fully satisfied both of 
the danger and distress those creatures were in, presently 
hasted away a boat to fetch them off, under the command 
of Capt. Standish, who according to the advice given by 
the Sachem, and his governour’s order, finding their con¬ 
dition more miserable, if well it could, than it had been re¬ 
presented, offered to carry them off to Plymouth, but they 
rather desired his assistance to get them shipped away 
in their own vessel, towards the fishing ships to the 
eastward, which he granted, and then seeing them safe 
under sail out of the bay, he returned home, but first 
called the conspirators to an account, rewarding the chief of 
them according to their desert, (but Mr. Robinson wishes 
they had converted some, before they had killed any of the 
poor heathen.) Not long after this, Mr. Weston him¬ 
self came over among the fishermen, too soon to under¬ 
stand the confusion of his plantation, though not soon 
enough to remedy it; yet not satisfied therewith, he must 
needs go to see the ruins thereof; but meeting with a 
sad storm he was driven ashore in Ipswich bay, and 
hardly escaped with his life, where he was stript by the 
Indians of all but his shirt. But not giving over of his 
purpose, he got to Pascataqua, where he furnished him¬ 
self with clothes, he sailed over to Plymouth. He was 
there beheld with some astonishment and pity by such 
as knew him in his former prosperity, but now was be¬ 
come so great an object of pity after he had undone him¬ 
self by helping to make others. The inhabitants of 
Plymouth, as prudent and frugal as they were to improve 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


79 


all advantages for their more comfortable subsistence, 
yet could hardly make a shift to live. How could it then 
otherwise fall out, but that idleness and riotousness 
should clothe the prodigal spendthrifts with rags, and 
bring them to a morsel of bread! 

CHAP XIV. 

The necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of New 

Plymouth , during their first lustre of years: their 

patent , how and when obtained. 

The inhabitants of Plymouth in the beginning of the 
year 1623 were reduced to that exigent, that by that time 
they had done planting, all their victuals was spent, so 
as for the following part of the summer they were to de¬ 
pend only on what the providence of God should cast 
in; being now driven to make it one constant petition in 
every of their daily prayers, “ Give us this day our daily- 
bread,” not knowing when they went to bed where to 
have a morsel for the next meal, leaving no fragments to 
lay up for the morning, yet through the goodness of di¬ 
vine bounty never wanted wherewith to satisfy their 
hunger at the least. In these straits they began to think 
of the most expedient ways how to raise corn for their 
necessary support. To that end at the last it was resolved, 
that every one should plant corn for their own particular, 
which accordingly was yielded unto : for it seems hith¬ 
erto they had been all maintained out of the common 
stock, like one entire family. Thus they ranged all their 
youth under some family, which course had success 
accordingly ; it being the best way to bring all hands to 
help bear the common burden. By this means was much 
more corn produced than else would have been; yet 
was it not sufficient to answer the desired end. However, 
those sufferings were borne by them with invincible pa¬ 
tience and alacrity of spirit, and that for the most part of 
two years, before they could overcome this difficulty. 
In these considerations, it may be said to them that suc¬ 
ceed in the present generation, those that went before 
have plowed and sowed, and borne the heat and burden 


80 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of the dav, but these have entered into the harvest of 
their labours. 

In the year 1623 they had but one boat left, and that 
none of the best, which then was the principal support of 
their lives : for that year it helped them for to improve a 
net wherewith they took a multitude of bass, which was 
their livelihood all that summer. It is a fish not much 
inferiour to a salmon, that comes upon the coast every 
summer, pressing into most of the great creeks every 
tide. Few countries have such an advantage. Some¬ 
times fifteen hundred of them have been stopped in a 
creek, and taken in one tide. But when these failed, 
they used to repair to the clam banks, digging on the 
shores of the sea for these fish. In the winter much use 
was made of ground nuts instead of bread, and for flesh 
they were supplied with all sorts of wild fowls, that used 
to come in great flocks into the marshes, creeks, and 
rivers, which used to afford them variety of flesh enough 
and sometimes to spare. Thus were they fed immediately 
by the hand of Providence, in a manner almost like as was 
Elijah by the ravens, and Israel in the wilderness, after 
they had for a long time struggled with those difficulties 
and temptations; no new thing to those that venture upon 
new plantations, as may be seen by what Peter Martyr 
in his Decades writes of the sufferings of the Spaniards 
in their conquests and first planting the West Indies. 
At the last, letters were received from the adventurers, 
putting them in some hopes of fresh supplies to be sent 
in a ship called the Paragon, under the command of Mr. 
John Peirce. This man it seems was employed to pro¬ 
cure them a patent for the place which they then pos¬ 
sessed, and some part of the country adjoining, as might 
be convenient for a whole colony to settle upon. But 
this gentleman thus employed had a design of his own, 
which all were not aware of, that made him speak two 
words for himself where he spake one for them ; for it 
seems a little before this time, Nov. 3d. eighteenth year of 
king James’ reign, the affairs of New England were put 
into the hands of a great number of worthy adventurers, 
some of the nobility not being unwilling to the attend- 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


81 


ing so good a work, commonly called the Grand Council 
of Plymouth, by the grant of a patent, confirmed to them 
by king James of blessed memory, about the year 1620, 
of which more in the next chapter. Now this Peirce 
aforesaid had insinuated by some friends into the said 
council, and obtained a considerable patent for a large 
tract of land in his own name, intending to keep it for 
himself and his heirs, purposing to allow the company of 
Plymouth liberty to hold some parts thereof as tenants 
under him, to whose court they must come as chief 
Lord; but he was strangely crossed in his enterprises, 
and was forced to vomit up what he had wrongfully 
swallowed down. The ship he had bought in his own 
name, and set out at his own charge, upon hopes of 
great matters, by taking in goods and passengers for the 
company on the account of freight, and so to be delivered 
here, but though the lot be cast into the lap, the whole 
disposing thereof is of the Lord : here was to appearance 
a notable contrivance for great advantage; but time and 
chance happens to all men, whereby their purposes are 
oft times disappointed, that are contrived with the greatest 
appearance of seeming policy : this ship was sadly 
blasted from its first setting out: that which is conceived 
in mischief, will certainly bring forth nothing but a lie: 
by what time it had sailed to the Downs, it sprang a 
leak, which was enough to have stopped their voyage : 
but besides that, one strand of their cable was casually 
cut, by an accidental chop, so as it broke in a stress of 
wind that there befel them, where she rode at anchor; 
so as they were in great danger to have been driven on 
the sands. By these accidents, the ship was carried 
back to London, where, after fourteen days, she arrived. 
But being hauled into the dock to be repaired, it cost 
the owners an hundred pounds for her repairs; for the 
recruiting of which loss more passengers were taken in, 
with which she was so pestered, that after she had got 
half way the second time, either the old sins of the owner 
and undertaker, or the new ones of the last passengers, 
raised such a storm as sent her back to London a second 
time, or to some other port in England. The storm is 
11 


GENERAL HISTORY 


SB 

reported to be one of the saddest that ever poor men 
were overtaken witn, that yet escaped with their lives, 
since that wherein the apostle Paul suffered shipwreck ; 
of the same length for continuance, and like violence for 
danger. The pilot, or he that was to command the ship, 
being some days fastened to the vessel for fear of being 
washed overboard : and sometimes the company could 
scarce tell whether they were in the ship or in the sea; 
being so much overraked with the waves. But at last, 
they were in mercy to some that were embarked with 
them driven into Portsmouth, with the lives of all the 
sailors and passengers; but having spent their masts, 
their roundhouse and all the upper works beaten off, a 
sad spectacle of a weather beaten vessel, yet as a monu¬ 
ment of divine goodness being drawn out of the depths 
and jaws of destruction: the said John Peirce, embarked 
with the rest, by all this tumbling backward and for¬ 
wards, was at last forced to vomit up the sweet morsel 
which he had swallowed down; so as the other adven¬ 
turers prevailed with him to assign over the grand 
patent to the company, which he had taken in his own 
name: whereby their former patent was made quite 
void. But Anno 1629 they obtained another patent by 
the earl of Warwick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ act, 
and a grant from the king for the confirmation^thereof, 
to make them a corporation in as large and ample man¬ 
ner as is the Massachusetts. 

It is probable, the foresaid ship being made unser¬ 
viceable by tiie last disasters, the goods and passengers 
were sent to New England with Mr. William Peirce in 
another vessel called the Anne, which was said to arrive 
there in the middle of July, 1623, wherein came sundry 
passengers ; two of the principal of them were Mr. Tim¬ 
othy Hathei ley and Mr. George Morton. The first meet¬ 
ing with a sore trial soon after his arrival, by the burning 
of his house, was so impoverished and discouraged there¬ 
by, that he returned for England the winter following, 
where, having recruited his estate, by the blessing of God 
upon him, he came again to New England some years 
after, where he lived a long time after, a profitable in- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


83 


strument of good both in church and commonwealth; 
and a great support of another plantation in Plymouth 
colony called Scituate. The other, Mr. George Morton, 
continued but a while, yet was found always an unfeign¬ 
ed well wisher, and according to his sphere and condition, 
a faithful promoter of the publick good, labouring always 
to still and silence the murmurings and complaints of 
some discontented spirits, by occasion of the difficulties 
of those new beginnings. But he fell asleep in the Lord, 
within a year after his first arrival, in June 1624, when it 
pleased the Lord to put a period to the days of his pil¬ 
grimage here. Towards the end of July aforesaid, came 
in also the other vessel, which the former had lost at sea, 
in which, as well as in the former, came over sundry 
considerable persons, who sought the welfare of the 
plantation. Among the rest, special notice was taken of 
Mr. John Jenny, a leading man, and of a publick spirit, 
that improved the interest both of his person and estate, 
to promote the concernments of the colony; in which 
service he continued faithful unto the day of his death, 
which happened in the year 1644, leaving this testimony 
* behind, that he walked with God, and served his gener¬ 
ation As for the rest of the passengers, when they 
came and saw in what a low condition they found their 
friends, they were diversly affected, according to their 
different humours : some relenting with pity toward 
their friends, while others were surprised with grief, 
foreseeing -their own sufferings in the glass of their 
neighbours’ sorrowful condition. In short, it fared with 
them in general as sometime it did with those that were 
rebuilding the temple at Jerusalem after the captivity, 
when some wept things were no better, while others 
rejoiced they were like to go so well. Yet was the glory 
of that temple, whose foundation was then laid, foretold 
by the prophet to be greater than that of the former 
temple, although it was a long time afore that prophecy 
came to be fulfilled, in the full extent thereof: “ who hath 
despised the day of small things?” so in a sense it hap¬ 
pened with this colony of Plymouth, which was the 
foundation of the flourishing and prosperity that in fol¬ 
lowing years was seen in the other colonies. 


84 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. XV. 

The council established at Plymouth in the county ofDevon , 
for the ordering the affairs of New England , and their 
proceedings with reference thereto . 

Letters patent were, as is intimated before, granted 
by his majesty in the year 1606, for the limitation of 
Virginia, which did extend from the 34 to the 44 de¬ 
gree of north latitude, distinguished into two colonies, a 
first and a second, (which last, called New England, was 
first christened by Prince Charles, and was appropriated 
to the cities of Bristol, Exon, and town of Plymouth in 
the west parts of England.) The adventurers had liberty 
to take their choice for plantations, any where between 
the degrees of 38 and 44, provided one hundred miles 
distance was left between the two colonies aforesaid. 
Those that first adventured thither, whatever were the 
misfortunes, calamities, and hindrances, they met withal 
in their first enterprises of planting, were not so discourag¬ 
ed, as wholly to lay aside the design, finding at last much 
encouragement to go on therewith, by the prudent en¬ 
deavours of Mr. Rocraft, Capt. Darmer, and others em¬ 
ployed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, yet held it most con¬ 
venient to strengthen themselves by a new grant from 
his royal majesty; and were the rather induced thereunto 
because they found those of Virginia had by two several 
patents settled their bounds, and excluded all from inter¬ 
meddling with them, that were not free of their company, 
and had wholly altered the form of their government, 
from the first grounds laid for the managing the affairs 
of both colonies, leaving those of New England as des¬ 
perates, and their business as abandoned. These con¬ 
siderations, together with the necessity of settling their 
own affairs and limits, distinct from theirs, made them 
at last rather to petition his majesty for the renewing 
their grant, because, whatsoever hopes they had of ob¬ 
taining their desires, the rumour thereof was soon spread 
abroad ; and the commodities of the place, both fish and 
trade, began to be so looked into, that they met with 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


85 


many interruptions, before they could effect their pur¬ 
pose. Many desired, that all "that coast might be made 
free, both to those of Virginia, as well as themselves. 
Others intended to bring the business into the Parlia¬ 
ment, which about that time was to assemble, hoping 
to prove the same to be a monopoly, and much tending 
to hinder the common good. Upon these motions the 
adventurers were much questioned about it, before way 
could be made for a new patent, ^ut both parties be¬ 
ing heard by the Lords of the Council, and by the Par¬ 
liament also, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges writes, in the des¬ 
cription of New England published in his name, Anno 
1658, the business was by them so ordered, that they 
were directed to proceed, and to have their grant agree¬ 
able to the liberty of the Virginia company, the form of 
their government only excepted. All parties not being 
satisfied herewith, it was heard another time before it 
was concluded : yea, after it had passed the seals, it was 
stopped upon new suggestions to the king, and by his 
majesty returned to the council to be settled; by whom 
the former order was confirmed, the differences cleared, 
and they ordered to have their patent at last delivered to 
them, bearing date at Westminster, Nov. 3, 1620, as is 
recited in the beginning of that afterwards granted to 
the company of the Massachusetts. The substance of 
the said grand charter is set down in the thirty-first 
chapter of this history following. But those honourable 
persons to whom the said patent was made, having laid 
their foundation upon the royal grant, of so great and 
sovereign a prince, imagined it could never fail, and so 
cast their designs in the mould of a principality, or royal 
state, intending to build their edifice proportionable to 
their platform, after the mode of the realm, from whence 
the country had its first denomination. For they proposed 
to commit the management .of their whole affairs to a 
general government, assisted by so many of the paten¬ 
tees as should be there resident upon the place, together 
with the officers of state, as Treasurer, Admiral, Master 
of the Ordnance, Marshal, with other persons of judgment 
and experience, as by the President and Council then 


S6 


GENERAL HISTORY 


established, for the better governing those affairs, should 
be thought fit: resolving also, (because all men are wont 
most willingly to submit to those ordinances, constitu¬ 
tions, and orders, themselves have had an hand in the 
framing of,) the general laws whereby the state should 
have been governed, should be first framed, and agreed 
upon by the General Assembly of the states of those 
parts, both spiritual and temporal. 

In prosecution of this purpose and intendment the 
council of Plymouth aforesaid, or some that acted their 
power, did in the year 1623, send over to New England 
some of the forementioned general officers; for about 
the end of June 1623 arrived in New England Capt. 
Francis West, who was sent with a commission from 
the said council, to be Admiral of all the country, to res¬ 
train interlopers, and such as came either to fish or trade 
upon the coast, without license from them. In the end 
of August following,* arrived there Capt. Robert Gorges, 
son of SirFerdinando, sent from the council, as lieutenant- 
general over all New England, for preventing and re¬ 
forming all such evils and abuses as had been complained 
of, to be committed by the fishermen and others, who 
not only without order and leave frequented those coasts, 
but when they were there, brought a reproach upon the 
nation, by their lewdness and wickedness among the 
savages, abusing their women openly, and teaching their 
people drunkenness, with other beastly demeanours: 
for the regulation of all which matters was the said gen¬ 
eral governour sent over, not without intent also to 
begin some new plantation, in some part of the Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay, for which end the said Capt. Gorges had 
a patent assigned him, for a place called Massachusiack, 
on the northeast side of the said bay, containing thirty 
miles in length, and ten in breadth up into the main 
land. Capt. West aforesaid and Christopher Lovet, 
Esq. (who came over about the same time with intent 
to begin another plantation somewhere else, but without 
success,) with the governour of Plymouth colony for that 
time being, was appointed to be his council, yet grant¬ 
ing him authority to choose such other as he should 

* Middle of September. P. I. 141. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


$7 

think fit. Divers of his friends, it seems, promising to 
send suitable supplies after him, but they withdrew when 
they understood how Sir Ferdinando was like to speed 
in the Parliament, where Sir Edward Cooke, the speaker 
at that time, (a great patron of the liberties of the peo¬ 
ple, and as great an enemy to all projectors,) endeavour¬ 
ed to have the whole design of the council of Plymouth 
condemned as a monopoly, and a breach of the liberties 
of the subject. The gentlemen on whom Capt. Gorges 
had his dependence for supplies, upon this occasion with¬ 
holding their assistance, they who were personally en¬ 
gaged in the design were thereby made uncapable of do¬ 
ing any thing to purpose, and so the whole business 
came to nothing. For after some troublesome agita¬ 
tions between Capt. Gorges and Mr. Weston, who was 
by him called to account for the ill managing his planta¬ 
tion at Weymouth, and for abusing his license from Sir 
Ferdinando for carrying over ordnance, (which matter 
was composed betwixt them by the wisdom of the gov- 
ernour of Plymouth,) the general governour, Capt. Rob¬ 
ert Gorges, soon returned home, scarce having saluted 
the country in his government, nor continued much 
longer in it than Tully’s vigilant consul, that had not lei¬ 
sure during his whole consulship, so much as once to 
take his sleep. For finding the place to answer neither 
his quality nor condition, nor the hopes he had conceiv¬ 
ed thereof, he had but small encouragement for longer 
abode in such a remote and desert land, not like in a 
long time to be inhabited. By this experiment of Capt. 
Robert Gorges, it appears how great a difference there 
is between the theoretical and practical part of an enter¬ 
prise. The Utopian fancy of any projector, may easily 
in imagination frame a flourishing plantation, in such a 
country as was New England ; but to the actual accom¬ 
plishing thereof there is required a good number of re¬ 
solved people, qualified with industry, experience, pru¬ 
dence, and estate, to carry on such a design to perfection, 
much of which were wanting in the present design. 

It is said that one Mr. Morel came over with the said 
captain, who was to have had a superintendency over 


88 


GENERAL HISTORY 


other churches, but he did well in not opening his corn- 
mission, till there appeared a subject matter to work 
upon. By this means the design of a royal state, that so 
many honourable persons had been long travailing with 
proved abortive: and the persons concerned therein not 
long after were in danger to have fallen into a contrary ex¬ 
treme, by as great an errour ; viz. in cantoning the whole 
country into so many petty lordships, and smaller divis¬ 
ions, that little or nothing for the future, could for a long 
time be effectually carried on, amongst so many pretend¬ 
ers to grants of lands, charters, and patents, for want of 
establishing an orderly government under which all the 
planters might have been united for the publick and 
general good. For after the Parliament in the year 
1621 was broken up into some discontent, the king not 
being well pleased with the speeches of some particular 
persons, that seemed to trench further on his honour and 
safety, than he saw meet to give way unto; and all 
hope of alteration in the government of the church, ex¬ 
pected by many, being thereby taken away, several of 
the discreeter sort, to avoid what they saw themselves 
obnoxious unto at home, made use of their friends to 
procure liberty from the council of Plymouth to settle 
some colony within their limits, which was granted ; be¬ 
sides those of Mr. Robinson’s church, which was first 
obtained in the west of England. And so far was the 
matter proceeded in, that within a short time after king 
James’ death, a great number of people began to flock 
thither, insomuch that notice was so far taken thereof by 
the king’s council, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, (as him¬ 
self relates,) who had been instrumental to draw over 
those that began the colonies of New Plymouth and the 
Massachusetts, was ordered to confer with such as 
were chiefly interested in the plantation of New England, 
to know whether they would wholly resign to his majesty 
and his council their patent, leaving the sole manage¬ 
ment of their publick affairs to them, with reservation of 
every man’s right formerly granted, or whether they 
would stand to the said patent, and execute the business 
among themselves; and to have the said patent renewed, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


89 


with the reformation or addition of such things as should 
be found expedient. The gentlemen, to whom this 
proposition was made, were willing to submit all to his 
majesty’s pleasure, yet desired that upon the resignation 
of their patent the whole might be divided among the 
patentees. This, as was said, happening about the year 
1635, sundry parcels thereof that had been granted by 
mutual consent, were confirmed anew. By this occasion 
Sir William Alexander, (since earl of Sterling,) had a 
tract of land assigned him to the eastward from St. 
Croix to Pemaquid, on his account called Nova Scotia, 
to whom was added on some such account, Long Island, 
then called Mattanwake; or else he obtained it from the 
earl of Carlisle as is by many affirmed. Captain Mason 
obtained a grant for Naumkeag, about the year 1621, and 
the land between Naumkeag and Pascataqua, which he 
had confirmed in the year 1635, as is said. Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, in like manner, obtained afterwards a grant 
for all the land from Pascataqua to Saga de Hock, which 
was confirmed to him by a distinct charter about the 
year 1639, &c. But the other divisions not being per¬ 
fected in king James’ days, were never looked after, and 
new ones were made in the beginning of king Charles’ 
reign ; by whom were patents granted to several adven¬ 
turers, which at that time presented themselves. And as 
some particular persons put in for their several grants, so 
did the merchants and other gentlemen belonging to some 
cities and towns, as of Shrewsbury, Dorchester, Ply¬ 
mouth, who obtained several grants for themselves, about 
the mouth and upper branches of Pascataqua river, who 
employed as their agent Mr. Thomson, Capt. Neale, 
Capt. Wiggon, and one Mr. Williams, with Mr. Samuel 
Maverick and others. And among the rest some knights, 
gentlemen, and merchants about Dorchester, by the ad¬ 
vice of one Mr. White, an eminent preacher there, ob¬ 
tained a patent for all that part of New England that lies 
between three miles to the northward of Merrimack 
river, and three miles to the southward of Charles river, 
the seat of the Massachusetts colony; the affairs of which, 
principally intended for the subject of the following dis- 
12 


DO 


GENERAL HISTORY 


course, shall in what follows be more particularly and 
distinctly spoken unto in their place, after the affairs of 
Ply mouth and the planting thereof are a little further 
laid open. 

CHAR XVI. 

The addition of more assistants to the government of Ply¬ 
mouth c lony, with some passages most remarkable 
there in the years 1624, 1625. 

Of the people that came along with Capt. Robert 
Gorges, in hope of raising their fortunes by some new 
colony or plantation in New England, some returned 
back with their captain that brought them ; others went 
on to Virginia, either out of discontent and dislike of the 
country, or out of necessity for want of means to subsist 
longer therein: Plymouth people were not able to supply 
them, (having not enough for themselves.) After their 
own provisions were burnt up by a fire accidentally 
kindled by some roystering seamen, that were entertain¬ 
ed in the common house, that belonged to' the inhab¬ 
itants, where their goods were lodged. It was strongly 
suspected, by a long firebrand, which was found in a 
shed at the end of the storehouse, by some that put out 
the fire, that it was done on purpose. However, those 
of Plymouth accounted themselves bound to acknowl¬ 
edge the goodness of God in preserving their own store 
of ammunition and provision from a dangerous fire, 
^(whether casually or wilfully kindled ) With such diffi¬ 
culties as have been foremeniioned was the third year 
concluded, after the first settling of that plantation. That 
which happened as most remarkable in the following 
year, 1624, was, first, the addition of five assistants to 
their governor, Mr. Bradford, upon whose motion it was 
done . His judgment and prudence had now for the 
three years past, commended him to the highest place of 
rule amongst them, by the unanimous consent of all the 
people. But now he solemnly desired them to change the 
person, when they renewed their election, and to add 
more for help and counsel, and the better carrying on of 
publick affairs, using this plausible reason, that if it were 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


91 


any honour or benefit, it was fit that others should be 
made partakers thereof, and if it were a burden, (as it 
was judged in Jotham’s parable by all the trees, save the 
ambitious bramble,) it was but equal that others should 
help to bear it. This reason was found more cogent in 
the succeeding colonies, when several peisons were 
ready at hand equally fitted for the government, where the 
governor was often changed, at least in two of them, till 
of latter times, in which the choice of the people'hath 
always run in the same channel, pitching upon the same 
person so long, if not longer, than he was well able to 
stand under the weight and burden thereof. And indeed, 
though it is'safe when there is a liberty reserved for a 
change in case, yet too frequent making use thereof, 
was never found advantageous to the subjects. 

But as to the people of New Plymouth in their Gen¬ 
eral Court of this year, they dealt very Honourably with 
their governour, in that having yoked five men besides 
himself in the government, they gave him the advantage 
of the yoke, by a double voice, on the casting vote. 
And with that number of assistants they rested contented 
till the year 1633, when two more were added, which 
number since that time, was never exceeded in any of 
their elections. 

That which, in the second place, was looked upon as 
remarkable, was the safe return of their agent Mr. Ed¬ 
ward Winslow, who being employed for the colony in 
occasions of great weight, now arrived there in the be¬ 
ginning of this year, bringing with him considerable 
supplies for their spiritual good, as was thought at first, 
as well as for their temporal. For he brought over with 
with him one Mr. Lyford, a minister of the gospel, upon 
the account of the adventurers at London, approved by 
them as an able minister, and willing to run the hazard 
of a wilderness life, to enjoy the liberty of his own judg¬ 
ment in matters of religion. When he came first over 
he was received with great joy and applause, making a 
[profession] of more respect and humility than the people 
knew well how to understand. But upon a little further 
experience, finding his principles in matter of church 


GENERAL HISTORY 


92 

discipline not to suit so well with theirs, they took up a 
great displeasure against him, and could not be contented 
till they had shut their hands of him, alleging things against 
him of another nature, than difference of his judgment. 
For some that kept the records of their principal affairs, 
have left a very bad character of him, as of one that was 
not only very fickle and inconstant in his judgment about 
the things of religion, but as one that wanted soundness 
and uprightness in his practice and conversation. For 
at his first receiving into the church, they say he blessed 
God for such an opportunity of liberty and freedom from 
his former disorderly walking, and sundry corruptions 
he had been entangled with, yet in short time after fell 
into acquaintance with Mr. Oldham, and was partner 
with him in all his (as those of Plymouth accounted 
them) seditious after-practices, growing both of them 
very perverse, and drawing as many as they could into 
the same faction with them, though of the viler and 
looser sort, (a thing too common where faction, either in 
church or state doth much prevail, witness the experience 
of the perilous times in these latter as well as in former 
days,) feeding themselves and others with vain hopes of 
what they should bring to pass in England by means of 
the adventurers, who since, as they of that place account, 
have proved adversaries to the plantation. It is said 
also, that they who were of the faction writ many private 
letters to England full of complaints against the colony 
and church of Plymouth, using great endeavors to turn 
things about to another form of government, at least to 
some considerable alteration therein. But the govern- 
nour outwitted them, finding a handsome way to get 
either their letters or copies of them, before the return of 
the ship in which they were to be sent; whereby both 
the principal actors, and all their confederates were easily 
convicted, as soon as ever they w r ere called to an account. 
Whereupon sentence was passed upon them, more favour¬ 
ably as some report, than their fact deserved, yet such 
as required their departures out of the colony within a 
short time after, and not to return without leave. Yet at 
the next court of election, in the year 1625 , Mr. Oldham 
returned without license, set on by others as was thought. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


§3 


carrying it very badly withal, and giving too much vent 
to his unruly passions, which forced the court to commit 
him till he was tamer, and then they granted him an 
honourable passport through a military * * guard, to¬ 
ward the place where he was to take boat, yet using no 
worse word as he passed by, than bidding him amend 
his manners, which it is reported that afterwards he did, 
drawn thereunto bv divine conviction in a sad storm; 
upon which he confessed his miscarriages, and was after¬ 
ward permitted to come and go at his pleasure, and as 
his occasions led him, spending his time for the general 
in trading with the Indians, amongst whom afterwards 
he lost his life, which w^as one occasion of the Pequod 
war, as shall be declared afterwards. 

As lor Mr. Lyford, who was sent over for their minis¬ 
ter, it is said, that after his dismission from Plymouth, 
he never returned thither again; but took up his station 
first at Nantasket, whither some of his most charitable 
friends repaired with him, affording him the best en¬ 
couragement they could for his support, during his 
abode with them. However, Mr. Lyford, finding the 
company to be but small, and unable to do much for 
him, and he unable to do any thing for himself, and see¬ 
ing little hopes of the addition of more to them, removed 
soon after to Virginia, where he ended his days. Some 
that came over with him, that knew nothing of the wick¬ 
edness he was guilty of in Ireland, out of too much 
charity judged of him much better than ever he deserved, 
both of him and of Mr. Oldham, and speaks in a man¬ 
ner quite contrary to what is recorded in New England’s 
Memorial: and that his greatest errour, and that which 
made him and the rest be looked upon as so great of¬ 
fenders amongst them, was, their antipathy against the 
way of the separation, wherein those of Plymouth had 
been trained up under Mr. Robinson. As to other 
things, some of their friends yet surviving do affirm, 
upon their own knowledge, that both the forenamed per¬ 
sons were looked upon as seemingly, at least, religious: 
and that the first occasion of the quarrel with them was, 
the baptizing of Mr. Hilton’s child, who was not joined 


GENERAL HISTORY 


91 

to the church at Plymouth: which, if there were any 
tolerable ground that it should pass for a truth, the terms 
of wickedness wherewith their practices are branded in 
the Memorial of New England seem a little, if not much 
too harsh, for according to the old rule, “ de mortuus nil 
nisi lene,” speak well of the dead. The difference of 
men’s principles and disadvantages of their natural 
temper (wherein they are apt much to be misled in the 
managingof their designs,) ought rather, when there is sin¬ 
cerity, to be imputed to the weakness of their virtues, than 
the wickedness of their vices. Whatever may be said this 
way about the present difference amongst the planters of 
Plymouth colony, the sad effects of that storm were not 
so soon over, as the story of the things said or done was 
told. A small tempest may hazard the loss of a weak 
vessel, as an inconsiderable distemper may much en¬ 
danger the welfare of a crazy body. For it seems sundry 
of the adventurers, more studious of their profit than die 
advancing of the religion of the separation, were pretty 
stiffly engaged in the business; and from that time ever 
after withdrew their supplies, leaving the plantation to shift 
for itself, and stand or fall as it could. Yet this was their 
comfort, that when man forsook them, God took them 
up, succeeding their after endeavours with his blessing 
in such wise, that they were in some measure able to 
subsist of themselves ; especially for that, within a while 
after, they began to be furnished witli neat cattle, the 
first brood of which was brought to Plymouth by Mr. 
Winslow, in the year 1624. 

In the year following, viz. 1625, they fell into a way 
of trading with the Indians more eastward, about the 
parts of Kennebeck; being provided of so much corn 
by their own industry at home, that they were able, to 
their no small advantage, to lend or send rather to those 
in other parts, who by reason of the coldness of the 
country used not to plant any for themselves. For. what 
was done this year, with reference to Kennebeck, proved 
an inlet to a'further trade that way, which was found 
very beneficial to the plantation afterwards. 

One other passage of Providence is here also taken 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


95 


notice of, by the inhabitants of Plymouth, Anno 1625 ; a 
yery remarkable one. The adventurers, having left this 
their new colony to subsist of itself, and trade up and 
down the world, before it was well able at home to stand 
alone, did notwithstanding send two ships upon a fishing 
design upon the coast that year. In the lesser of them 
was sent home by the plantation to the merchants, the 
adventurers, a good quantity of beaver and other furs, 
to make payment for a parcel of goods sent them before, 
upon extreme rates ; but the said vessel, though in com¬ 
pany of the other that was bigger, all the way over, and 
shot deep into the English channel, yet was then sur¬ 
prised by a Turk’s man of war, and carried into Sallee, 
where the said furs were sold for a groat a piece, which 
was as much too cheap, as the adventurers’ goods, by 
which they were produced, were thought by the pur¬ 
chasers to be too dear; the master and his men being made 
slaves into the bargain, v hich both adventurers and 
planters had reason much to bewail. 

In the bigger of the said ships was Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish sent over as agent for the plantation, to make an 
end of some matters of difference yet depending betwixt 
them and the merchants of London, their correspon¬ 
dents, as also to promote some business with the hon¬ 
ourable council of New England; both which, notwith- 
stai ding the difficulty he met withal, relating to those 
occasions by reason of the pestilence then rife at Lon¬ 
don, were happily accomplished by him, so far as he left 
things in a hopeful way of composition with the one, 
and a promise of all helpfulness and favour from the 
other. By this turn of Providence the common opinion 
of Providence is confuted, of men’s venturing their per¬ 
sons where they venture their estates. Had Capt. Stan- 
dish so done, he had been carried to a wrong port, from 
which he had certainly made a bad return for their ad¬ 
vantage that sent him out, as well as his own; for his 
goods were sent home in the small vessel, taken by the 
men of Sallee, (where the beaver skins were sold but for 
a groat apiece,) but he wisely embarked himself for 
greater safety in the bigger vessel, and so arrived in 
safety at his desired port. 


96 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. XVII. 

Affairs in the colony of New Plymouth , political and eccle¬ 
siastical during the second lustre of years , viz . from 

March 26 , 1626 , to March 26 , 1631 . 

The first year of this second lustre was ushered in to 
the church of New Plymouth with the doleful news of 
the death of Mr. John Robinson, their faithful and be¬ 
loved pastor, about the fiftieth year of his age, who with 
the rest of the church was left behind at Leyden, when 
these transported themselves into America; which was 
yet made more grievous by the report of the loss of 
some of their other friends and relations, swept away 
by the raging pestilence aforesaid : which happening to¬ 
gether with the forementioned losses suffered by their 
friends, much increased the sorrow of their hearts; so 
that it turned their joy which the safe arrival of their 
agent, Capt. Standish, called for, into much heaviness. 
They having thereby the experience of the apostle’s words 
verified upon them, sorrowing most of all, for that they 
must now conclude they should see his face no more. 
For before the arrival of these sad tidings, they were not 
without all hope of seeing his face in New England, not¬ 
withstanding the many obstructions laid in the way, by 
some ill affected persons as they conceived. He was, 
as it seemed, highly respected of" his people, (now dis¬ 
persed into two companies, further asunder than was 
Dothan and Hebron,) as they were also of him. 
That which was the principal remora that de¬ 
tained him with the rest in Holland is not mention¬ 
ed by any of his friends here, yet may it easily 
be supposed, viz. the sad difficulties, and sore trials, that 
his friends in New England had hitherto been encoun¬ 
tered withal; so as those that were here could not seri¬ 
ously advise him and the rest to follow them, till things 
were brought to some better settlement in this their new 
plantation, together with some back friends that did all 
they could to obstruct his coming over. The tempta¬ 
tions of a wilderness, though not invincible, yet may be 
very hard to overcome; witness the experience of Israel 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


a? 

of old, who were only to pass through it, and not first 
plant it, as were those here. The small hopes these had 
of their pastor’s coming over to them, being heretofore 
revived by the new approach of the shipping every spring, 
possibly made them more slow in seeking out for anoth¬ 
er supply, as also more difficult in their choice of any 
other. But these hopes being now quite extinct, they 
found it no easy matter to pitch upon a meet person at 
so great a distance : nor was it easy to have obtained 
him whom they might have chosen, and therefore were 
they constrained to live without the supply of that office, 
making good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr. 
Brewster, who was qualified both to rule well, and also 
to labour in the word and doctrine, although he could 
never be persuaded to take upon him the pastoral office, 
for the administration of the sacraments, &c. In this way 
they continued till the year 1629, when one Mr. Ralph 
Smith, who came over into the Massachusetts, and finding 
no people there that stood in any need of his labours, he 
was easily persuaded to remove to Plymouth ; him they 
called to exercise the office of a pastor, more induced 
thereunto possibly by his approvingthe rigid way of the 
separation principles, than any fitness for the office he un¬ 
dertook ; being much overmatched by him that he was 
joined with in the presbytery, both in the pointof discretion 
to rule, and aptness to teach, so as through many infirmities, 
being found unable to discharge the trust committed to 
him w T ith any competent satisfaction, he was forced soon af¬ 
ter to lay it down. Many times it is found that a total vacan¬ 
cy of an office is easier to be borne, than an under-perfor¬ 
mance thereof. However those of Plymouth comforted 
themselves, that they had the honour to set an example 
for others to imitate, and lay the foundation for those 
that came after, to build upon—scil. to raise up the tab¬ 
ernacle of David in those days of the earth, not that was 
fallen down, but that which was never set up there before, 
that this last residue of the Gentiles in America, might 
seek after God, at least have an opportunity to turn unto 
him, before their times should be fulfilled. And at this 
48 


GENERAL HISTORY 


day the hopefullest company of Christian Indians do live 
within the bounds of Plymouth Colony. 

But to return to the state of the civil affairs of this our 
new plantation: the first part of this lustre being thus 
run out without any considerable matter acted in the 
plantation, the following or second year put them upon 
some further attempts for setting things in a way of bet¬ 
ter subsistence. For in the first place Mr. Isaac Aller- 
ton was sent to England to make a final issue, by com¬ 
position or otherwise, of the matter depending there be¬ 
tween the adventurers and the plantation, according to 
what had been the year before begun by Capt. Standish : 
accordingly the said Allerton returned in the usual sea¬ 
son of the following year, when he dispatched the affair he 
was imployed in according to expectation. But for mat¬ 
ters at home among themselves, in the said year 1627 , in 
the first place they apprehended a necessity of granting a 
larger distribution of land, than ever yet they had done : 
for it seems hitherto they had allowed to each person but 
one acre for his propriety, besides his homestead, or gar¬ 
den plot, that they might the better keep together, for 
more safety and defence, and better improvement of the 
general stock, therein following the prudent example of 
the conquering Romans in their first beginings, when 
every man contented himself with two acres of land, or 
as much ground as he could till in one day; thence it 
came to pass with them, that the word Jugerum was used 
to signify the quantity of an acre with us, i. e. so much as 
a yoke of oxen did usually eare (from the Latin arare) in one 
day. And amongst them he was looked at, as a danger¬ 
ous person, that did aspire to more than seven such acres : 
the reason of which division among the Romans seems 
rather to be taken from the good quality of the soil, than 
the greatness or quantity of the portion, it being more 
than probable that seven acres of their land well improv¬ 
ed would bring forth more good grain, than four times 
that number in or about Patuxet, now called Plymouth. 
But to be short, our friends in this their second distribu¬ 
tion did arise but to twenty acres a man, i. e. five acres 
in breadth at the water side, and four in breadth up- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


99 


wards toward the main land. Resolving to keep such a 
mean in the division of their lands, as should not hinder 
the growth of the plantation by the accession of others, to 
be added to their number, which example and practice 
it had been well for New England it had been longer 
followed ; for then probably, though they had had fewer 
plantations, those which they had would have more ea¬ 
sily been defended against the barbarous assaults of their 
savage and cruel enemies. 

During this time the painful and diligent labour of 
this poor people is not to be forgotten, who all this while 
were forced to pound their corn in mortars, not having 
ability in their hands to erect other engines to grind, by 
the help either of the winds or water, as since hath been 
commonly obtained. 

This year also happened a memorable accident (re¬ 
corded by the inhabitants themselves) of a ship with ma¬ 
ny passengers bound for Virginia, who having lost them¬ 
selves at sea, (either through the insufficiency, or bodily 
inability of the master and his men, or numbers of the 
passengers, the scurvy having strangely infected the bo¬ 
dies or minds of the whole company.) did in the night 
stumble over the shoals of Cape Cod, and the next day 
were forced over a sandy bar that lay at the mouth of a 
small harbour in Merrimack Bay, by which means their 
lives were all preserved. For news thereof being brought 
to the governour of Plymouth, he afforded them assist¬ 
ance to repair their vessel, but for want of good mooring, 
she was forced ashore, where at last she laid her bones ; 
the company being all courteously entertained by the in¬ 
habitants, till they could get themselves transported to their 
intended port, all but some that remained as monuments 
of special mercy in the country, where they had been so 
eminently delivered. 

This year (1627) likewise began an intercourse of 
trade between our friends of New Plymouth, and a plan¬ 
tation of the Dutch, that had a little before settled them¬ 
selves upon Hudson’s river, Mr. Isaac De Rosier, the 
Dutch Secretary, being sent to congratulate the English 
at Plymouth in their enterprise, desiring a mutual cor- 


100 


GENERAL HISTORY 


respondency, in way of traffick and good neighbourhood, 
upon account of the propinquity of their native soil and 
long continued friendship between the two nations. 
This overture was courteously accepted, by the govern- 
our and people of New Plymouth, and was the foun¬ 
dation of an advantageous trade that in following years 
was carried on between the English in these parts, and 
the said plantation of the Dutch, to their mutual benefit. 
But whatever were the honey in the mouth of that beast 
of trade, there was a deadly sting in the tail. For it is 
said, they first brought our people to the knowledge of 
Wampcimpeag; and the acquaintance therewith occasioned 
the Indians of these parts to learn the skill to make it, by 
which, as by the exchange of money, they purchased 
store of artillery, both from the English, Dutch, and 
French, which hath proved a fatal business to those that 
were concerned in it. It seems the trade thereof was at 
first by strict proclamation prohibited by the king. “ Sed 
quid non mortalia pectora cogis? Auri sacra fames!” 
“ The love of money is the root of all evil.” No banks 
will keep out the swelling sea of their exorbitant desire, 
that make haste to be rich, which is ready to drown men’s 
bodies as well as souls in perdition, that are resolved so 
to be, right or wrong. For the remaining years of this 
second lustre, little else is kept in mind, by any of the 
inhabitants, worth the communicating to posterity, save 
the death of some principal men that had borne a deep 
share in the difficulties and troubles of first settling the 
plantation; such as Mr. Richard Warren and others, 
who ended their pilgrimage here on earth; and after 
much labour and anxiety, both of body and mind, quietly 
fell asleep in the Lord. Foundation and corner stones, 
though buried, and lying low under ground, and so out 
of sight, ought not to be out of mind ; seeing they sup¬ 
port and bear up the weight of the whole building. “ The 
memory of the just shall be blessed.” 

During all this lustre also the people of Plymouth 
held the same course in their elections; nor did they 
make any alteration till the year 1G33, when Mr. Edward 
Winslow was first chosen governour. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


101 


But for as much, as about the beginning of this lus¬ 
tre, at least before it was half run out, the Massachusetts 
bay was begun to be planted; so that after 1628 the 
history of the affairs of New England is to be turned into 
that channel ; we must in what follows look a little back, 
till we come to the springhead of that stream, and,take 
notice of every turn of Providence that helped to raise 
or increase that broad river with streams; of which more 
in the next and following chapters. 

About September, 1630, was one Billington executed at 
Ply mouth for murther. When the world was first peopled, 
and but one family to do that, there w T as yet too many 
to live peaceably together ; so when this wilderness be¬ 
gan first to be peopled by the English, when there was 
but one poor town, another Cain was found therein, who 
maliciously slew his neighbour in the field, as he accident¬ 
ally met him, as himself was going to shoot deer. The 
poor fellow perceiving the intent of this Billington, his 
moital enemy, sheltered himself behind trees as well as he 
could for a while ; but the other not being so ill a marks¬ 
man as to miss his aim, made a shot at him, and struck 
him on the shoulder, with which he died soon after. 
The murtherer expected that either for want of power to 
execute for capital offences, or for want of people to in¬ 
crease the plantation, he should have his life spared ; but 
justice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first 
murtherer of his neighbour there, with the deserved pun¬ 
ishment of death, for a warning to others. 

CHAP. XVIII. 

The discovery and first planting of the Massachusetts . 

Several mariners, and several persons skilled in 
navigation, (whether employed by others in a way of 
fishing and trading, or to satisfy their own humours, in 
making further and more exact discoveries of the coun¬ 
try, is not material,) had some years before looked down 
into the Massachusetts Bay. The inhabitants of New 
Plymouth had heard the fame thereof, and in the first 


GENERAL HISTORY 


402 

year after their arrival there, took an occasion to visit it^ 
g lining some acquaintance with the natives of the place, 
in order to future traffick with them ; for which purpose 
something like an habitation was set up at Nantaskit, a 
place judged then most commodious for such an end. 
There Mr Roger Conant, with some few others, after 
Mr. Lyford and Mr. Oldham, were (for some offence, 
real or supposed) discharged for having any thing more 
to do at Plymouth, found a place of retirement and re¬ 
ception for themselves and families, for the space of a 
year and some few months, till a door was opened for 
them at Cape Anne, a place on the other side of the bay, 
(more convenient for those that belong to the tribe of 
Zebulon, than for those that chose to dwell in the tents 
of Issachar,) whither they removed about the year 1625. 
After they had made another short trial there, of about a 
year’s continuance, they removed a third time a little 
lower towards the bottom of the bay, being invited by 
the accommodations which they either saw or hoped to 
find on the other side of a creek near by, called Naum- 
keag, which afforded a considerable quantity of planting 
land near adjoining thereto. Here they took up their 
station upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, inviron- 
ed with an arm of the sea on each side, in either of which 
vessels and ships of good burthen might safely anchor. 
In this place, (soon after by a minister that came with a 
company of honest planters,) called Salem, from that in 
Psal. Ixxvi. 2. was laid the first foundation on which the 
next colonies were built. The occasion which led them 
to plant here, shall be mentioned afterwards. For the 
better carrying on the story of which, mention must in 
the first place be made of what was doing on the other 
side of the ba), towards Plymouth, by a company of 
rude people there, left by one Capt. Wollaston, called 
Mount Wollaston, from his name that first possessed it; 
but since, it is by the inhabitants, after it arose to the 
perfection of a township or village, called Braintree. 
This captain, not taking notice of the great estate and 
whole stock of credit which Mr. Weston had not long 
before shipwrecked at a place near by, called Wessagus- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


108 


quasset, attempted in like maimer to try his fortune in 
this fatal place, about the year 1625, yet had he this 
consideration, as not to venture all his own stock in one 
single bottom; for three or four more were embarked with 
him in the same design, who rather took New England in 
their way to make a trial, than to pitch their hopes ulti¬ 
mately thereon. 

These brought with them a great many servants, with 
suitable provisions, and other requisites necessary to 
raise a plantation; with which they might have effect¬ 
ed their purpose well enough, as they have done that 
came after, had it not been for one Morton, a master of 
misrule, that came along in company with the rest, that 
sometimes had been a pettifogger of Furnivall’s inn, 
and possibly might bring some small adventure of his 
own, or other men’s, with the rest. But after they had 
spent much labour, cost, and time in planting this place, 
and saw that it brought in nought but a little dear 
bought experience, the captain transports a great part of 
the servants to Virginia ; and that place at the first sight 
he likes so well, that he writes back to Mr. Rasdale, his 
chief partner, to bring another part of them along with 
him, intending to put them off there, as he had done the 
rest, leaving one Filcher behind, as their lieutenant to 
govern the rest of the plantation, till they should take 
further order. 

But in their absence, this Morton took the counsel of 
the wicked husbandmen about the vineyard in the para¬ 
ble: for making the company merry one night, he per¬ 
suaded them to turn out Filcher, and keep possession 
for themselves, promising himself to be a partner with 
them, and telling them, that otherwise they were like all 
to be sold for slaves, as were the rest of their fellows, if 
ever Rasdale returned. This counsel was easy to be 
taken, as suiting well with the genius of young men, to 
eat, drink, and be merry, while the good things lasted, 
which was not long, by that course which was taken with 
them ; more being flung away in some merry meetings, 
than with frugality would have maintained the whole 
company divers months. In fine, they improved what 


104 


GENERAL HISTORY 


goods they had, by trading with the Indians awhile, and 
spent it as merrily about a may-pole ; and, as if they had 
found a mine, or spring of plenty, called the place Merry 
Mount* “ Thus stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten 
in secret is pleasant;” till it be found, that “ the dead are 
there, and her guests in the depths of hell.” 

News of this school of profaneness opened at Merry 
Mount being brought to Mr. Endicott, the deputed 
governour of the Massachusetts, soo i after his arrival, in 
the year 1628 , he went to visit it, and made such refor¬ 
mation as his wisdom and zeal I d him unto. After this, 
Morton, like the unjust steward in the gospel, to provide 
himself of a way of subsistence, after he was turned out 
of his office, began to comply with the Indians, being, 
as is reported by those of Plymouth, the first that taught 
them the use of guns, and furnished them with powder, 
shot, and brass plates, wherewith to make arrow heads ; 
not regarding what mischief he brewed for others in 
after time, provided he might drink a little of the sweet 
in the present time. But the trade was not to last long; 
for upon a general complaint of all the inhabitants on 
either side, he was seized by force, and sent over to the 
council of New England, who, it is said, dealt more fa¬ 
vourably with him than his wickedness deserved ; so as, 
sometime after, he found means to return into the coun¬ 
try again, with a malicious purpose to do all the mis¬ 
chief he could to the colony, both by writing scurrilous 
pampnlets, and other evil practices, on which account he 
was divers times sent backward and forward over the 
sea, imprisoned, and othtrwise punished, till at last he 
ended his wretched life in obscurity at Pascataqua, as 
may be more particularly declared afterwards. By this 
means Mr. Wollaston’s plantation came much what to 
the same conclusion as Mr. Weston’s; so as the place, 
being now wholly deserted, fell into the hands of persons 
of another temper, by whom it is since improved to be¬ 
come the seat of an honest, thriving, and sober town¬ 
ship. Thus, notwithstanding the many adventures which 
had hitherto been made, by sundry persons of estate and 
quality, for the discovery and improvement of this part 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


403 


of America, called New England, nothing could as yet 
be settled by way of planting any colony upon the. coast, 
with desirable success, save that of New Plymouth, dis¬ 
coursed of before. As for the rest of the plantations, 
they were, like the habitations of the foolish, as it is in 
Job, cursed before they had taken root. 

In the year 162:3, some merchants about Plymouth 
and the west of England, sent over Mr. David Tomson, 
a Scotchman, to begin a plantation about Pascataqua; 
but out of dislike, either of the place or his employers, 
he removed down into the Massachusetts Bay within a 
year after. There he possessed himself of a fruitful isl¬ 
and, and a very desirable neck of land, since confirmed 
to him or his heirs by the Court of the Massachusetts, 
upon the surrender of all his other interest in New Eng¬ 
land, to which yet he could pretend no other title, than a 
promise, or a gift to be conferred on him, in a letter by 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, or some other member of the 
Council of Plymouth. 

But the vanishing of all the forementioned attempts 
did but make way for the settling the colony of the 
Massachusetts; and this was the occasion thereof. As 
some merchants from the west of England had a long 
time frequented the parts about Monhiggon, for the 
taking of fish, &c.; so did others, especially those of 
Dorchester, make the like attempt, upon the northern 
promontory of the Massachusetts bay , in probability first 
discovered by Capt. Smith, before, or in the year 1614, 
and by him named Tragabizanda, for the sake of a lady, 
from whom he received much favour while he was a pris¬ 
oner amongst the Turks, by whom also the three small 
islands at the head of the cape were called the Three 
Turks’ Heads. But neither of them glorying in these 
Mahometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged 
its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said, by 
Capt. Mason, and which it retaineth to this day ; in hon¬ 
our of our famous queen Anne, the royal consort of 
king James ; and the three other islands are now known 
by other names. 

Here did the foresaid merchants first erect stages 
14 


106 


GENERAL HISTORY 


whereon to make their fish, and yearly sent their ships 
thither for that end, for some considerable time; until 
the fame of the plantation at New Plymouth, with the 
success thereof, was spread abroad through all the wes¬ 
tern parts of England so far, as that it began to revive 
the hopes of some of those merchants, who had not long 
before adventured their estates to promote so honourable 
a design, as was the planting and peopling this new 
world, although finding hitherto but small encourage¬ 
ment that way, they were ready to withdraw their hands. 

On this consideration it was, that some merchants and 
other gentlemen about Dorchester did, about the year 
1624 , at the instigation of Mr. White, the famous preacher 
of that town, upon a common stock, together with those 
that were coming to make fish, send over sundry- 
persons in order to the carrying on a plantation at Cape 
Anne; conceiving that planting on the land might go on 
equally with fishing on the sea, in those parts of Amer¬ 
ica. 

Mr. John Tylly and Mr. Thomas Gardener were 
employed as overseers of that whole business, the first 
with reference to the fishing, the other with respect to 
the planting on the main land, at least for one year’s 
time; at the end of which Mr. White, with the rest of the 
adventurers, hearing of some religious and well affected 
persons, that were lately removed out of New Plymouth 
out of dislike of their principles of rigid separation, of 
which number Mr. Roger Conant was one, a religious, 
sober, and prudent gentleman, yet surviving about Sa¬ 
lem till the year 1680 , wherein he finished his pilgrim¬ 
age, having a great hand in all these forementioned 
transactions, about Cape Anne, pitched upon him, the 
said Conant, for the managing and government of all 
their affairs at Cape Anne. The information he had of 
him, was from one Mr. Conant, a brother of his, and 
well known to Mr. White. And he was so well satis¬ 
fied therein, that he engaged Mr. Humphry, the Treas¬ 
urer of the joint adventurers, to write to him in their 
names, and to signify, that they had chosen him to be 
their governour in that place, and would commit unto 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


107 

him the charge of all their affairs, as well fishing as plant¬ 
ing. Together with him, likewise, they invited Mr. 
Lyford, lately dismissed from Plymouth, to be the min¬ 
ister of the place, and Mr. Oldham, also discharged on 
the like account from Plymouth, was invited to trade for 
them with the Indians. All these three at that time had 
their dwelling at Nantasket. Mr. Lyford accepted, and 
came along with Mr. Conant. Mr. Oldham liked better 
to stay where he was for a while, and trade for himself, 
and not become liable to give an account of his gain or 
loss ; but after a year’s experience, the adventurers, per¬ 
ceiving their design not like to answer their expecta¬ 
tions, at least as to any present advantage, threw all up ; 
yet were so civil to those that were employed under 
them, as to pay them all their wages, and offered to 
transport them back whence they came, if so they de¬ 
sired. 

It must here be noted, that Mr. Roger Conant, on the 
foresaid occasion made the superintendant of their affairs, 
disliked the place, as much as the adventurers disliked 
the business ; and therefore in the mean while had made 
some inquiry into a more commodious place near ad¬ 
joining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeag, a 
little to the westward, where was much better encour¬ 
agement as to the design of a plantation, than that which 
they had attempted upon before, at Cape Anne; secretly 
conceiving in his mind, that in following times, (as since 
is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such as upon 
the account of religion would be willing to begin a for¬ 
eign plantation in this part of the world, of which he gave 
some intimation to his friends in England. Wherefore 
that reverend person, Mr. White, (under God one of the 
chief founders of the Massachusetts Colony in New 
England,) being grieved in his spirit that so good a 
work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the ad¬ 
venturers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. 
Conant, not so to desert his business; faithfully promis¬ 
ing, that if himself with three others, (whom he knew to 
be honest and prudent men,) viz. John Woodberry, John 
Balch, and Peter Palfreys, employed by the adventurers, 


108 


GENERAL HISTORY 


would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof* 
he would provide a patent for them, and likewise send 
them whatever they should write for, either men or pro¬ 
vision, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. 
Answer was returned that they would all stay, on those 
terms, intreating that they might be encouraged accord¬ 
ingly; yet it seems, before they received any return ac¬ 
cording to their desires, the three last mentioned began 
to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at 
Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians, and other inconven¬ 
iences, resolved rather to go all to Virginia, especially 
because Mr. Lvford, their minister, upon a loving invi¬ 
tation, was thither bound. But Mr. Conant, as one in¬ 
spired by some superiour instinct, though never so ear¬ 
nestly pressed to go along with them, peremptorily de¬ 
clared his mind to wait the providence of God in that 
place, where now they were, yea, though all the rest 
should forsake him; not doubting, as he said, but if 
they departed he should soon have more company. The 
other three, observing his confident resolution, at last 
concurred with him, and soon after sent back John 
Woodberry for England to procure necessaries for a 
plantation. But that God, who is ready to answer his 
people before they call, as he had filled the heart of that 
good man, Mr. Conant, in New England with courage 
and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwith¬ 
standing all opposition and persuasion he met with to 
the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others 
in England to be at work about the same design. For 
about this time the Council, established at Plymouth for 
the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New 
England, had by a deed indented under the common 
seal, bearing date March 19, 1627, bargained and sold 
unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, 
viz. Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights; 
Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Epdicot, and 
Simon YVhetcomb, Gent, that part of New England 
that lies between Merrimack and Charles River, in the 
bottom of the Massachusetts Bay. And not long after, 
by the means of Mr. White, the foresaid gentlemen were 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


109 


brought into acquaintance with several other religious 
persons of like quality in and about London, such as 
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudly, Mr. Cradock, 
and Mr. Goffe, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, who being 
first associated to them, at last bought of them all their 
right and interest in New England aforesaid, and con¬ 
sulting together about settling some plantation in New 
England upon the account of religion, where such as 
were called Non-conformists might, with the favour 
and leave of the king, have a place of reception if they 
should transport themselves into America, there to enjoy 
the liberty of their own persuasion in matters of worship 
and church discipline, without disturbance of the peace 
of the kingdom, and without offence to others, not like 
minded with themselves, did at the last resolve, with one 
joint consent, to petition the king’s majesty to confirm 
unto the forenamed and their associates, by a new grant, 
or patent, the tract of land in America forementioned, 
which was accordingly obtained. 

Soon after, the company having chosen Mr. Cradock 
governour, and Mr. Goffe deputy governour, with several 
others fcr assistants, sent over Mr. Endicot, scil. in the 
year 1628 , to carry on the plantation of the Dorchester 
agents at Naumkeag, or Salem, and make way for the 
settling of another colony in the Massachusetts. He was 
fully instructed with power from the company to order 
all affairs in the name of the patentees, as their agent, 
until themselves should come over, which was at that 
time intended, but could not be accomplished till the 
year 1630 . With Mr. Endicot, in the year 1628 , came 
Mr. Gotte, Mr. Brakenberry, Mr. Davenport, and oth¬ 
ers, who being added to Capt. Traske, and John Wood- 
berry, (that was before this time retu rned with acomfortable 
answer to them that sent him over,) went on comfortably 
together to make preparation for the new colony, that were 
coming over; the late controversy that had been agi¬ 
tated with too much animosity betwixt the forementioned 
Dorchester planters, and their new agent Mr. Endicot 
and his company, then sent over, being by the prudent 
moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for the Dor- 


110 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Chester merchants, quietly composed; that so meum 
and tuum that divide the world, should not disturb the 
peace of good Christians, that came so far to provide 
a place, where to live together in Christian amity and 
concord. 

In the same year were sent over several servants upon 
the joint stock of the company, who arriving there in an 
uncultivated desert, for want of wholesome diet and 
convenient lodgings, were many of them seized with the 
scurvy and other distempers, which shortened many of 
their days, and prevented many of the rest from perform- 
ing any great matter of labour that year, for advancing 
the work of the plantation. Yet was the good hand of God 
upon them, so far as that something was done, which 
tended to advantage; nor was upon that account an evil 
report brought upon the place by any of them, so as to 
discourage others from coming after them. 

During this whole lustre of years from 1625, there 
was little matter of moment acted in the Massachusetts, 
till the year 1629, after the obtaining of the patent; the 
former years being spent in fishing and trading by the 
agents of the Dorchester merchants, and some others of 
the West Country. 

In one of the fishing voyages about the year 1625, 
under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes, em¬ 
ployed by some of the West Country merchants, there 
arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes and the 
people of New Plymouth, about a fishing stage, built 
the year before, about Cape Anne by Plymouth men, 
but was now, in the absence of the builders, made use of 
by Mr. Hewes his company, which the other, under the 
conduct of Capt. Standish, very eagerly and peremptorily 
demanded : for the company of New Plymouth, having 
themselves obtained an useless patent for Cape Anne, 
about the year 1623, sent some of the ships which their 
adventurers employed to transport passengers over to 
them, to make fish there, for which end they had built a 
stage there, in the year 1624. The dispute grew to be 
very hot, and high words passed between them, which 
might have ended in blows, if not in blood and slaughter, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


ill 


had not the prudence and consideration of Mr. Roger 
Conant, at that time there present, and Mr. Perise his 
interposition, that lay just by with his ship, timely pre¬ 
vented. For Mr. Hewes had barricadoed his company 
with hogsheads on the stagehead, while the demandants 
stood upon the land, and might easily have been cut off; 
but the ship’s crew by advice promising them to help 
them build another, the difference was thereby ended. 
Capt. Standish had been bred a soldier in the Low 
Countries, and never entered the school of our Saviour 
Christ, or of John Baptist, his harbinger; or if he was 
ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer violence 
to no man, and to part with the cloak rather than need¬ 
lessly contend for the coat, though taken away without 
order. A little chimney is soon fired; so was the Ply¬ 
mouth captain, a man of very little stature, yet of a very 
hot and angry temper. The fire of his passion soon 
kindled, and blown up into a flame by hot words, might 
easily have consumed all, had it not been seasonably 
quenched. 

In transactions of this nature were the first three years 
spent, in making way for the planting of the Massachu¬ 
setts. 

CHAP. XIX. 

Several planters transport themselves into J\ew England* 
Ministers invited to join -with them . The first plantation 
in the Massachusetts , called Salem • 

Now those that first promoted the design in England, 
were not unmindful that this fair beginning being made, 
unless it were followed with proportionable endeavours 
for an orderly settlement of this, all would come to noth¬ 
ing, as the attempts of some others had done before; 
therefore were they very solicitous, not without all due 
preparation, to proceed in this solemn undertaking. 

In the first place, therefore, they considered where to 
find two or three able ministers, to send over to them 
that or the next year; not doubting but if they could 
meet with any such, they should be sure not to fail of a 


GENERAL HISTORY 


112 

considerable number of serious and religious people, that 
would be willing to go over with them in order to a 
plantation, specially if there were any grounded hopes of 
a settled and orderly government, to direct, protect, and 
defend the people, and promote the cause of God and 
of religion amongst them, as well as their civil rights and 
liberties. Before that spring was over, they were inform¬ 
ed of one Mr, Higginson, an eminent minister of Leices¬ 
ter, silenced for nonconformity, of whom they were 
probably assured that he might be obtained to make a 
beginning that way. Upon an address made unto him by 
Mr. Humphry and Mr. White, he looked at it as a call 
from God, and as Peter did the message from Cornelius, 
a motion which he could not withstand ; so as within a 
few weeks after this intimation of theirs, himself with 
his whole family were ready to take their flight into this 
American wilderness; with whom also was sent Mr, 
Skelton, a minister of Lincolnshire, another nonconform¬ 
ist, as also a Mr. Bright, a godly minister, though not 
altogether of the same persuasion as to church discipline. 

With these three ministers came over sundry honest 
and well affected people, in several ships that were em¬ 
ployed to transport planters into New England, in the 
year 1629; all who arrived safe at Naumkeag, intending 
to settle a plantation there. 

Besides the three forementioned ministers, came over 
one Mr. R. Smith, soon after called to supply the place 
of a teaching elder at Plymouth. The prospect of New 
England did at that time more resemble a wilderness, 
than a country whose fields were white unto the harvest, 
that needed labourers to be thrust thereinto. 

The number of planters being at that time but few, 
and all resident at that one plantation, two of their four 
ministers were supernumerary. 

Naumkeag at that time received the Christian name of 
Salem. All that were present were ambitious to have 
an hand in the christening of this infant plantation ; for 
some, that liked not such affected names, had provided 
another, but “usus obtinuit,” &c. for ever since, custom 
hath imposed that name, by which it is like to be known 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


113 


to after ages : the inhabitants being brought under the 
strong obligation, to live in love and peace one with 
another, as being the most expedient way to obtain the 
God of love and peace to be with them, as in a special 
manner he was, while Mr. Higginson continued amongst 
them, with Mr. Skelton. But of the four ministers that 
came hither thisyear,the plantation needing but two,that are 
forefrientioned, to take care of its instruction, one of them 
was called to be pastor of the church at New Plymouth, 
viz. Mr. R. Smith, as was said before, to whom another 
was afterward added for an assistant, viz. Mr. R. Wil¬ 
liams, who arrived here about the year 1631 : an unhap¬ 
py thing lor them who had wanted the benefit, though 
not of a judge, yet of a teaching priest, near ten years, 
should after so long delay meet with so great a disap¬ 
pointment, as soon after they found by uncomfortable 
experience in them both. Concerning the fourth, viz. 
Mr. Bright, there is at this time little known, and there¬ 
fore the less is to be said, although one who affected him 
never the better for his conformity 7 , gives this character 
of him ; that he began to hew stones in the mountains 
wherewith to build, but when he saw all sorts of stones 
would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, not 
unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and 
went down to Tarshish. The like character is as freely 7 , 
by the same author, bestowed on another clergyman, call¬ 
ed Mr. Black stone, who on the like occasion, as he 
saith, betook himself to till the ground, wherein probably 
he was more skilled, or at least had a better faculty, than 
in the things pertaining to the house of God; as if he 
had retained no symbol of his former profession but a 
canonical coat. Antiquity was always wont to distin¬ 
guish persons and places by their garb or habit, whose 
authority and example cannot well be questioned by the 
skeptics and juniors of the present age. But indeed for 
any one to retain only the outward badge of his function, 
that never could pretend to any faculty therein, or exer¬ 
cise thereof, is, though no honour to himself, yet a dis¬ 
honour and disparagement to the order, he would there¬ 
by challenge acquaintance with. 

15 


414 * 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. XX. 

Of the civil fjolity andform of government of the Massa¬ 
chusetts Company of New England by patent . 

Order and government being as necessary to the 
uniting together, and upholding a civil society, as is the 
foundation or the studs to support and conjoin the parts 
of a building, therefore it cannot be supposed that the 
chief undertakers who had the honour to lay the founda¬ 
tion of this colony, were not aware of a necessity to pro¬ 
vide for that in the first place, as may be seen by the 
form of government they are directed unto in his majes¬ 
ty’s royal charter and patent, confirmed by the great seal 
of England ; wherein the patentees with their associates, 
are declared to be a body politick incorporate together, and 
to hold [as] of the manor of East Greenwich, in free and 
common soccage, and not in capite, or knight’s service, 
and are to be styled, The Governour and Company of 
New England, and by that name to plead and be im¬ 
pleaded upon all occasions. To the governour are to be 
added, a deputy governour and eighteen assistants, who 
with the rest of the company free of the corporation, 
have power to make orders and laws within themselves, 
for the good of the whole, not repugnant to the laws of 
England, and to correct and punish all offenders accord¬ 
ing to the said orders and laws, as is more at large des¬ 
cribed in the said charter. But this corporation or 
body of people being but then an embryo, was willingly 
subject to, and governed by those wholesome and known 
laws of the kingdom of England, acknowledging only 
its willing obedience to such rules and ordinances as 
were by the corporation agreed upon as necessary for the 
carryingon oftheir present affairs, and yearly sentoverfrom 
England, while the charter remained, with the principal 
part of the patentees, in England. They impowered Mr. 
John Endicot, as was said before, one of their number, 
to manage the company, sent over thither, as agent, in 
the year 1628, and him they appointed their deputy gov- 
ernour in the year 1629, according to his best discretion. 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


415 

with due observance of the English laws, or such in¬ 
structions as they furnished him with, till the patent was 
brought over, 1630 : the patentees themselves, most of 
them, coming along at that time therewith. 

The principal duty for those two years, incumbent on 
the agent aforesaid or deputy governour, was to take care 
of the welfare of the company, to order the servants be¬ 
longing to them, and to improve them in making prepar¬ 
ation for the reception of the gentlemen, when they 
should come; the which were carefully minded by the 
said Mr. Endicot. And also some endeavours were used 
to promote the welfare of the plantation, so far as he was 
capable in the beginning of things, by laying some foun¬ 
dation of religion, as well as civil government, as may 
appear by the ensuing letter sent by him in the beginning 
of the year, viz. May 11, 1629 to Mr. Bradford, gov¬ 
ernour of New Plymouth, to obtain the help of one Mr. 
Fuller, a deacon of Mr. Robinson’s church, skilled in the 
designs of the country, which those people that first 
came over in those two years were filled withal, and also 
well versed in the way of church discipline practised by 
Mr. Robinson’s church; which letter was the foundation 
on which was raised ail the future acquaintance, the 
Christian love and correspondency, that was ever after 
maintained betwixt their persons and respective colonies, 
in which are these words : “I am satisfied by Mr. Fuller 
touching your judgment of the outward form of God’s 
worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other than is 
warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which 
I have professed and maintained, ever since the Lord re¬ 
vealed himself to me.” 

CHAP. XXL 

The affairs of religion in the Massachusetts Colony in 
New England , during the first lustre of years after the 
first attempt for the planting thereof; from the year 
1625 to the year 1630. 

It doth evidently appear by the premises, that what 
purses soever were improved, or what charges they were 


116 


general history 


at that first appeared, in laying the foundation of the 
Massachusetts Colony, the chiefest intentions and aims 
of those that managed the business were to promote re¬ 
ligion, and if it might be, to propagate the gospel, in this 
dark corner of the world. Witness the industry and so¬ 
licitousness of Mr. White of Dorchester in England, 
that first contrived the carrying on a plantation of sober 
and religious persons, together with a strange impres¬ 
sion on the mind of Mr. Roger Conant, to pitch upon 
Naumkeag for that end, and his conlidence and con¬ 
stancy, there to stay with intent to carry on the same, 
notwithstanding the many cross providences, that seem¬ 
ed at the first view to thwart that design : so as in the 
conclusion, it may truly be said in this, if in any other of 
like nature, the hand of the Lord hath done this, which 
therefore should be the more marvellous in the eyes of men. 

In the beginning of that plantation at Cape Anne, they 
had the ministry of Mr. Lyford, that had been dismissed 
from Plymouth; with whom came some others, out of 
dislike of the rigid principles of separation that were 
maintained there. After he went to Virginia, they were 
without, till Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton came over, 
who that they might foreslow no time in the matters of 
the house of God, they did like Abraham, (as soon as 
they were hither transported, and here safely arrived,) 
who applied himself to build an altar to God that had 
appeared to him, and brought him out of Ur of the Chal¬ 
dees ; and so began in the first place to call upon the 
name of the Lord. 

In like manner did those in the first place endeavour 
to set up some publiek form of worship, that so coming 
thus far into a remote wilderness to enjoy the liberty of 
their consciences in matters of religion, and to plant and 
preach the gospel amongst a barbarous people, that never 
had heard the joyful sound before, they made as much 
expedition in the said work as well they could. For hav¬ 
ing had sufficient experience, and acquaintance one w ith 
another in the way, as they came over the sea, and a 
month or two after they were here planted, they resolved 
to enter into church fellowship together, setting a day 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


417 


apart for that end ; which was the 9th day of August, 
next after their arrival here. They had beforehand, in 
order thereunto, acquainted the present deputy govern- 
our with their purpose, and consulted one with another, 
about settling a reformed congregation, according to the 
rules of the gospel, as they apprehended, and the pattern 
of the best reformed churches, that they were acquainted 
with, it being their professed intention in this great and 
solemn undertaking, to go on therein as they should find 
direction from the word of God. Concerning the way 
and manner of their first covenanting together, and en¬ 
tering into church fellowship one with another, it doth 
not appear that these were, like those of New Plymouth, 
aforehand moulded into any order, or form of church 
government; but were honest minded men, studious of 
reformation, that only had disliked some things in the 
discipline and ceremonies of the church of England, but 
were not precisely fixed upon any particular order or 
form of government, but like rasa tabula fit to receive 
any impression, that could be delineated out of the word 
of God, or vouched to be according to the pattern in the 
mount, as they judged. Nor are their successours willing 
to own, that they received their platform of church order 
from those of New Plymouth; although there is no small 
appearance that in whole or part they did, (further than 
some wise men wish they had done,) by what is expressed 
in Mr. Endicot’s letter, above inserted ; or else good 
wits, as they use to say, did strangely jump very near 
together, into one and the same method and idea of 
church discipline. And it were well if Mr. Skelton, when 
he was left alone soon after by the death of Mr. Higginson, 
did not in some things not only imitate and equal, but 
strongly endeavour to go beyond that pattern oi separa¬ 
tion set up before them in Plymouth, in the pressing of 
some indifferent things, that savoured as much or more 
than they of Plymouth did, of the same spirit; as in that 
of enjoining all women to wear veils, under the penalty 
of noncommunion, urging the same as a matter of duty, 
and absolute necessity, as is by some reported, as well 
as in refusing communion with the church of England, 


118 


GENERAL HISTORY 


It is certainly known, that the old nonconformists, 
and good old puritans of queen Elizabeth and king 
James his time, did in many things not symbolize with 
the 'separatists, whose way and form of discipline was 
always disowned and disclaimed, yea publickly condemn¬ 
ed by the writings of the learned nonconformists of that 
age, such as Mr. Robert Parker, Dr. Ames, Mr. Cart* 
wright, Mr. Hiidersharn, that malleus Brownistarum , as 
he used to be called, especially as to their notions about 
separation from the church of England as antichristian. 
The one endeavouring only a reformation of some cor¬ 
ruptions, retained, or crept into the church, as they 
thought, either before or after its reformed state; the 
other, not content therewith, stood as stifly to maintain 
a necessity of abrogating and disannulling their former 
church state, and begin all anew, as if things had been 
so far collapsed in the days of our fathers, that like a 
vessel once infected with the contagion of leprosy it 
must be broken in pieces, to be new cast and mould¬ 
ed, or else to be judged unclean, and unfit for the ser¬ 
vice of God. It is affirmed by some that had more 
reason to be best acquainted with the said Mr. Higgin- 
son, when he first went over thither, that Mr. Hilder- 
sham, upon their first removing, advised him and oth¬ 
er ministers looking this way, to agree upon their form 
of church government, before they came away from 
England. The which counsel, if it had been attended, 
might have prevented some inconveniency that hath 
since fallen out, or at least have saved some of the 
succeeding ministers from the imputation of departing 
from their first principles, because they were not pub¬ 
lickly professed and declared, when the foundation of 
their church order was here laid in the beginning of 
things. 

But they had not as yet waded so far into the con¬ 
troversy of church discipline, as to be very positive in 
any of those points wherein the main hinge of the 
controversy lay between them and others; yet aiming, 
as near as well they could, to come up to the rules 
of the gospel, in the first settling of a church state; 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


119 


and apprehending it necessary for those, who intended 
to be of the church, solemnly to enter into a cove¬ 
nant engagement one with another in the presence of 
God, to walk together before him according to the 
word of God, and then to ordain their ministers unto 
their several offices, to which they were by the elec¬ 
tion of the people designed, scil. Mr. Skelton to be their 
pastor, and Mr. Higginson to be their teacher. In 
order to the carrying on of that work, or preparation 
thereunto, the said Mr. Higginson, according as he 
was desired, drew’ up a confession of faith, and form 
of a church covenant, accordingtothe scriptures; several 
copies whereof being written out, they publickly owned 
the same, on the day set apart for that work, a copy 
of which is retained at this day, by some that succeed 
in the same church. Further also, notice was given of 
their intended proceedings to the church at New 
Plymouth, that so they might have their approbation 
and concurrence, if not their direction and assistance 
in a matter of that nature, wherein themselves had been 
but little before exercised. There were at that time 
thirty persons joined together in that church covenant; 
for which end so many copies being prepared afore- 
hand, it was publickly read in the assembly, and the per¬ 
sons concerned solemnly expressing their assent and 
consent thereunto, they immediately proceeded to or¬ 
dain their ministers, as was said before. Mr. Bradford 
and others, as messengers of Plymouth church, were 
hindered by cross winds from being present in the 
former part of the day, but came time enough to give 
them the right hand of fellowship, wishing all pros¬ 
perity and success to those hopeful beginnings, as 
they then accounted them, although in some points of 
church discipline Mr. Higginson’s principles were a 
little discrepant from theirs of Plymouth. Those that 
were alter ward admitted unto church fellowship, were 
with the confession of their faith required to enter into a 
like covenant engagement with the church, to walk ac¬ 
cording to the rules of the gospel, as to the substance, 
the same as at the first; but for the manner and cir- 


120 


GENERAL HISTORY 


cumstances, it was left to the wisdom and faithfulness 
of the elders, to be so ordered as was judged most 
conducing to the end, respect being by them always 
had to the liberty and ability of the person. The day 
appointed for this work, and which was solemnly kept 
in a way of fasting and prayer, was the 9th of August 
1629, as was mentioned before, from which time to 
the 6th of August in the year following, that church 
and their officers lived peaceably together; but at that 
time Mr. Higginson, their teacher, being called off by 
an [uni expected stroke of death, Mr. Skelton was left 
alone, who, though he survived not long after, yet 
continued so long, as to see his church involved in 
some troubles, by adhering too strictly to his own no¬ 
tions, and could not but foresee mure of the like na¬ 
ture approaching, which he could not prevent. 

CHAP. XXII. 

Transactions of the patentees at London after the patent 
was obtained; debates about carrying it over . Trans - 
portation of the patentees and many others in the year 
1630. 

Who were the principal actors, in laying the foun¬ 
dation of the Massachusetts colony, hath been declared 
already. After they were framed into a body politick 
by mutual agreement among themselves, and confirm¬ 
ed or rather so constituted by the royal charter; the 
first goverriour, chosen by the company, was Mr. Mat¬ 
thew Cradock, a prudent and wealthy citizen of Lon¬ 
don, ready to promote any design of publick. utility, 
which if himself and all the rest engaged therein had 
not minded more than their own particular benefit, 
things of that nature would either never have been 
undertaken, or have been broken off in a manner as 
soon as they had been begun. The said Cradock was 
chosen and sworn in chancery March 23, 1628, and 
so were the rest also, de fide et obedientia jurati, viz. 
Mr. Thomas Goffe, sworn deputy governour to the 
said company; and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Capt. Ven ? 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


Mr. John Humphry, Mr. Simon Whetcomb, Mr. Thom¬ 
as Adams, Samuel Vassall, William Vassall, George 
Foxcroft, Richard Perry, and Thomas Hutchins, were 
sworn assistants : to whom were added Mr. Wright and 
Mr. John Browne, who were sworn April 6th, 1629, 
when also Mr. Harwood of London was sworn to the 
office of treasurer to the said company.* And Mr. 
fJohn Higginson, the silenced minister of Leicester, was 
accepted, on condition that he might be removed with¬ 
out scandal, and that the best amongst his people ap¬ 
proved thereof, which it seems they did, and that not 
without the advice of Mr. Arthur Hildersham, the famous 
preacher of Ashby de la Zouch, who, though he was no 
way inclinable to the rigid separation, yet was very for¬ 
ward in this way to promote the planting of the gospel 
in America. Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, and 
Mr. Francis Bright, were all at the same time entertain¬ 
ed as ministers, for the planting of the Massachusetts, 
on the publick account, April 8, 1629, with this difference 
only, that Mr. Higginson having eight children to bring 
up, he had 10/. a year added for his stipend yearly, more 
than the other two. Mr. Ralph Smith was likewise at 
the same time proffered to be accommodated with his 
passage to New England, provided he would give under 
his hand, that he would not exercise the ministry, either 
in publick or private, without the approbation of the 
government established there, nor yet to disturb their 
proceedings, but to submit unto such orders as should 
there be established ; whereby it appears how apprehen¬ 
sive the first founders of the Massachusetts were, of any 
that might become any occasion of disturbance by 
their rigid principles of separation, of which there was 
no small suspicion in the said Smith, as was found by 
experience soon after, as is hinted before. 

It must not be forgotten, that this present undertaking 
being like to prove very chargeable and expensive, there 
were, beside the forernentioned gentlemen that were 
chosen to be assistants, twenty or thirty others, who 
subscribed the sum of 1035/. to be as a common stock 

• See Prince’s Annals, i. p. 182* note. Ep. f Francis. Ed. 

16 


1*8 


GENERAL HISTORY 


to carry on the plantation; and June 17th, 1629, 745/. 
more was lent on the same accompt, by several other gen¬ 
tlemen, the most of which ventured but their 25/. a piece. 
Some few advanced 50/. as Mr. S. Vassall, Mr. Young, 
Mr. William Hubbard, Mr. Robert Crane, Mr. Wade, 
and many others; and two or three more, viz. Mr. Al- 
dersly added 75/. Mr. S. Whetcomb 85/. the Governour 
100/. From so small beginnings sprang up that hopeful 
plantation. 

But forasmuch as the publick affairs of the intended 
colony were like to be but ill managed at so great a dis¬ 
tance, as was between the Massachusetts and London, 
April 10, 1629, Mr. John Endicot, that went thither as 
agent the year before, was chosen as governour under 
the company in London, to whom was sent a commis¬ 
sion that year into the Massachusetts, for him to preside 
in all publick affairs, for the year following, which was to 
begin when he should take his oath, which was framed 
by a committee, viz. Mr. Pelham, Mr. Nowel, Mr. 
Humphry, and Mr. Walgrave, and sent to be adminis¬ 
tered by Mr. Higginson, Mr. Skelton, Mr. Bright, Mr. 
Samuel Browne, Mr. J. Browne, and Mr. Sharpe. In 
case of all their absence, it was to be done by Abraham 
Palmer and Elias Stileman. 

The foresaid six, with Mr. Graves, were to be as a 
council to Mr. Endicot, with two more, that were to be 
chosen by the old planters. If any of the forementioned 
should refuse, then was to be added three of the dis- 
creetest of the company, who were also to choose a dep¬ 
uty, to be joined with the governour, to assist him and 
the council, or supply the place in his absence, with a 
secretary and other officers, necessary for such a pur¬ 
pose. These had power to make laws and ordinances 
upon the place, according to patent, not contrary to the 
laws of England. 

May 13, 1629. The second court of election was 
kept at London, when the old governour and deputy 
were chosen again, with the former assistants, with the 
addition only of two men, viz. Mr. Pecock* and Mr. 
Coulson, to make up the number of eighteen, according 

• Pocock. Prince t i. 187. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


128 

to the order of the patent, two of the former being lately 
gone over to the plantation. 

At the court of election it was agreed that every ad¬ 
venturer who had advanced 50/. should have two hun¬ 
dred acres of land allowed him; and that fifty acres a 
piece should be allowed them, that went over at their 
own charge. It seems the adventurers had an higher 
esteem of land in America at that time than since it ever 
reached unto, or else were much mistaken as to the 
nature of the soil; when an whole province might have 
since been purchased almost for such a sum, viz. at three 
pence and four pence an acre. But men must be allow¬ 
ed to guess as well as they can, at so great a distance. 
But at one of their next meetings, viz. May 27, 1629, a 
letter from Mr. Endicot, their agent in New England, 
was read in court, complaining of the great irregularity 
in trading of sundry persons with the Indians, contrary 
to the proclamation set out, Anno Dorn. 1622, an evil 
timely enough foreseen, although it could never be pre¬ 
vented : whereupon it was agreed to petition the king and 
council for renewing the said proclamation ; which was 
granted, with other beneficial clauses, by the Lord Keeper 
and Mr. Secretary Cooke. 

By these and the like occasions, at one of their next 
meetings, July 28, 1629, there arose a debate about 
transferring the government to such as should inhabit 
upon the place, and not to continue it in subordination 
to the company there in London, for the inducing and 
encouraging persons of worth and quality to transplant 
themselves and families thither, and for other weighty 
reasons. The company then met were desired to set 
down their reasons in writing, pro and con, with the 
most considerable consequencesdepending thereon, that 
they might be maturely debated ; which was accordingly 
done. And August 28,1629, the deputy acquainted the 
court that several gentlemen, intending for New England, 
desired to know, whether the chief government with the 
patent should be settled in Old or New England, which 
occasioned a serious debate about the matter, so as, the 
meeting of the court being adjourned to the next day, it 


GENERAL I1I8T0HY 


m 

was then, by erection of hands, fully decreed to be the 
general mind of the company, and their desire, that the 
government and patent of the plantation should be trans¬ 
ferred to New England and settled there. Accordingly, 
an order to that end was soon drawn up and consented 
unto ; in prosecution of which order, a court was appoint¬ 
ed to be kept, Oct. 2Q, 1629, for the election of a new 
governour and deputy, that were willing to remove w r ith 
their families, on the next occasion. 

Mr. John Winthrop was at that time chosen govern¬ 
our, and Mr. J. Humphry deputy governour ; but Mr. 
Humphry not being ready to attend the service so soon, 
Mr. Thomas Dudley was (the next spring) chosen in his 
room. At that time also assistants were chosen anew, 
fit for the present design, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Endicot, Mr. Nowel, 
Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Pynchon, Mr. Sharp, Mr. 
Rossiter, Mr. Goffe, Mr. Adams, Mr. Eaton, &c. 

March 23 following, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy 
governour, and sworn in the room oi Mr. Humphry, at 
which time also were several assistants chosen, in the 
room of such as were not willing, (at least for the present 
not resolved,) to transport themselves and families into 
that new colony, scil. Mr. Coddington, Mr. Sharp, Mr. 
Simon Bradstreet, Sir Bryan Janson, and others. The 
said court was kept aboard the Arbella*at South- Hampton; 
at which time, or soon after, was published a declaration, 
in the name of the governour and company, giving an 
account of their whole design; the principal scope 
whereof was to clear themselves from any suspicion of 
rigid separation, at that time not in the least thought upon 
or owned, much less was it purposed, or intended by 
any of the foresaid gentlemen. How far since that, they 
have been or are liable to the like aspersion, there may 
be occasion to speak more afterwards. 

• So the MS. uniformly ; and Prince adopts the same orthography, quot¬ 
ing Mass. Col. Records, MSS. as his authority. Ed. 


or NEW ENGLANB. 


129 


CHAP. XXIII. 

The proceedings of the patentees at South-Hampton^ when 
they took their leave of England. The solemn manner 
thereof. 

The principles which those gentlemen acted from, 
who first enterprised that great undertaking of trans¬ 
planting themselves and their families into the remote 
deserts of America, hitherto seemed to be so strong, as 
to enable them to get over the most insuperable difficul¬ 
ties and obstructions that lay in the way. Yet when it 
came to the pinch and upshot of the trial, it appeared 
that what resolution soever they had taken up or put on, 
yet that they had not put off human and natural affection; 
“Naturam expellas,” &c. Religion never makes men 
stoicks; nor is it to be conceived that natural relations should 
be rent one from another without the deepest sense of sor¬ 
row; such a kind of removal carrying along with it so 
great a resemblance of departure into another world. 

That honourable and worthy gentleman, Mr. John Win- 
throp, the governour of the company, at a solemn feast 
amongst many friends a little before their last farewell, 
finding his bowels yearn within him, instead of drinking 
to them, by breaking into a flood of tears himself, set 
them all a weeping, with Paul’s friends,while they thought 
of seeing the faces of each other no more, in the land of 
the living. Yet did not this put such a damp upon any 
of their spirits, as to think of breaking oft' their purpose 
so far carried on. 

After they came to South-Hampton,the place appointed 
for taking ship, they judged it meet to declare to the 
world the ground of their removal, which here follow¬ 
ed). Whatever any of their successours may judge there¬ 
of, it is sufficient to discover what was then in the minds 
of those that removed from their dear native land. If 
there be found any sort of persons that since that time 
have imbibed other principles or opinions, it is more than 
the writer hereof was ever acquainted with the reason 
of. However, in those very words they did both beg 


126 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the prayers, and bespeak the charitable construction 
concerning their proceedings, of their Christian friends, 
whom they left behind. It is commonly said, that the 
declaration was drawn up by Mr. White, that famous 
minister of Dorchester, of whom there is oft mention 
made in this history ; if so, it had a reverend, learned, 
and holy man for its author, on which account a favour¬ 
able acceptance thereof may be expected from any that 
shall vouchsafe to peruse the same. 

The humble request of his Majesty’s loyal subjects, the governour and 
company late gone for New England, to the rest of their brethren, in 
and of the Church of England ; for the obtaining of their prayers, 
and the removal of suspicions and misconstructions of their intentions. 
London , printed for fohn Bellamie , 1630. plto.J 

REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN; 

The general rumour of this solemn enterprise, wherein 
ourselves with others, through the Providence of the 
Almighty are engaged, as it may spare us the labour of 
imparting our occasion unto you, so it gives us the more 
encouragement to strengthen ourselves by the procure¬ 
ment of the prayers and blessings of the Lord’s faithful 
servants. For which end we are bold to have recourse 
unto you, as those whom God hath placed nearest his 
throne of mercy; which, as it affords you the more op¬ 
portunity, so it imposcth the greater bond upon you to 
intercede for his people in all their straits. We beseech 
you, therefore, by the mercies of the Lord Jesus, to con¬ 
sider us as your brethren, standing in very great need 
of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And howso¬ 
ever your charity may have met with some occasion of 
discouragement through the misreport of our intentions, 
or through the disaffection or indiscretion of some of us, 
or rather, amongst us, for we are not of those that 
dream of perfection in this world; yet we desire you 
would be pleased to take notice of the principals and 
body of our company, as those who esteem it our hon¬ 
our to call the church of England, from whence we rise, 
our dear mother: and cannot part from our native coun¬ 
try, where she specially resideth, without much sadness 
of heart, and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledge 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


127 

ing that such hope and part as we have obtained in the 
common salvation, we have received in her bosom, and 
sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, 
as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished 
there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and education, 
as members of the same body shall always rejoice in her 
good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow shall ever 
betide her, and while we have breath sincerely desire 
and endeavour the continuance and abundance of her 
welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the king¬ 
dom of Christ Jesus. 

Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and brethren, 
to help forward this work now in hand; which, if it pros¬ 
per, you shall be the more glorious; howsoever, your 
judgment is with the Lord, and your reward with your 
God. It is an usual and laudable exercise^of your char¬ 
ity to commend to the prayers of your congregations the 
necessities and straits of your private neighbours. Do 
the like for a church springing out of your own bow r els. 
We conceive much hope that this remembrance of us, 
if it be frequent and fervent, will be a most prosperous 
gale in our sails, and provide such a passage and wel¬ 
come for us, from the God of the whole earth, as both 
we which shall find it, and yourselves with the rest of 
our friends who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged 
to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as the 
specialties of his providence and goodness may justly 
challenge at all our hands. You are not ignorant, that 
the Spirit of God stirred up the apostle Paul to make 
continual mention of the church of Philippi, (which was 
a colony from Rome;) let the same spirit, we beseech 
you, put you n mind, that are the Lord’s remembran¬ 
cers, to prav for us without ceasing, (who are a weak 
colony from yourselves,) making continual request for 
us to Godi n all your prayers. 

What we intreat of you that are the ministers of God, 
that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our 
brethren, that they would at no time forget us in their 
private solicitations at the throne of grace. 

If any there be, who through want of clear intelligence 


GENERAL HISTORY 


188 

of our course, or tenderness of affection towards us, can¬ 
not conceive so much of our way as we could desire, 
we would intreat such not to despise us, nor to desert 
us in their prayers and affections; but to consider rather, 
that they are so much the more bound to express the 
bowels of their compassion towards us, remembering 
always that both nature and grace doth ever bind us to 
relieve and rescue, with our utmost and speediest power, 
such as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be 
running uncomfortable hazards. 

What good ness you shall extend to us, in this or any other 
Christian kindness, we, your brethren in Christ Jesus, shall 
labour to repay, in what duty we are or shall be able to 
perform; promising, so far as God shall enable us, to 
give him no rest on your behalfs, wishing our heads and 
hearts may be fountains of tears for your everlasting wel¬ 
fare, when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wil¬ 
derness, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, 
through the manifold necessities and tribulations which 
may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unpro- 
fitably befall us. 

And so commending you to the grace of God in 
Christ, we shall ever rest your assured friends and 
brethren, 

JOHN WINTUROP, Gov. RICH: SALTONSTALL, 
CHARLES FINES, ISAAC JOHNSON, 

THO: DUDLEY, 

GEORGE PHILLIPS, WILLIAM CODDINGTON, 

Cfc» Cfc. 

From Yarmouth, aboard the Arbella, 

April 7 t 1630. 

CHAP. XXIV. 

The fleet set forth to sea for New England: their pas¬ 
sage , and safe arrival there . 

Things being thus ordered at Hampton, four of the 
principal ships, viz. the Arbella, a ship of three hundred 
and fifty tons, Capt. Milbourne being master, manned with 
fifty two seamen, and furnished with twenty eight pieces 
of ordnance ; the Talbot, whereof was master Mr. Tho: 
Belcher; the Ambrose, whereof was master Mr. John 


OE NEW ENGLAND. 


129 

Low; and the Jewel, whereof was master Mr. Richard 
Harlston, having left their former harbour, were riding 
at the Cowes, March 29, 1630, being Easter Monday, 
and ready to sail: they were advised so to do by Mr. 
Cradock, (who was that morning aboard the Arbella,) 
the late governour, and owner of the two last ships, 
where, upon conference, it was so argued, in regard the 
rest of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Mayflower, the 
William and Francis, the Hopewel, the Whale, the Suc¬ 
cess, and the Tryal, being at Hampton not then ready, 
and uncertain when they would, that these four ships 
should consort together, and take the first opportunity of 
wind and weather to sail. Accordingly, articles of con- 
sorts'nip were drawn between the said captain and mari¬ 
ners ; the Arbella to be the admiral, the Talbot vice- 
admiral, the Ambrose rear admiral. After this was 
done, Mr. Cradock took leave of his friends aboard the 
Arbella: then weighing anchor, about ten o’clock, on 
the 29th of March, they attempted to sail; but meeting 
with contrary winds, they made it the 12th of April be¬ 
fore they could clear the channel; before which time 
the rest of the fleet came up with them. And on the 10th 
of April, while they were at a distance, they took them 
for Dunkirkers, and provided to fight them, and were 
much comforted to see how cheerful all the company 
w r ere, as they were preparing for an expected engage¬ 
ment; not aman, woman, or child seeming to fear, though 
all were apprehensive of no small danger, if they had not 
mistaken their friends for enemies: for it had been 
told them, at the Isle of Wight, that ten ships of Dun¬ 
kirk, with brass guns, were waiting for them, the least 
of which carried thirty ordnance a piece. But if their 
confidence had not, next under God, depended more on 
the courage, care, and diligence of the captain of the ad¬ 
miral, than in their own company’s valour or skill, their 
hearts might soon have failed. But this tempest of fear 
being thus happily blown over, they took their course 
forward for the Massachusetts, where, on Saturday, June 
the 12th, the Arbella, admiral of the whole fleet, found 
her port to be very near, about two in the morning; 
17 


130 


GENERAL HISTORY 


when, shooting off two pieces of ordnance, they sent 
their skiff aboard the Lyon, whereof was master Mr, 
William Peirse, which was some days arrived there be¬ 
fore, though none of the present fleet that was now ex¬ 
pected. According as the wind would bear, they stood 
in towards the harbour ; and by the assistance of some 
shallops that in the morning came aboard them, they 
passed through the narrow strait betwixt Baker’s 
Island and another little island, and came to an anchor 
a little way within the said island. Mr. Peirse came 
presently aboard them, but returned to fetch Mr. Endi- 
cot, who came to them about two o’clock in the after¬ 
noon, bringing with him Mr. Skelton and Capt. Levit. 
The governour, with those of the assistants aboard the 
said admiral, with some other gentlemen and gentle¬ 
women, returned with them that night to Naumkeag, by 
the English called Salem, as is noted before, where they 
supped, with a good venison pasty and good beer, (which 
probably was not their every day’s commons;) but most 
of them returned back to the ship that night, liking their 
supper better than the lodging which, at the time, could 
be provided on the sudden; or else, that they might 
leave the same free for the gentlewomen that went ashore 
with them, who, like Noah’s dove, finding sure footing 
on the firm land, returned no more to their ark, floating 
on the unstable waves. In the mean time, many of the 
rest of the people went ashore on the other side of the 
harbour, toward Cape Anne, where they were as well 
feasted, with strawberries, (with which, in those times, 
the woods were every where well furnished,) and it is 
like, as merry, as the gentlefolks at their venison pasty 
and strong beer; those fruits affording both meat and 
drink, and peradventure physick also, to some that were 
inclining to scorbutick distempers. 

The next morning, Masconomo with one of his men 
came aboard, being the sagamore, (which is, the lord 
proprietor) of that side of the country towards Cape 
Anne, to bid them welcome, staying with them all the 
day. 

About two in the afternoon they descried the Jewel, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


181 


another ship belonging to the fleet; and manning out 
their skiff*, they wafted them in as near the harbour as the 
wind and tide would suffer. 

The next morning early, June 14, the admiral weigh¬ 
ed anchor, and because the channel was narrow, and the 
winds against them, they warped her in within the inner 
harbour, where they came to an anchor; and in the 
afternoon most of the passengers went ashore. 

On the Thursday after, June 17, the chief of the 
gentlemen,with the governour, travelled to the Massachu¬ 
setts, to find out a place where to begin a plantation; 
but returned on the Saturday, taking Nantasket in their 
way, where they met the Mary and John, a ship that 
sailed from the West Country, which brought Mr. Ros- 
siter and Mr. Ludlow, two of the assistants, with several 
other passengers: who, missing of Salem, needed the 
help of the governour, and the rest of the assistants with 
him, to make the harbour, where they were set ashore, a 
Salem, or place of peace to them and the master, which 
afterward they did; the difference that had fallen out 
betwixt the master and the other gentlemen, being on 
that occasion composed. 

July the 5th, the Mayflower and Whale arrived safe 
in the harbour of Charlestown ; the passengers being all 
in health, but most of their cattle dead. If Jacob him¬ 
self had been there, he could not have, with all his skill 
and care, prevented the over driving of cattle, shut up 
in the narrow room of those wooden wails, where the 
fierceness of the wind and waves would often fling, or 
throw them on heaps, to the mischiefing and destroying 
[of] one another. 

July the 2d, came in the Talbot, which had been 
sore visited with the small pox in her passage, and 
whereof fourteen died in the way. In one of them came 
Mr. Henry Winthrop, the governour’s second son, acci¬ 
dentally left behind at the Isle of Wight, or Hampton, 
whither he went to provide further supply of provisions 
for the gentlemen in the Admiral. A sprightly and hope¬ 
ful young gentlemen he was, who, though he escaped 
the danger of the main sea, yet was unhappily drowned 
in a small creek, not long alter he came ashore, even the 


IBS 


general history 


very next day, July the 2d, after his landing, to the no 
small grief of his friends, and the rest of the company. 

July the Sd,arrived the William and Francis, and two 
days after the Tryal and Charles ; on the 6th day came 
in the Success. 

The Ambrose was brought into the harbour at Salem, 
before the governour and company returned from the 
Massachusetts. So as now, all the whole fleet being 
safely come to their port, they kept a publick day of 
thanksgiving, July the 8th, through all the plantations, 
to give thanks to Almighty God, for all his goodness, 
and wonderful works,which they had seen in their voyage. 

On the 20th of August, arrived another ship in Charles¬ 
town harbour, called theGift; which ship, though she was 
twelve weeks at sea, yet lost but one passenger in her 
whole voyage. 

There were no less than ten or eleven ships employed, 
to transport the governour and company, with the rest of 
the planters, at that time bound for New England; and 
some of them ships of good burthen, that carried over 
about two hundred passengers apiece; who all, by the 
good providence of God, arrived safe at their desired 
port, before the 11th of July, 1630; and some of them 
about the middle of June. Yet many of them were, soon 
after their arrival, arrested with fatal distempers, which 
(they being never accustomed to such hardships as then 
they found) carried many of them off into the other 
world. It was a sad welcome to the poor planters, that 
after a long and tedious voyage by sea, they wanted 
house room, with other necessaries of entertainment, 
when they came first ashore, which occasioned so many 
of their friends to drop away before their eyes; none of 
them that were left knowing whose turn would be next. 
Yet were not the surviving discouraged from attending such 
services, as their undertaking necessarily required of them. 

Amongst others, that were at that time visited with 
mortal sickness, the lady Arbella, the wife of Mr. Isaac 
Johnson, was one, who possibly had not taken the coun¬ 
sel of our Saviour, to sit down and consider what the 
cost would be, before she began to build. For, coming 
from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, which she enjoy- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


183 


ed in the family of a noble earldom, into a wilderness of 
wants, it proved too strong a temptation for her ; so as 
the virtues of her mind were not able to stem the tide of 
those many adversities of her outward condition, which 
she, soon after her arrival, saw herself surrounded withal. 
For within a short time after, she ended her days at Salem, 
where she first landed ; and was soon after solemnly in¬ 
terred, as the condition of those times would bear, leav¬ 
ing her husband (a worthy gentleman of note for piety 
and wisdom) a sorrowful mourner, and so overwhelmed 
in a flood of tears and grief, that about a month after, 
viz. September 30, 1630, carried him after her into an¬ 
other world, to the extreme loss of the whole plantation. 

Of this number of ships that came this year for New 
England, and were filled with passengers of all occupa¬ 
tions, skilled in all kind of faculties, needful for the 
planting of a new colony, some set forth from the west 
of England. But the greatest number came from about 
London, though South Hampton was the rendezvous 
where they took ship; in the three biggest of which 
were brought the patentees, and persons of greatest qual¬ 
ity, together with Mr. John Winthrop, the governour, 
that famous pattern of piety, wisdom, justice, and liber¬ 
ality, which advanced him so often to the place of gov¬ 
ernment over the whole jurisdiction, by the annual choice 
of the people : and Mr. Thomas Dudley, a gentleman, 
who by reason of his experience, and travels abroad, as 
his other natural and acquired abilities qualified him in 
the next place, above others, for the chief place of rule 
and government; wherein, according to his just desert, 
he oft shared more than some others. 

Besides the abovenamed, there came along with the 
same fleet several other gentlemen of note and quality, 
as Mr. Ludlow, Mr. William Pynchon, Mr. Simon 
Bradstreet, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Sharp, and others: 
as likewise some eminent and noted ministers, as Mr. 
Wilson, (who had formerly been a minister of one of the 
parishes of Sudbury, in the county of Suffolk,) Mr. 
George Phillips, (who had been minister of Bocksted, in 
Essex,) with Mr. John Maverick, and Mr. Warham, 


134 


general history 


who had been ministers in the West Country. These 
were among the first adventurers that came over to New 
England to plant the wilderness, and lay a foundation for 
others, in after time, to build upon. 

CHAP. XXV. 

The first planting [of'] the Massachusetts Bay with towns , 
after the arrival of the govern our, and company that 
came along with him ; and other occurrents that then 
fell out . 1630, 1631, 1632. 

The people that arrived at the Massachusetts in the 
fleet, Anno 1630, were not much unlike the family of 
Noah, at their first issuing out of the ark ; and had, as it 
were, a new world to people ; being uncertain where to 
make their beginning. Salem was already planted, and 
supplied with as many inhabitants as at that time it was 
well able to receive. Therefore, the governour, and most 
ofthe gentlemen that came along with him, having taken a 
view of the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, and find¬ 
ing that there was accommodation enough for several 
towns, took the first opportunity of removing thither with 
their friends and followers ; and at the first pitched down 
on the north side of Charles river, where they laid the 
foundation of the first township. But the chiefest part of 
the gentlemen made provision for another plantation on 
the neck of land on the south side of the said river, (which 
was after, on the account of Mr. Cotton, called Boston,) by 
erecting such small cottages, as might harbour them in the 
approaching winter, till they could build themselves more 
convenient dwellings another year. And accordingly, the 
governour and deputy governour with most of the assist¬ 
ants, removed their families thither about November; 
and being settled there for the present, they took further 
time for consideration, where to find a convenient place 
to make a fortified town, which then was their aim. 
Some scattering inhabitants had a few years before taken 
up their habitations on each side the said Charles river: 
some at a place called Mattapan, (since Dorchester,) sit¬ 
uate on the south side of the Massachusetts Bay, three 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


135 

or four miles from Boston, and faced on two sides with 
the sea. This place was at the same time seized by Mr. 
Ludlow, and his friends, with whom joined Mr. Maver¬ 
ick and Mr. Warham, as their ministers. Mr. Pyn- 
chon and some others chose a place in the midway be¬ 
tween Dorchester and Boston for their habitation; and 
the year after obtained Mr. Eliot, that came the same 
year, for their minister, and called the place Roxbury. 
Sir Richard Saltonstall settled his family and friends at a 
place higher up the north side of Charles river, with 
whom joined Mr. Phillips, as their minister, and called 
the place Watertown. The reason of the name was not 
left upon record, nor is it easy to find; most of the other 
plantations being well watered, though none of them 
planted on so large a fresh stream as that was. 

Those who at first planted on each side of Charles 
river, at the bottom of the bay, made but one congrega¬ 
tion for the present, unto whom Mr. Wilson was minis¬ 
ter at the first. But he going to England the next spring, 
and not returning with his family until the year 1632, 
those of the north side called one Mr. James to be their 
pastor, and named their town, from the river it was seat¬ 
ed upon, Charlestown: as those on the other side, being 
now become a distinct town of themselves, and retaining 
Mr. Wilson for their minister, afterward called their 
plantation Boston, with respect to Mr. Cotton, who came 
.from a town in Linconshire so called, when he came into 
New England. 

The whole company being thus, as it were, disposed into 
their winter quarters, they had the more leisure, (though, 
no doubt, in those their first beginnings they had all 
their heads full of business, and their hands full of work,) 
to consider of a convenient place for their fortified town. 

The 6th of December following, the governour, and 
most of the assistants, with others, had a meeting at 
Roxbury; when they agreed to build it on the neck of 
land between Roxbury and Boston; and a committee 
was appointed, to consider of all things requisite there¬ 
unto. But the week after, the committee meeting again, 
upon further consideration concluded, that the former 


136 


GENERAL HISTORY 


place would not be convenient, for want of running 
water, and other reasons. On the 21st of December 
they met again at Watertown, where, upon view of a 
place a mile beneath the town, they pitched upon that as 
a place convenient for their purpose, and there agreed 
to build the fortified town; yet took time to consider 
further about it. Till that time, they had fair open 
weather, with only gentle frosts in the night; but soon 
after, the wind coming at north-west very sharp and 
cold, made them all betake themselves to the fireside, 
and contrive to keep themselves warm, till the winter 
was over. But in the spring, they were forward with 
the design again, and intended to carry it on amain. The 
governour had the frame of an house set up in the place 
where he first pitched his tent; and Mr. Dudley had not 
only framed but finished his house thereabouts, and re¬ 
moved himself and family thereinto before the next win¬ 
ter. But upon some other considerations, which at first 
came not into their minds, the governour took down his 
frame, and brought it to Boston, where he intended to 
take up his residence for the future ; which was no small 
disappointment to the rest of the company that were 
minded to build there on the north side of the river, and 
accompanied with some little disgust, between the two 
chief gentlemen ; but they were soon after satisfied in 
the grounds of each other’s proceedings. The place 
wherein Mr. Dudley and others had built, was after 
called New*Town; who yet were without any settled 
minister, till Mr. Hooker came over in the year 1633. 
Mr. Winthrop, the governour, still remaining at Boston, 
which w r as like to be the place of chiefest commerce, he 
prepared his dwelling accordingly, and had liberty to 
attend the publick affairs of the country, which then 
needed the exerting of his authority, for the settling of 
things as well relating to the civil, as the ecclesiastical 
state of the country. For though the company that came 
over in the fleet, were all of one heart and mind, and 
aimed at one and the same end, to make and maintain a 
settled and orderly plantation, yet there wanted not 
secret enemies on the place, as well as some more open 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


137 

further off, that laboured what they could, either to un¬ 
dermine their power, or obstruct their proceedings : as 
some also soon after were raised up from among them¬ 
selves, who if not false brethren, yet acting upon false 
principles, occasioned much disturbance to the towns 
and churches of the whole plantation. The chief of the 
first sort were Thomas Morton, (of whom there hath 
been too much occasion to speak before,) and one Philip 
Ratcliffe, that had been employed there, the one by Mr. 
Weston, the other by Mr. Cradock, or some ether gen¬ 
tlemen, to trade with the Indians; and being accustomed 
to a loose and dissolute kind of life, knew not how to 
bear restraint, and therefore, perceiving what government 
was like to be set up, and carried on in the Massachu¬ 
setts, they set themselves, what they could, to oppose the 
authority that was like to be there established, and make 
disturbance: and therefore were they, as soon as ever the 
governour and assistants had any liberty to keep courts, 
called to an account; the one in the year 1630, the other 
in the year following. They were both sentenced to 
undergo imprisonment, as well as other severe punish¬ 
ments for their several misdemeanours, till they eouid be 
sent back to England, that the plantation here might be 
no longer pestered with them. Captain Brock, master 
of the ship called the Gift, (arrived here the 20th of 
August, and was to return the next month,) might have 
had the honour to carry one of them, viz, Morton, back 
into England; but he professed he was not gifted that 
way, nor his ship neither, for such a purpose, as not wil¬ 
ling to trouble himself nor his country with such vaga¬ 
bonds, from which they had been happily freed for some 
years before. 

The same summer, viz. 1630, arrived at Pascataqua 
one Capt. Neale, sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
others, in fhe bark or ship Wa? wick; sent, as was said, 
while the New English fleet lay at the Isle of Wight, to 
find out the great lake at the northward, and so to inter¬ 
rupt the trade of beaver. It was feared she had been 
taken by those of Dunkirk, with whom our nation at 
that time was at variance. But Providence so favouring, 
18 


138 


GENERAL HISTORY 


she came with her passengers to Pascataqua in the end 
of that summer, 1630; of whose designs there may be oc¬ 
casion to speak more afterwards. 

In this manner, was the remaining part of the summer 
and autumn spent; in looking out convenient places 
where to bestow themselves, so as the winter came upon 
them before they were well aware: although it held off 
that year till the end of December, when it began in 
good earnest to bite their fingers’ ends, with greater se¬ 
verity than ever the new planters had known in Europe; 
of which three of the governour’s servants had a very 
sensible demonstration on the 24th of December, meet¬ 
ing with the sharpest Christmas eve that they had felt 
before. However, they were fairly warned for the fu¬ 
ture to betake themselves to their winter quarters before 
that time of the year; the necessity of which, others were 
taught by the sad calamity which befel one Richard 
Gam, and one Harwood, both counted godly, and of the 
congregation of Boston. They, with three or four more, 
would needs adventure toward Plymouth in a shal¬ 
lop, contrary to the advice of their friends. They set 
out on the 22d of December that winter, and came well 
to the point called Gurnett’s nose, entering into Plymouth 
harbour: but then the wind so overblew at northwest, 
that they were put by the mouth of the harbour, driven 
from their anchor, and at last forced ashore at Cape Cod, 
fifty miles from the place they were bound to ; and were 
so frozen with the severity of the cold, and boisterous¬ 
ness of the waves, that many of them lost either their 
limbs or lives thereby. And those that escaped best, yet 
continued long under the surgeon’s hands before they 
recovered the use of their hands and feet; notwithstand¬ 
ing they might say, as Paul at Malta, that the barbarians 
shewed them no small kindness at their first landing* 
But it was to be feared that they had not so good a 
call to run the hazard of a winter’s voyage, in an un¬ 
known country. And the words of Paul himself might 
have been applied to them: that they should have heark¬ 
ened to their friends, and not to have sailed from a good 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 13 !) 

harbour at Boston, to have gained that harm and loss to 
themselves and friends. 

But thus were these poor people, for want of experience 
and judgment in things of such a nature, ready to expose 
themselves to many hazards in an unknown wilderness, 
and met with much hardship, some by fire, as others 
by water, in their first settlement, before they were well 
acquainted with the state of new plantations, and nature 
of the climate. Some suffered much damage by the 
burning of their hay-stacks, left in the meadows, to the 
starving of their cattle ; as others had by burning their 
small cottages, either framed or covered with very com¬ 
bustible matter, to which they were not accustomed in 
their former dwellings; and so were taught, by many 
temptations and sufferings, to stoop to a wilderness con¬ 
dition, which they had freely chosen to themselves, for 
the quiet of their minds, and good of posterity. Many 
of those that were compelled to live long in tents, and 
lie upon, or too near, the cold and moist earth, before 
they could be provided of more convenient dwellings, 
were seized of the scurvy, of which many died about 
Boston and Charlestown. But it pleased God of his 
great mercy very seasonably, the 5th of February follow¬ 
ing, to send in Mr. William Peirse, in the ship Lyon of 
Bristol, of about two hundred tons, who (being ac- 
quanted with the nature of the country, and state of the 
people,) brought in store of juice of lemons, with the use 
of which many speedily recovered from their scorbucick 
distempers, as was*"observed for the most part, unless it 
were in such persons as had the said disease in their 
minds, by discontent, and lingering after their English 
diet; of all which scarce any were known ever to re¬ 
cover. And many, that out of dislike to the place, 
and for fear of death, would return back to their own 
country, either found that they sought to escape, in their 
way thither, or soon after they arrived there. 

It went much the harder with this, poor people, in their 
first beginnings, because of the scarcity of all sorts of 
grain that year in England ; every bushel of wheat meal 
standing them in fourteen shillings, and every bushel of 


140 


GENERAL HISTORY 


pease in ten shillings, and not easy to he procured nei¬ 
ther ; which made it the more excusable in them that at 
that time sold the Indian corn, which they brought from 
Virginia, at ten shillings per bushel. For at this time, 
the people of that country in general were, like the poor 
widow, brought to the last handful of meal in the barrel, 
before the said ship arrived, which made them improve 
part of the new supply in a solemn day of thanksgiving 
that spring. 

Things thus happening in the plantations of New Eng¬ 
land, it carried the resemblance of a cloud of darkness 
to some, as of light to others; which appeared by the 
return of some to England the next opportunity, with in¬ 
tent never to see New England again, as did Mr. Sharp 
and some others: while others returned only to fetch 
over their families, and the residue of their estates, as 
did Mr. Wilson, who with Mr. Ccddington, that went 
from Boston, April the 1st, 1631, and arrived at Lor,don, 
April the 29th of the same month, having commended 
the congregation of Boston to the grace of God by fer¬ 
vent prayers when he took his leave of them, and to the 
care of Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley, with other god¬ 
ly and able Christians in the time of his absence, for 
carrying on the worship of God on the Lord’s day, by 
prophesying (as they called it in those times at Plymouth,) 
till his return. No doubt but these prayers were heard, 
as wdl for the protection and preservation of them that 
staid, as of them that were going to sea, both for them¬ 
selves, and them that were going that way about the 
same time: as was found in several of the fleet that re¬ 
turned not till the spring, and were at that time merci¬ 
fully preserved. 

The Ambrose being new masted at Charlestowm, had 
spent all her masts by a storm about Newfoundland, and 
was left as a wreck upon the sea in a perishing condition, 
had not Mr. Peirse in the Lyon, (with whom they con¬ 
sorted,) towed them home to Bristol. Three other ships 
of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Success, and the Whale, 
were set upon by the Dunkirkers, near Plymouth in 
England, and after long fight, having lost many men, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


141 

and being much torn, (especially the Charles,) they gat 
safe into Plymouth at last. 

But as some were earnestly striving by prayer, travels, 
and other endeavours, to promote the welfare of this col¬ 
ony of the Massachusetts, so were others found as active 
and busy to obstruct and hinder the progress thereof; 
stirred up no doubt by the same spirit which moved 
Amaiek of old to set upon Israel in their rear, when they 
were weak and unable to defend themselves. 

For about the 14th of June, 1631, a shallop from Pas- 
cataqua arrived at Boston, which brought news of a 
small English ship, by the which Capt. Neal, governour 
of Pascataqua, sent a packet of letters to the governour, 
directed to Sir Christopher Gardiner, which were open¬ 
ed, became they were sent to one that was their prisoner; 
and thereby it was understood that they came from Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed a great part of the bay 
of Massachusetts. In the same packet came another 
letter to Thomas Morton, sent prisoner before into Eng¬ 
land by ordt r from thence. By that letter it was perceived 
likewise, that the writer of them had some secret design 
to recov< r his pretended right, and that he reposed much 
trust in Sir Christopher Gardiner, for that end. But the 
said Gardiner being now imprisoned at Boston, (of 
which more shall be said afterwards, chap, xxvi.) in 
order for his sending home for England, alter Morton ; 
the said letters were opened by authority of the country, 
being sent to them that were illwillers to the place. And 
Ratclifte also being fallen under the same or worse con¬ 
demnation, the colony was now at peace and quiet to at¬ 
tend their necessary occasions at home, leaving their 
three grand enemies to carry on their purposes (as they 
saw good) elsewhere. But it appeared in the issue, that 
no weapon formed against them, whom God hath a mind 
to preserve and bless, shall ever prosper and take place. 

July the 6th of this year, 1631, a small ship, called the 
Plough, came into Nantasket; with a company of Fami- 
lists, called the Husband and company, bound for Saga- 
dahock, called by some the Plough-Patent. But not 
liking the place, they returned to Boston, and carrying 


143 


GENERAL HISTORY 


their vessel up towards Watertown, (a plantation for hus¬ 
bandmen principally,) they laid her bones there; but 
themselves soon after vanished away, and came to nothing. 

October 22, 1631, came a letter from Capt. Wiggan 
of Pascataqua river, informing of a murther committed 
by an Indian sagamore and his company upon one Wal¬ 
ter Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one I. P. that kept 
with him, at Richmond’s Island. The Indians having 
killed the two men, burnt the house, and carried away 
the goods. He persuaded the governour to send twenty 
men presently after them to take revenge. But the gov¬ 
ernour, advising with the council, understood that Capt. 
Neal had sent after them, and having no boats fit for 
such an expedition, thought it best to sit still awhile. 

It was commonly reported that the said Bagnall had 
been servant to one in the Bay, and the last three years 
had lived alone with one other in his company, at the 
said isle, where he had shewed himself a very wicked 
fellow, and had much wronged the Indians, who were 
now, by the just hand of God, let loose upon him. “ He 
that gathereth riches, and not by right,” (for he had gotten 
300/. estate by such ways,) “is like a partridge that 
scrapeth eggs together and hatcheth them not; and in the 
end shall die a fool.” 

But these things being premised, it is in the next 
place to be considered, what troubles did arise among 
themselves. For the people at their first coming over 
hither, were not much unlike a stock of bees newly 
swarmed from their old hive, which are not ofttimes 
without much difficulty settled in their new one, and are 
very apt to be disturbed with every little occasion, and 
not easily quieted again, as may appear by what fell out 
in one of the first churches. For in the congregation 
settled at Watertown in the year 1630, under the charge 
of Mr. George Phillips, (an able and faithful minister of 
the gospel at Bocksted near Groton in Suffolk,) was no 
little trouble raised by Richard Browne, their ruling el¬ 
der, (who was thought sometimes to overrule the church 
there,) a man of a violent disposition, and one of the 
separation in England, and by his natural temper fit for 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


143 

their purpose. He had raised a great dust in the place, 
by the eager defending of a question (at that time need¬ 
lessly started) about the truth of the present church of 
Rome : the said Browne stifly maintained the truth of 
the said church. Sure it was not out of his charity to 
the Romish Christians, to provide them a place of safety 
to retreat unto, in ca e other churches should declare 
against them as a synagogue of Satan, rather than the 
spouse of Christ, (although the reformed churches did 
not use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion of 
Rome and embrace that of the reformation,) and so un¬ 
church them : but the violence of some men’s tempers 
makes them raise debates, when they do not justly offer 
themselves, and like millstones grind one another when 
they want other grist. 

The governour wrote a letter to the congregation, di¬ 
rected to the pastor and brethren ; to advise them to take 
it into consideration, whether the said Browne was fit to 
be continued their elder or not. The congregation was 
much divided about him, upon that and some other 
errours, and both parties repaired to the governour for 
assistance, who promised to give them a meeting at Wa¬ 
tertown, December 8, 1631, which accordingly he did, 
being accompanied with the deputy governour and 
others of the assistants, with the elder of the congrega¬ 
tion of Boston. When they were assembled, the govern¬ 
our told them they might proceed either as magistrates, 
their assistance being formerly desired by them, or as 
members of a neighbour congregation ; in which respect 
they yielded to let the matters in controversy be declared ; 
when after much agitation they came to this conclusion, 
that their ruling elder was guilty of errours in judgment 
and conversation, on which account they could not com¬ 
municate with him till they were reformed. Whereupon 
they agreed to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so 
by solemn writing, each party promised to reform what 
was amiss; yet this agreement was not so well observed, 
but that afterward new stirs were raised in that town, 
but upon a civil and not ecclesiastical account. For in 
February following, those of Watertown made some op- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


144 

position against a levy that was to be raised upon them 
towards puhlick charges, of which their share was but 
8/. which yet they stood so much upon their liberty, as 
to refuse the payment, because they took the govern¬ 
ment to be only like that of a mayor and aldermen, who 
have no power to make laws, or raise taxes, without the 
people. But being called before the governour and as¬ 
sistants, they were told that the government was rather 
in the nature of a parliament, in that the assistants were 
chosen by the people at a general court every year, when 
the people had free liberty to choose assistants and re¬ 
move them, if need were, to consider and propound mat¬ 
ters of that nature, or any matter of grievance, without 
being subject to question ; with which they were 
not only fully satisfied, but convinced of their former er- 
rour, which they publickly acknowledged. 

Yet for all this did some further leaven of the former 
schism still continue at Watertown ; so as they saw it 
necessary, in July following, to set the separatists a day, 
wherein to come in, or else to be liable to church cen¬ 
sure. Ail persons submitted within the time, save one, 
who had so much stomach as not to yield till he was 
censured; soon after which he submitted himself. 

During the infancy of the government, in these their 
weak beginnings, when they were both feeble and few in 
number, it pleased God, who hath the hearts of all men 
in his hand, to lay such a restraint on the heathen, (or 
else the false alarums, in September, 1632, that made such 
distraction, might have been to their destruction, if it had 
been a true one,) so that their chief sagamores both near 
by and more remote, made divers overtures of friend¬ 
ship with them, proffering some of them many kind¬ 
nesses, which they know not well how to refuse, nor ac¬ 
cept ; not much unlike them that hold a woif by the ears. 

Amongst the rest, August 5, 1632, one of the great 
sachems of the Narragansets, (that most populous com¬ 
pany of all the Indians in those parts,) called Mecumel, 
but afterwards Miantonimo, of whom there will be more 
occasion to speak in the year } 64o, caiue down to Bos¬ 
ton to make peace or a league with the English, either out 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


140 


of fear or love. And while himself and his followers were 
at the sermon, three of them withdrew from the as¬ 
sembly; and being pinched with hunger, (for “venter non 
habet aures,”) broke into an English house in sermon 
time to get victuals. The sagamore, (an honest spirited 
fellow, as his after actions declared,) was hardly persuaded 
to order them any bodily punishment; but to prevent the 
shame of such attendants, forthwith sent them out of 
town, and followed himself not long after. 

About the same time, came a company of eastern In¬ 
dians, called Tarratines, and in the night assaulted the 
wigwam of the sagamore of Agawam. They were near 
an hundred in number, and they came with thirty ca¬ 
noes, (a small boat, made with the bark of birchen trees.) 
They slew seven men; and wounded John and James, 
two sagamores that lived about Boston ; and carried 
others away captive, amongst whom one was the 
wife of the said James, which they sent again by the 
mediation of Mr. Shurd of Pemaquid, that used to trade 
with them, and sent word by him that they expected 
something in way of ransom. This sagamore of Aga¬ 
wam (as was usually said) had treacherously killed some 
of those Tarratine families, and therefore was the 
less pitied of the English that were informed thereof. 

These are the principal occurrents that happened at 
the first settling of the plantation of the Massachusetts, 
wherein are briefly hinted the troubles they met withal 
upon the place. But Sir Christopher Gardiner, Thomas 
Morton, and Philip RatclifFe, being sent back to England 
for several misdemeanours, endeavoured what they could 
to undermine the plantation of the Massachusetts, by pre¬ 
ferring complaints against them to the king and council; 
being set on by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason, 
which had begun plantations about Pascataqua, and aim¬ 
ed at the general government of New England, for their 
agent, Capt. Neale, as was said. Their petition was af¬ 
firmed to contain many sheets of paper, wherein among 
some truth represented, were many false accusations laid 
to their charge; as if they intended rebellion, having cast 
off their allegiance, and that their ministers and people did 
19 


146 


GENERAL HISTORY 


continually rail against the State, Church, and Bishops of 
England. But Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphry, 
and Mr. Cradock, the first governour of the company, 
being then in England, gave a full answer to all those 
bold allegations and accusations, the effect of which shall 
more particularly be declared in the following chapters. 

Capt. Levet, about this time returning for England, died 
at sea; by which occasion some letters, sent from indiscreet 
persons, fell into the hands of them that had no good will 
for the plantation; and by that means clamours were 
raised against them, which furnished their enemies with 
matters of complaint against them, which their petitions 
were stuffed withal. Information hereof was brought by 
Mr. Trevore, that arrived February 22, 1633, who 
brought goods and passengers for the Massachusetts. 
Yet, notwithstanding all their endeavours, multitudes of 
passengers came over every year, in all the succeeding 
years of the two first lustres, scil. till 1640; when by 
the turn of times in England, great hopes of reformation 
possessed men’s minds, that they need not travel so far 
for liberty of conscience, which they expected should be 
granted them where they were: which put a stop to the 
coming over of any more passengers to New England, 
and occasioned a great change of their affairs thereby. 

CHAP. XXVI. 

The first courts kept in the Massachusetts , after the com¬ 
ing over of the governour . The carrying on cf their 
civil affairs , from the year 1630 to 16o6, with the ac¬ 
cusations against them before the King and council. 

T h e first court of assistants, after the arrival of the 
governour and patentees in the Massachusetts, was held 
at Charlestown, August 23, the same year, 16o0; at 
which time orders were made concerning the planting of 
the colony, in the several plantations that soon began to be 
erected ; as likewise for the regulating the wages of arti¬ 
ficers, employed in buildings, &c. it being commonly 
found that men, gotten from under the reins of govern- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


147 


merit, are but like cattle without a fence, which are there, 
by apt to run wild, and grow unruly, without good laws. 

September 7, 1630. At another session of the court, 
the governourand assistants considering the danger they 
might be exposed unto, in the midst of several nations of 
Indians, (in most of which they had little reason to put 
much confidence:) to prevent any possibility of arming 
such, as in future time might prove as goads in their 
eyes, and thorns in their sides, it was enacted to be 10/. 
fine for any that should permit an Indian the use of a gun, 
the first offence ; the second offence they were to be im¬ 
prisoned and fined at discretion ; which it had been well 
if it had been observed. But all the foresight in the 
world will not prevent a mischief that is designed upon 
a place or people, as the fruit of their own folly, as in 
after time came to pass. And in some regard, it had 
been well such laws had never been made, unless they 
had been better observed. 

At the next meeting of the court, some care was 
had about the more orderly settling of the civil gov¬ 
ernment, for the preserving the liberty of the people, 
and preventing any entrenching thereon by the power 
of the rulers; (it being feared, at least it was then sup¬ 
posed by some, that the waves of the sea are not more 
ready to overflow their banks, when driven by the wind 
and tide, than the minds of men, naturally carried with 
that of ambition, are to invade the rights and liberties 
of their brethren.) Therefore, to prevent all inconven¬ 
iences of like nature possible to arise, October 19, 1630, 
at a general court of the whole company, it was with 
joint consent agreed, and by erection of hands declared, 
that the freemen of the company should choose the as¬ 
sistants, from among themselves ; and that the assist¬ 
ants should choose the governour and deputy, from among 
themselves ; and those so chosen should have power to 
make all laws, and choose officers to execute them : 
which order was not very long lived, for it remained in 
force only till the court of election, Anno 1632, when 
the election of the governour was ordered otherwise. 
The next thing most material, happening at this session, 




GENERAL HISTORY 


was the addition of one hundred and seven persons to 
the number of the freemen, enough for a foundation. 

The first court of election that happened in the Massa¬ 
chusetts was on May 18, 1631, when the former gov- 
ernour and deputy governour, viz. Mr. Winthrop and 
Mr. Dudley, were chosen again into the same place they 
had before. In the like manner did the choice pro¬ 
ceed amongst the assistants, scil. to as many of them as 
were then found in the land of the living : some of them 
being, bi fore that time came about, received into anoth¬ 
er world. 

At the said court of election, for the explanation of 
the former order of October 19, it was ordered by the 
full consent of all the commons present, that once ev¬ 
ery year shall be a General Court, when the commons 
shall have power to nominate any one whom they de¬ 
sire, to be chosen assistant, and to remove any one or 
more that was before chosen in that place, as they 
should see occasion. And if the vote were not clear, 
it should be tried by the poll. And further, that the 
body of the commons might be preserved of good and 
honest men, it was ordered and agreed, that for time 
to come, no man be admitted to the freedom of the 
body politick, but such as are members of some 
of the churches within the limits of the same. 

Within the compass of the year 1631, arrived not so 
many ships as did the year before, fraught with sundry 
passengers with their jjamilies, bringing along with them 
all sorts of cattle, for the storing of the country therewith, 
fit for the beginning of a new plantation ; which with the 
blessing ot heaven so increased, that within a few years 
the inhabitants were furnished with not only enough 
for themselves, but were able also to supply other 
places therewith. For many that wished well to the 
plantation were desirous to see how their friends liked, 
that went first. But in the third year, many ships with 
passengers arrived there; and sundry persons were this 
year added to the number of the freemen ; the whole, 
within two or three years after, amounting to two hun¬ 
dred and seventy. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 

The General Court in the year 1632 happened on the 
9th of May ; when it was ordered, that the governour, 
deputy governour, and the assistants, should be chosen 
by the whole court of governour, deputy, assistants, and 
freemen ; and that the governour should be chosen out 
of the assistants, to prevent any inconveniency in case 
it should be otherwise, as was found by experience not 
many years after. 

At this time Mr. Winthrop was again, by the general 
consent of the people, called to the place of governour, 
and Mr. Dudley to that of deputy, as before, and the 
same assistants which were in the former year. 

^Amongst those that came to New England in the year 
1630, mention was made of one Sir Christopher Gardiner, 
being (as himself said) descended of Gardiner, bishop of 
Winchester, who was so great a persecutor of good 
protestants in queen Mary’s days. He being a great trav¬ 
eller, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusa¬ 
lem, being made knight of the sepulchre there, and very 
well became that title, being himself a mere whited sep¬ 
ulchre, as he soon discovered afterwards. He came in¬ 
to these parts in pretence of forsaking the world, and to 
live a private life in a godly course; not unwilling to put 
himself upon any mean employment, and take any pains 
for his living, and sometimes offered himself to join to 
the church in sundry places. He brought over with 
him a servant or two, and a comely young woman, whom 
he called his cousin ; but it was suspected that (after the 
Italian manner) she was his concubine. He living at the 
Massachusetts, for some miscarriages there, for which 
he should have answered, fled away from authority, and 
got amongst the Indians, in the jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth! The government of the Massachusetts sent 
after him, but could not get him, and promised some re¬ 
ward to those that should find him. The Indians came to 
the governour of Plymouth, and told where he was, and 
asked if they might kill him. But the said governour 
told them, no, they should not kill him by no means; 

• This account of Gardiner, &c. to p. 152, is also in Morton’s Memo¬ 
rial. See year 1632, p 116—119. ed. 1721, 13mo. Eost. or p. 93—97. eel, 
1772. 4to. Newport. Ed. 


150 


GENERAL HISTORY 


but if they could take him alive, and bring him to Plym¬ 
outh, they should be paid for their pains. They said he 
had a gun, and a rapier, and he would kill them if they 
went about it; and the Massachusetts Indians said they 
might kill him. But the governour aforesaid told them, 
no, they should not kill him ; but watch their opportu¬ 
nity, and take him; and so they did. For when they 
lighted on him by a river side, he got into a canoe to get 
from them; and when they came near him, whilst he 
presented his piece at them to keep them off, the stream 
carried the canoe against a rock, and threw both him and 
his piece and rapier into the water. Yet he got out, and 
having a little dagger by his side, they durst not close 
with him ; but getting long poles, they soon beat his 
dagger out of his hand: so he was glad to yield, and 
they brought him to the governour at Plymouth. But 
his hands and arms were swelled very sore, with the 
blows the Indians had given him. But he used him 
kindly, and sent him to a lodging, where his arms were 
bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well again. 
And when the governour blamed the Indians for beat¬ 
ing him so much, they said, they did but a little whip 
him with sticks. In his lodging, those that made his 
bed found a little notebook, that by accident had slipped 
out of his pocket, or some private place, in which was a 
memorial what day he was reconciled to the Pope and 
church of Rome, and in what university he took his 
scapula, and such and such a degree. It being brought 
to the governour of Plymouth, he kept it, and sent it 
to the governour of the Massachusetts, with word of 
his taking, who sent for him. But afterwards he was 
sent for England, and there showed his malice against 
the country; but God prevented him. Of which business 
it is thought meet here to insert a letter from Mr. Win- 
throp, governour of the Massachusetts, to Mr. Brad¬ 
ford, the governour of Plymouth, (in reference to this 
matter,) as also the copy of an order relating to the 
same, as followeth. And first of the letter 

“ SIR, 

“ Upon a petition exhibited by Sir Christopher Gard- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


451 


iner, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, &c. against 
you and us, the cause was heard before the Lords 
of the Privy Council, and afterwards reported to the 
King ; the success whereof makes it evident to all, that 
the Lord hath care of his people here. The passages 
are admirable, and too long to write. I heartily wish 
for an opportunity to impart them to you, being many 
sheets of paper. But the conclusion was, against all 
men’s expectation, an order for our encouragement, 
and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries; 
which calls for much thankfulness from us, all which 
we purpose (God willing) to express in a day of 
thanksgiving to our merciful God; (I doubt not but 
you will consider if it be not fit for you to join in it,) 
who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so 
he hath lifted us up, by an abundant rejoicing in our 
deliverance out of so desperate a danger ; so as that 
which our enemies built their hopes upon, to ruin us 
by, he hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, 
as I shall further acquaint you when occasion shall serve.” 
The copy of the order follows. 

“ At the court at Whitehall, January 19, 1632. 
Sigillum Crescent. 

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Trevers, 

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, 

Lord Viscount Faulkland, Mr. Secretary Cooke, 

Lord Bishop of London, Mr. Secretary Windeb^nk. 

Lord Cottington, 

“ Whereas, his Majesty hath lately been informed of 
great distraction and much disorder in the plantations 
in the parts of America called New England, which if 
they be true and suffered to run on, would tend to the 
dishonour of this kingdom, and utter ruin of that plan¬ 
tation : for prevention whereof, and for the orderly set¬ 
tling of government, according to the intentions of those 
patents which have been granted by his Majesty, and 
from his late royal father king James, it hath pleased 
his Majesty that the Lords and others of his most hon¬ 
ourable Privy Council should take the same into con¬ 
sideration. Their Lordships, in the first place, thought 


1 5 % GENERAL HISTORY 

fit to make a committee of this board to take exami¬ 
nation of the matters informed ; which committee, hav¬ 
ing called divers of the principal adventurers in that 
plantation, and heard those that are complainants against 
them ; most of the things informed being denied, and 
resting to be proved, by parties that must be called 
from that place, which required a long expense of time ; 
and at present their Lordships finding they were upon 
despatch of men, victuals^ and merchandise for that 
place, all which would be at a stand if the adventurers 
should have discouragement or take suspicion, that the 
state here had no good opinion of that plantation : their 
Lordships, not laying the fault or faults (if any be) of 
some particular men, upon the general government, or 
principal adventurers, which in due time is further to 
be inquired into, have thought fit in the mean time to 
declare, that the appearances were so fair, and hopes so 
great, that the country would prove both beneficial to 
this kingdom, and profitable to the particulars, as that 
the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with 
their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were car¬ 
ried as was pretended when the patents were granted, 
and accordingly as by the patent is appointed, his Maj¬ 
esty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges 
heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that 
might tend to the good government, prosperity, and com¬ 
fort of his people there of that place,” &c. 

Upon the renewal of the same complaints, or other 
such like solicitations, there were other orders made by 
the Lords of the Privy Council, soon after. And as there 
was, some years before, cause given for the King’s maj¬ 
esty to take the government of the plantation of Vir¬ 
ginia into his own hands, the same was by some urged, 
and strongly endeavoured with reference to New Eng¬ 
land ; so as, in the year 1635,* an order was issued out 
for the patent of the Massachusetts to be brought to the 
council table, and a commission granted to several Lords 
of the Privy Council to regulate that as well as other 
foreign plantations in the year 1635, as shall be declared 

• 1633. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


153 


in its place: at present only to mention the order that 
was granted in the year 1633. 

The Copy of an Order made at the Council Table, Feb¬ 
ruary 21, 1633, about the plantation in New England. 
“ Whereas, the Board is given to understand of the 
frequent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty’s 
subjects out of this kingdom, to the plantation of New 
England, amongst whom divers persons known to be ill 
affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesi¬ 
astical government here, are observed to resort thither; 
whereby such confusion and distraction is already grown 
there, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin 
of the said plantation, cannot but highly tend to the scan¬ 
dal both of church and state here : and whereas, it was 
informed in particular, that there are at this present, di¬ 
vers ships in the rivei of Thames, ready to set sail thither, 
freighted with passengers and provisions; it is thought 
fit, and ordered, that stay should be forthwith made of 
the said ships, until further order from this Board : and 
the several masters and freighters of the same should at¬ 
tend the Board; on Wednesday next in the afternoon, 
with a list of the passengers and provisions in each ship; 
and that Mr. Cradock, a chief adventurer in that planta¬ 
tion, now present before the Board, should be required 
to cause the letters patents for the said plantations to be 
brought to .this board. 

Lord Archbishop of Can- Lord Cottington, 
terbury, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, 

Lord Archbishop of York, Mr. Secretary Cook, 

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Secretary Windebank. 

Earl of Manchester, Tho: Meantis.” 

Earl of Dorset, 

It seems Sir Christopher Gardiner, Thomas Morton, 
and Philip Ratcliffe, having been punished there for their 
misdemeanours, had petitioned to the king and council; 
(being set on, as was affirmed, by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
and Capt. Mason, &c.) upon which, such of the com¬ 
pany as were there in England, were called before the 
committee of the council, to whom they delivered an an- 
20 


104 * 


GENERAL HISTORY 


swer in writing; upon the reading whereof it pleased God 
so to work with the lords, and after with the King’s 
majesty, when the whole matter was reported to him by 
Sir Thomas Jermin, one of the council, (but not of the 
committee,) who yet had been present at the three days 
of hearing, and spake much in commendation of the 
governour, (both to the lords, and after to his Majesty,) 
that he said he would have them severely punished, who 
did abuse his governour and the plantation, that the de¬ 
fendants were dismissed with a favourable order for their 
encouragement, being assured from some of the council, 
that his majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies 
of the church of England upon them; for that it was con¬ 
sidered that it was the freedom from such things that 
made people come over to them. And it was credibly 
informed to the council, that this country would in time 
be very beneficial to England, for masts, cordage, pitch, 
&c. if the Sound should be debarred. 

About this time, or in the year 1634, letters were 
brought into the country from one Mr. Leviston, a wor¬ 
thy minister in the north of Ireland, (himself being of the 
Scottish nation,) whereby he signified that there were 
many Christians in those parts resolved to go thither, if 
they might receive satisfaction concerning some ques¬ 
tions and propositions which he sent over. Mr. Hum¬ 
phry, likewise, did that year, 1634, carry over into New 
England, certain propositions from some persons of good 
quality and estate, whereby they discovered their inten¬ 
tions to join with the people there, if they might receive 
satisfaction therein. The noise of such motions being 
carried to the lords of the committee for foreign plan¬ 
tations, caused them to take it into consideration as a 
matter of state ; so that they sent out warrants, as was 
said before, to make stay of the ships bound to those 
parts. But upon petition of the ship masters, (alleging 
how beneficial that plantation would be to England, in 
regard of the trade of Newfoundland, which they took 
in their way homeward,) the ships were released, and 
no stop put unto them afterwards. Thus the tide of 
princes’ favour is apt to ebb and flow, according to the 
disposal oi his power, who hath the hearts of all in his hand. 


•F NEW ENGLAND. 


155 


And as concerning Mr. Leviston, it is known that 
himself and many of his friends were on their way 
thither, but were forced back by extremity of weather; 
and since, it appeared that God had other work for him 
to do in his own country, and that he would raise up 
other instruments to carry on the plantation of New 
England, as since hath been seen, both there and here. 

But to return to the plantation, and the affairs there¬ 
of. The foundation of the Massachusetts colon} be¬ 
ing so happily laid, and hopefully thus far carried on, 
notwithstanding so much opposition, and strong en¬ 
deavours to undermine all, the building went on com¬ 
fortably, by the accession of several hundreds that 
flocked over thither in the four next years; so as the 
new inhabitants began to look out for more room, and 
commodious situations. About the end of the year 
1632, was discovered a very desirable tract of land, ten 
miles to the north eastward of Salem, called by the In¬ 
dians Agawam, a place since its first discovery much 
increased with a great number of inhabitants, both 
planters and other artificers; the most noted of w ieh 
was Theodore de la Guard, the cobbler,* that here first 
opened his shop, but removed afterwards to his na¬ 
tive soil, where he fell upon another profession, viz. 
that of a preacher, which he had before many years 
exercised in the said plantation, for his sake called 
Ipswich, or else by way of acknowledgment of the love 
and kindness done the people of New England which 
took ship there. 

Thus the first planters in every township, having the 
advantage of the first discovery of places, removed 
themselves into new dwellings, thereby making room 
for others to succeed them in their old. 

May the 29th, 1633, was the third court of election, 
where the honour, together with the burden of the gov¬ 
ernment, was again laid upon the same gentlemen ; the 
country having had so large experience of their wis- 

• Rev. Nathaniel Ward—author of a satire, entitled, “The Simple Cob¬ 
bler of Aggawam, &c. By Theodore de la Guard.*’ See Eliot’s Biogr. 
Diet. Ed. 


156 


GENERAL HISTORY 


dom and integrity in the former years: things still run¬ 
ning in the same channel as formerly. And although 
the beginnings of this colony seemed so contemptible 
at the first, yet were they able to maintain the authority 
of their government in despite of all malignant op- 
posers. For notice was that year taken of an impudent 
affront of one Capt. Stone, offered to Mr. Ludlow, one 
of the magistrates, calling him, just ass, for justice, when 
he sent men to apprehend him; which was so highly re¬ 
sented, that it, with other misdemeanours, cost the of¬ 
fender an 100/. and banishment: for he was indicted 
for adultery, on strong presumption ; and was after- 
torwards killed by the Pequod Indians, with Capt. Nor¬ 
ton. He thought to have braved authority with insolent 
words, the conniving at which tends directl) to the 
overthrow of any government whatsoever. The giving 
way to the first offenders doth but embolden and en¬ 
courage others that next come. He that is mounted 
in the saddle, had need keep the reins straight, unless 
he intends to be thrown down and trodden under foot. 
They that are the ministers of God, for the good of man¬ 
kind, should not bear the sword in vain. 

May 14, 1634. The freemen, that they might not 
always burthen one person with the yoke of the govern¬ 
ment, nor suffer their love to overflow in one family, 
turned their respects into another channel this year, 
calling Mr. Dudley to the helm of government for the 
following year, with whom was joined Mr. Ludlow, in 
the place of deputy. 

At this court, townships being occasionally seated more 
remote, and the number of the freemen beginning to in¬ 
crease, so as it was somewhat inconvenient for them all to 
meet together at the general courts when convened; it was 
ordered, first, that there should be four general courts eve¬ 
ry year, and that the whole body of freemen should be pres¬ 
ent at the court of election only, and that the freemen of 
every town might choose their deputies to act in their 
names and stead, at the other general courts, (not 
much unlike the knights and burgesses here in England,) 
in the name of the commons, which occasioned some of 
fhp inhabitants to inquire into the nature of their liberty 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


157 


and privileges, which had almost caused some disturb¬ 
ance ; but by the wisdom of some private gentlemen, the 
trouble was prevented. For in the latter end of this 
year, the ministers, and other the most prudent of the 
inhabitants, were advised withal about a body of laws 
suited to the state of the colony, and about an uniform 
order of discipline in the churches ; as also to consider 
how far the magistrate is bound to interpose for the 
preservation of the peace and unity of the churches ; nor 
ought this appearance of discontent become a scandal, or 
be looked upon as a bad omen to the design in hand. 
For as we know there were some in the congregation of 
Israel, and those men of renown, who began to grow 
turbulent, rebelling against the order of government, 
although it w T ere established by God himself; much less 
is it to be wondered at, if such forms of government 
which cannot pretend to a divine and infallible contrive- 
ment, being but the ordinance of man, be opposed and 
undermined by the spirit that is in us, which lusteth un¬ 
to envy. But by prudent and moderate counsels the 
danger of innovation was removed, and the humours 
scattered, before they gathered to an head. 

In the following year, the freemen of the country be¬ 
ing willing that all the worthy gentlemen that had helped 
thus far to carry on the building, should also, in some 
measure, share in the honour that belonged thereunto, at 
the next election changed the governour again. Therefore, 
May 6, 1635, Mr. John Haynes, a worthy gentleman 
that had by his estate and otherwise much advanced the 
interest of the plantation, was invested with the honour 
of the government, as Mr. Bellingham, likewise, with 
the place of deputy governour with him. 

During this lustre of years, the colony of the Massa¬ 
chusetts was so prosperously increased with the arrival 
of near twenty considerable ships, every year save the 
second, 1631, that repaired thither with such a number 
of passengers, that the inhabitants were forced to look 
out for new plantations almost every half year; so as 
within the compass of this first lustre, after the govern¬ 
ment and patent were transferred into America, every 


158 


CBNERAL HISTORY 


desirable place fit for a plantation on the sea coast was 
taken up, so as they were then constrained to look up 
higher into the main, where were discovered some pleas¬ 
ant and fruitful places, fit for new townships, for the re¬ 
ceiving of such inhabitants as every year resorted this 
way. For within the foresaid compass of years, there 
were plantations settled at Salem, in the first place, at 
Charlestown, at Boston, at Dorchester, [at] Roxbury, two 
miles from Boston, at Watertown, and New-Town, since 
Cambridge, up Charles river: then at Lynn, betwixt Sa¬ 
lem and Boston ; and next at Ipswich and Newberry, 
northeast from Salem ; at Hingham, formerly called Bear 
Cove, and Weymouth, deserted by Mr. Weston’s com¬ 
pany some years before, seated on the other side of the 
bay, towards Plymouth; and last of all at Concord, about 
twelve miles westward from Watertown, right up into 
the woods, called by the Indians Muskeraquid. 

Many new plantations going on at this time made la¬ 
bourers very scarce, and the scarcity made workmen 
demand excessive wages, for the excusing of which it 
was pleaded, that the prices of wares with the merchants 
was proportionable. For the preventing of oppression, in 
the one and in the other, orders were made in the gen¬ 
eral court, that artificers, such as carpenters and masons, 
should not receive above 2s. pr. diem, and labourers not 
above 18d. and proportionally, merchants should not 
advance above 4d. in the shilling, above what their goods 
cost in England. But those good orders were not of 
long continuance, but did expire with the first and gol¬ 
den age in this new world ; things being raised since to 
treble the value well nigh of what at first they were. 
This order was made in November 1633. 

The form of the civil government at the first seated 
in the Massachusetts, may easily be gathered of what 
sort it was, from the premises forementioned, and from 
the words of the patent, according to which it was de¬ 
lineated, as near as well might be : it being attempered 
with greatest resemblance to that of our own king¬ 
dom of England, and the several corporations thereof, 
vi here the power of jurisdiction, or the executive power, 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


150 


is seated in some principal persons, one or more, to 
whom some few others are wont to be joined in like com¬ 
mission, reserving to the people meet liberty by their 
personal approbation, or that which is done by proxy, 
which tantamounts both in the election of the persons 
that are to rule, and in joining some of themselves with 
them in legislation, and laying of taxes upon the people: 
which is so equal a temperature to suit all the main ends 
of government and gratify all interests, that it is much 
any persons should be found ready to quarrel therewith : 
nothing being there established which savoured of an 
unlimited or arbitrary power, nor any unusual form of 
administration of justice, nor more severity than is ordi¬ 
narily inflicted by the laws of England; and in some cases 
less, as in many offences by the laws of England called 
felony. In the court of September, 1635, they began 
the use of grand juries, when there were an hundred of¬ 
fences presented by the first grand jury. It had been 
well that all following juries had been as quicksighted; 
it might have prevented a great number of evils that are 
ready to break out in every place by men born in sin, 
unless it be by due severity provided against. Ever since 
that time, in criminal cases, they proceed by the inquest 
of a grand jury, and by petit juries as to matter of fact. 
In civil actions the process is by writ, or attachment, as 
they call it there, after the manner of England; the 
plaintiff giving notice to the defendant five days before 
he commences suit. Both the laws and administration 
of justice, according to this, being (as much as may be,) 
accommodated to the condition of the place, and ease of 
the people, and for the avoiding all unnecessary charges 
by fees, long delays, and vexatious suits; which makes it 
the more to be admired, that any should ever appear to 
complain, either of the laws or administrations of justice 
there; unless men would plead for a general impunity, to 
live as they list, without ever being called to an account, 
than which nothing was ever heard of more destructive 
to the peace of societies, or general good of mankind. 
There were never worse times in Israel, than when there 


160 


GENERAL HISTORY 


was no king, but every man did that which was right in 
his own eyes. 

CHAP. XXVII. 

Various occurrences in New England, from the year 1631 
to 1636. 

The 21st of November 1632, the governour of the 
Massachusetts received a letter from Capt. Neal, that one 
Bull, with fifteen more of the English who kept beyond 
Pascataqua, were turned pirates, and had taken divers 
boats, and rifled Pemaquid, &c. Hereupon the govern- 
our called the council; and it was agreed to send his 
bark, (then newly built,) with twenty men, to join with 
those of Pascataqua for the taking the said pirates. But 
the extremity of the frost hindering the making ready 
the bark, and being informed that those of Pascataqua 
had sent out two pinnaces and two shallops, with forty 
men, above a fortnight before, they altered their resolu¬ 
tion, and deferred any further expedition till they heard 
what Capt. Neal’s company had done ; from whom they 
were certified soon after, that the vessels they sent in 
pursuit of those pirates were wind bound three weeks at 
Pemaquid. From Penobscot they were informed that 
they had lost one of their chief men, by a musket shot 
from Pemaquid, and that four or five were detained 
amongst them against their wills, and that they had been 
at some English plantations, and used so much civility 
as to take nothing but what they paid for, and that 
they had compounded with Mr. Maverick, whose pin¬ 
nace they had taken by force at first. They also sent a 
writing to all the governours, signifying their intent 
not to do harm to any more of their countrymen, and 
resolution to sink rather than be taken, and that their 
purpose was to go southward. This writing was sign¬ 
ed, Fortune Le Gard. 

Upon these informations, they surceased any further 
pursuit after them ; only they took warning thereby, to 
look to themselves, not knowing but that some of the 
French in those parts might join with such loose fellows, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


161 


and mischief either their vessels or plantations. For on 
the 17th of January following, they had intelligence that 
the French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape 
Sables, and that the fort there, with all the ammunition, 
was delivered to them, and that the cardinal of France, 
(supposed to be Richlieu,) having the managing of that 
affair, had sent some companies already, and that prep¬ 
aration was made to send more the next year, with divers 
priests and Jesuits among them. This news alarmed the 
governour and council to stand upon their guard, and 
look to themselves ; and upon further debate and con¬ 
sultation with the chief of the country, it was agreed with 
all expedition to finish the fort began at Boston, and 
raise another at Nantasket, and to hasten the planting of 
Agawam, (since Ipswich,) one of the most commodious 
places in the country for cattle and tillage, lest an ene¬ 
my should prevent them by taking possession of the 
place. To that end the governour’s son was ordered 
forthwith to go and begin a plantation there, although 
he had but twelve men allowed him to make the attempt, 
which was that spring effected, but it was not long be¬ 
fore many others came after. This was well advised, 
but as it proved in the sequel, they were more afraid 
than hurt, for the French aimed at nothing but trade, 
and therefore were not forward to molest any of the 
English plantations that intended something else. How¬ 
ever it was just reason to take notice of these alarums; 
for the middle of June before, the French had rifled the 
trading house of Plymouth at Penobscot, and carried 
away three hundred weight of beaver, with what other 
goods they found there, which was but as the distressing 
of a landlord for his rent, for default of which it was not 
long before he seized the place itself, which happened in 
the* year 1635, when a French ship came with commis¬ 
sion from the king of France, (as was pretended,) and 
took the trading house of Plymouth men at Penobscot, 
and sent away the men which were in it, but kept their 
goods, and gave them bills for them, and bid them tell 
all the plantations as far as forty degrees, that they would 
come with eight ships next year, and displace them all. 

21 


163 


GENERAL HISTORY 


But by a letter which the captain wrote to the governour 
of Plymouth he informed, that he had commission from 
Monsieur Rossillon, commander of the fort near Cape 
Brittain, called La Haver, to displace the English as far 
as Pemaquid, and by it he professed all courtesy to them 
that were planted westward. 

The Plymouth men were not willing to put up an in¬ 
jury so quietly, being ready to believe they had a right 
to the place before God and man. Therefore they hired a 
great ship (called the Hope of Ipswich, Mr. Girling be¬ 
ing master,) to displace the French and regain their pos¬ 
session. He was to have two hundred pounds if he effect¬ 
ed the design. They sent a bark of their own, with him 
and twenty men. But the French having notice, so 
strongly fortified the place, and entrenched themselves, 
(about eighteen persons,) as that having spent near all 
his powder and shot, he was ready to give over the de¬ 
sign. The Plymouth bark came to the Massachusetts 
to advise what to do. The General Court agreed to aid 
them with men and ammunition, and therefore wrote to 
Plymouth to send one with commission to treat with 
them. The next week they sent Mr. Prince and Capt. 
Standish with a commission so to do. They brought 
the matter to this issue, that they would assist their 
neighbours at Plymouth as their friends, and at their 
charge, but not as the common cause of the whole coun¬ 
try, and every one to contribute their part. And at that 
time provision was so scarce, (by reason of a great hur¬ 
ricane that spoiled much of their corn, on the 15th of 
August that year,) that they knew not where, on the 
sudden, to find means to victual out an hurdred men, 
which the expedition would require : so all was defer¬ 
red to further counsel, by which occasion Mr. Girling 
was forced to return, without effecting their purpose. 
Nor did they find any means afterward to recover their 
interest there any more. In October following, a pin¬ 
nace sent by Sir Richard Saltonstall upon a design for 
Connecticut, in her return home was cast away upon the 
Isle of Sables. The men were kindly entertained by the 
French there, and had passage to La Haver, about twenty 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


103 


leagues to the east of Cape Sables, where Rossillon afore¬ 
said was governour, who entreated them courteously, 
granting four of them passage for France, and furnishing 
the rest with a shallop to return back to New England ; 
but made them pay dear for their vessel. In this their re¬ 
turn they put into Penobscot, while Girling’s ship lay there, 
but were kept prisoners till the said ship was gone, and then 
were sent home with a courteous letter to the governour. 

Before this, in the year 1634, a pinnace, belonging 
to Mr. Allerton of Plymouth, going to Port Royal to 
fetch two or three men that had been carried from a 
place called Machias, where Mr. Allerton and some of 
Plymouth had set up a trading wigwam, and left live 
men and store of commodities, La Tour coming to dis¬ 
place them, and finding resistance, killed two of them as 
was said, and carried three away, of which he afterward 
cleared himself, Anno 1643: and when some were sent 
to demand the goods taken thence, Monsieur La Tour, 
then chief upon the place, made answer, that he took 
them as lawful prize, and that he had authority from the 
king of France, who challenged all from Cape Sable to 
Cape Cod, wishing them to take notice and certify the 
English, that if they traded to the eastward of Pemaquid 
he would make prize of them. And being desired to 
show his commission, he answered, like a French Mon¬ 
sieur, that his sword was his commission when he had 
strength to overcome, and where he wanted he would 
show his commission. But we shall afterwards find this 
Monsieur speaking softer words, when D’Aulney and 
he came to quarrel one with another, of which there will 
be much occasion to speak in the following part of this 
history ; and to observe, how La Tour was dealt withal, 
as he had dealt with others, when his fort and all his 
goods were plundered by his neighbour Monsieur D’ 
Aulney. 

In November 1636, the same D’Aulney, captain of 
Penobscot, in his answer to the governour’s letter said, 
that they claimed no further than Pemaquid, nor would 
unless they had further order: and that he supposed the 
cause why he had no further order was, that the English 


GENERAL HISTORY 


161 - 

embassadour had dealt effectually with the cardinal of 
France, for settling those limits for their peace. 

Amongst other things which about that time befel the 
governour and council of the Massachusetts as matter of 
disturbance, one was occasioned bv an over zealous act 
of one of the assistants of Salem, too much inspired by 
the notions of Mr. Roger Williams, who, to prevent the 
continuance or appearance of superstition, did of his own 
authority cut out the red cross out of the King’s colours. 
Good men’s zeal doth many times boil over. Complaint 
was made hereof by Richard Browne, the ruling elder of 
the church of Watertown, in the name of the rest of the 
freemen, at a court of assistants in November 1634. The 
offence was argued by the complainant as a matter of an 
high nature, as fearing it might be interpreted a kind of 
rebellion to deface the King’s colours: much indeed 
might have been said, had it been done in his coin. It 
was done upon this apprehension, that the red cross was 
given to the King of England by the pope, as an ensign 
of victory, and so indeed by him as a superstitious 
thing, and a relique of Antichrist. No more was done 
therein at the first court, but the awarding of an attach¬ 
ment against R. D. the ensign bearer of Salem, to ap¬ 
pear at the next court; and when that came about, many 
minds being much taken up about the matter,because seve¬ 
ral of the soldiers refused to follow the colours so defaced, 
the commissioners of military affairs (which at that time 
were established with power of life and limb) knew not 
well how to proceed in those matters. Therefore was 
the whole case left to the next general court, which was 
the court of election, May 6,1635; when Mr. Endicot 
that had cut out the red cross, or caused it to be done, 
in the ensign at Salem, was not only left out from being 
an assistant by the freemen, but was also by a commit¬ 
tee of the freemen of the several towns, (the magistrates 
choosing two to join with them,) judged to be guilty of 
a great offence, viz. rash indiscretion, in proceeding to act 
by his sole authority in a matter wherein all the re6t of 
the magistrates were equally concerned, and thereby giv¬ 
ing occasion to the court of England to think ill of them. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


165 


and therefore worthy of admonition, and to he disabled 
from bearing any publick office for one year. An heavier 
sentence was declined, because all were persuaded, that 
he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not out of 
an evil mind ; and was also supposed, like Barnabas, to 
be carried away with the notions of rigid separation, im¬ 
bibed from Mr. Roger Williams, the pastor of the church 
of Salem. He had this also to comfort him in one part 
of his sentence, that his brother in law, Mr. Ludlow, fell 
into the same condemnation, of being made no assistant, 
by the choice of the freemen, though he were deputy gov- 
ernour the year before. The reason was, because he 
expected the deputy’s place to be but a step into the 
highest degree of honour, but finding himself at the time 
of election to miss of both, he could not contain from 
venting his ambition in protesting against the election as 
void: for he said the choice was agreed upon by the 
deputies before they came to elect. But the choice was 
adjudged good, and the freemen were so disgusted at his 
speech, that in the next place they left him out from be¬ 
ing a magistrate, which honour he had enjoyed ever since 
he came into the country till that time, for he was one 
of the patentees. 

But as for the colours appointed for every company, 
(by the court referred to the commissioners of military 
affairs for that end,) they ordered the King’s colours in 
the usual form to be set up on the Castle, and every 
company to have an ensign proper to themselves, and 
Boston to be the first company. 

Some other occasions of trouble besides the foremen- 
ed fell out, within the first five years after the settling of 
the government. For after Mr. Hooker’s coming over, 
it was observed that many of the freemen grew to be 
very jealous of their liberties. Some of them were ready 
to question the authority of the magistrates, affirming that 
the power of the government was but ministerial: and 
many arguments were by one or more produced in one 
of the general courts in the year 1634, against the nega¬ 
tive voice in the magistrates ; but it was adjudg¬ 
ed no good principle by the whole court, and 


166 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the deputy that had so declared himself, was ad¬ 
judged by them to be disabled from bearing any publick 
office for three years, nor would they easily be persuaded 
to alter the sentence, when desired by a petition, presented 
for that end by many of the freemen at the next general court. 
But the matter was better understood bv some afterwards, 
that at that time had so strongly asserted the notion. 

But this essay did but strike at some of the upper 
branches, whereas Mr. Williams did lay his axe at the 
very root of the magistratical power in matters of the first 
table, which he drove on at such a rate, so as many agi¬ 
tations were occasioned thereby, that pulled down ruin 
upon himself, friends, and his poor family, as shall be 
shewed in a distinct chapter by itself: only let it be not¬ 
ed here, that one of the gentlemen forementioned, was so 
strongly bewitched with Mr. Williams his zeal, that at the 
general court, Sept. 1, 1635, he made a protestation in 
way of justification of a letter sent from Salem to the 
other churches against the magistrates and deputies, for 
some supposed injustice acted by them in determining 
the right of a piece of land lying between Salem and 
Marblehead, contrary to the sentiments of Mr. Roger 
Williams and his friends at Salem: for this the said 
gentleman was committed; but not standing too stilly 
in his said protestation, he was the same day discharged, 
upon the acknowledging his fault. 

One of the elders of the town of Roxbury was, upon 
the like occasion, ready to run into the same errour, in 
crying up the liberties of the people, and condemning 
tire proceedings of the magistrates, in yielding a peace to 
the Pequods in the year 1634, without the consent of 
the people. But he was easily taken off from his errour, 
and became willing to lay the blame upon himself, that 
before he laid upon the magistrates, by a public expla¬ 
nation of his meaning, to prevent any from taking occa¬ 
sion thereby to murmur against authority ; as it seems 
they were in those early days too ready so to do. There 
is no more certain sign of true wisdom, than for one to 
be as ready to see an error in himself as in another, which 
the wisest of men doth attest unto, when he tells us, that 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


467 


there is more hopes of a fool than of one wise in his own 
conceit. Bat when Saturn hath too much influence upon 
men’s natural tempers, Satan cloth often take occasion 
thereby, to mislead even good men to pernicious prac¬ 
tices. The smiting of the righteous becomes a pre¬ 
cious balm to a David, to heal his errour, which will be¬ 
come a corroding medicine to increase the wound of 
men of another alloy. 

But in the next place, to take notice of some other oc¬ 
casions of disturbance in the neighbouring plantations. 
About the 3d of May, 1634, news came to Boston of 
the death of some at Kennebeek, upon a quarrel about 
the liberty of trade in those parts, which accident caused 
no small trouble afterwards. The occasion of the quar¬ 
rel was this: the Plymouth men had a grant from the 
grand patentees of New England for Kennebeek, and the 
liberty of sole trade there; but at that time one blocking 
came in a pinnace belonging to the lord Say and lord 
Brooke at Pascataqua, to trade at Kennebeek. Two of 
the magistrates of Plymouth, being there at the same 
time, forbad him; yet would he go up the river; and 
because he would not come down again, they sent three 
men in a canoe to cut his cables ; and having cut one of 
them, Hocking presented a piece, and swore he would 
kill him that went to cut the other. They bad him do 
if he durst, and went on to cut it. The other was 
as good as his word, and killed him. Hereupon, one in 
the Plymouth pinnace, that rode by them, (having five 
or six with him, whose guns were ready charged,) shot 
and killed Hocking. One of the magistrates of Ply¬ 
mouth, Mr. John Alden by name, coming afterwards to 
Boston in the time of the general court, a kinsman of 
Hocking’s making complaint of the fact, Mr. Alden was 
called, and made to enter into bond, not to depart the 
jurisdiction without leave ; and forthwith they wrote to 
Plymouth to certify them what was done, and to know 
whether they would do justice in the case, as belonging 
to their jurisdiction, and return a speedy answer. This 
was done, that notice might be taken, that they disavow¬ 
ed the said action, which was much condemned of all 


168 


GENERAL HISTORY 


men, and which was feared would give occasion to the 
King to send a general governour over thither, and 
besides, had brought them all, and the gospel, under a 
common reproach of cutting one another’s throats for 
beaver. 

Soon after, Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the 
magistrates of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, their pastor, 
came to Boston to confer with the magistrates and min¬ 
isters there (viz. Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson) about the 
case, which was brought to these two points : 1. Wheth¬ 
er their right of trade in that place were such as that they 
might hinder others from coming thither on the same 
account. 2. Whether in point of conscience they might 
so far stand upon their right, as to take away or hazard 
any man’s life in defence thereof. For the first, their 
right appeared to be good, for that, besides the King’s 
grant, they had taken up this place as vacuum domicilium , 
and so had continued without any interruption of any of 
the natives for divers years, and also had by their charge 
and providence drawn down thither the greatest part of 
trade, by carrying Wampampeag, which none of the 
English had known the use of before. For the second, 
they alleged, that their servants did kill Hocking to save 
the rest of their men, whom he was ready to have shot. 
Yet they acknowledged, that they held themselves under 
theguilt of the sixth commandment, in that they did hazard 
a man’s life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to 
preserve their right by some other means ; adding, that 
they would be careful for the future not to do the like. 
The governour, (who at that time was Mr. Dudley,) and 
Mr. Winthrop, wTote into England to mediate their 
peace. And the governour not long after received a let¬ 
ter from the Lord Say and Lord Brooke, that howso^ 
ever they might have sent a man-of-war to beat down 
the house at Kennebeck for the death of Hocking, yet 
they thought better to take another course, and therefore 
desired that some of the magistrates of the Massachusetts 
might be joined with Capt. Wiggon, their agent at Pas- 
cataqua, to see justice done. About this time, scil. in 
the winter of the year 1633, an Englishman of Saco, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


169 


travelling up into the woods to trade with the Indians, 
traded away his life, being killed by them. It is to be 
feared, divers of these considered not our Saviour’s words, 
Matth. xvi. 26. “ What shall it profit a man if he should 
gain the whole world, and lose his own soul ?” 

Not long after, Mr. Winthrop received a letter from 
the Earl of Warwick, wherein he congratulated the pros¬ 
perity of the plantation, and encouraged their proceed¬ 
ings, and offered his help to further them theiein. 

The foresaid letter was a good antidote against f he 
pestilent infection which he received the next month, viz. 
August 4th, 1634, from his good friend Thomas Morton, 
and delivered by the hand of Mr. Jeffrey, an old planter, 
(though not an old disciple,) full of railing speeches and 
bitter invectives against the plantation in general, and 
himself in particular, prophesying of a general govern- 
our, which was never yet fulfilled. In the mean time, 
Mr. Winthrop, who was, though not the general, yet 
generally the governour slept as quietly as ever before, and 
lived to see Morton a prisoner once again, though not 
of hope, but rather of despair, for he did see himself at 
liberty again, from the bonds of imprisonment, yet not 
from the bonds of misery and extreme poverty, wherein 
he ended his wretched life, Anno 1644, or thereabouts. 

In the first creation of the world, the Almighty was 
pleased to provide a goodly habitable world before the 
inhabitants for it were produced: so was his creating 
providence observable in the people of this new planta¬ 
tion ; for many new places were daily discovered, as per¬ 
sons were brought over to plant them. 

Thus, in the beginning of September, 1633, when the 
ship Griffin arrived here, of three hundred tons, fraught 
with two hundred passengers, (the principal ol which were 
Mr. Haynes, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone,) with 
divers other ships, (so as that sometimes a dozen or 
fourteen came into the harbour in one and the same 
month,) some were by special providence directed to 
travel an hundred miles westward into the country, as 
far as the river Connecticut, (that runs up into the coun¬ 
try, north and south, a great way,) by name John Oid- 
22 


170 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ham, (afterwards killed by the Pequod Indians,) and 
Samuel Hall, who died lately about Malden in Essex, 
scil. about the year 1680, with two others, who, taking 
a view of the country, discovered many very desirable 
places upon the same river, fit to receive many hundred 
inhabitants. 

The Dutch from Manhatos had some knowledge of 
the place some years before, and had given some intima¬ 
tion to their neighbours of Plymouth, by the name of 
the Fresh river; but they were so wise as to keep it to 
themselves, till some of the inhabitants of the Massachu¬ 
setts had, by the forementioned occasion, made a fuller 
discovery thereof. And after their return, the next 
spring, they so filled the minds of many new comers with 
hope of great advantage thereby, that they presently were 
upon the wing to take possession thereof; having now, 
as it were, compassed it in their minds, as they had by 
their travels before. On which account those of Ply¬ 
mouth had the less reason to lay blame to the Massa¬ 
chusetts, for preventing them of their design and dis¬ 
covery, seeing it was the acquisition of their own labour 
and travel: for being not formerly taken up, though in 
part discovered, it became free for the use of them that 
first made the seizure. And, indeed, all the places on the 
sea coast being already preoccupied, there was no place 
left free, capable to receive so many hundred families 
in the year 1633, 1634, and 1635, if this river of Con¬ 
necticut had not been possessed immediately after their 
first discovery thereof. That very year when that dis¬ 
covery was made, came over into New England several 
persons of note, amongst whom was Mr. Humphry, who, 
though he was formerly chosen deputy governour, came 
not over till the year 1634, bringing along with him his 
noble consort, the Lady Susan, sister to the Earl of Lin¬ 
coln. He came with a rich blessing along with him, 
which made way for his joyful reception by all sorts, for 
he brought along with him sixteen heifers (at that time 
valuable at 20/. per piece,) sent by a private friend to the 
plantation ; scil. by one Mr. Richard Andrews ; to every 
of the ministers one, and the rest to the poor : And one 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


half of the increase of the ministers’ part, to be reserved 
for other ministers. Mr. Wilson’s charity so abounded, 
that he gave not only the increase of his, but the princi¬ 
pal itself to Mr. Cotton. By Mr. Humphry’s means 
much money was procured for the good of the planta¬ 
tion, and divers promised yearly pensions. But the gen¬ 
tleman had the same fate which many others before him 
have had the experience of, to sow that which others 
were afterwards to reap : for himself tarried not long 
enough in the country to enjoy the fruits of his own 
pious and charitable endeavours; though others have 
raised goodly fabricks upon the foundation which was 
laid by him and others. 

Thus, as persons for their number and quality need¬ 
ed suitable places for their reception, so were there new 
discoveries daily made, both by sea and land, of com¬ 
modious places fit to entertain them; and about the same 
time was a further discovery of Connecticut near the 
sea. For October the 2d of the same year, .the bark 
Blessing, (built by the governour, Mr. Winthrop, at 
Mistick, July the 4th, 1631,) returned from the south¬ 
ward, having made a further discovery of that called 
Long Island, the eastermost end whereof lies over against 
the mouth of Connecticut river, which they entered into. 
It is near one hundred and fifty miles long; the east end 
ten leagues from the main, the west end about one mile. 
There they procured Wampampeag, both white and 
blue, (it being made by the Indians there,) which was 
improved by those of Plymouth in their trade with the 
eastern Indians. It was a place capable of many planta¬ 
tions, and since that time improved accordingly : sup¬ 
posed to have been at first granted to the Earl of Stir¬ 
ling, and received inhabitants partly from New Haven, 
and partly from Connecticut, eight or ten years after; 
and accordingly subject to their respective jurisdictions; 
though at the present the whole is taken to belong to his 
highness the duke of York’s patent about Manhatos or 
New York. The said bark had also been at the Dutch 
plantation there upon Hudson’s river. They were kindly 
entertained by the Dutch governour, called Gaulter Van 
Twilly; to whom they shewed their commission, which 


general history 


irs 

was to signify to them that the King of England had 
granted the river and country of Connecticut to his own 
subjects, and therefore desired him to forbear building 
any more thereabouts. The Dutch governour wrote 
back to the governour of the Massachusetts, (his letter 
was very courteous and respectful, as if it had been to a 
very honourable person,) whereby he signified, that the 
Lords the States had granted the same parts to the West 
Indies Company; and therefore requested that they of the 
Massachusetts would forbear to challenge the same, till 
the matter were decided between the King of England 
and the said Lords. 

The bark passed and repassed over Nantucket shoals, 
within three or four leagues of the islands, and found three 
fathom water at the least, though the breaches were very 
terrible on each side. But since that time there is dis¬ 
covered a channel betwixt the island and the main land, 
fit for smaller vessels to pass safely through at all times. 

Plymouth men soon after, or at this time, sent a bark 
up Connecticut river to erect a trading house there. 
When they came, they found the Dutch had built there, 
and forbad them to proceed. But they set up their 
house notwithstanding, about a mile above that of the 
Dutch. A little higher up, are falls in Connecticut river, 
that stop their passage any further upward, as there are 
in Hudson’s river also; else it were no difficult matter 
to trace them great rivers of Patomack in Virginia, Hud¬ 
son’s among the Dutch, and Connecticut among the 
English, to their heads, which are conceived by some to 
come out of the great lakes to the westward, from which 
it is supposed the great trade of beaver to come, that the 
French and Dutch have been furnished with, whereby 
they have drained away all the profit from the English. 

But to let these things pass, and to return again to the 
Massachusetts. As the rumour of those discoveries was 
daily increased, so were men’s desires enlarged to be 
possessed of them; by which occasion were many agi¬ 
tations set on foot about the latter end of the year 1634, 
which were not quietly composed again in many years 
after. For in the session of the General Court in Sep¬ 
tember 4th of that year, the main business then agitated 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


173 


was about the removal of the inhabitants of New-Town, 
consisting of such as came along with Mr. Hooker, and 
several other persons of quality, who also had no small 
dependence on his ministry, and abilities. They had 
leave the former court, to seek out some place for en¬ 
largement or removal, with promise of having it con¬ 
firmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to some other 
plantation. And now, having viewed several other 
places about the sea coast without satisfaction, they pe¬ 
titioned they might have leave to remove to Connecticut. 
This matter was debated divers days, and many reasons 
alleged pro and con. The principal and procatarctical 
was want of accommodation where they were : they nei¬ 
ther being able to maintain themselves, nor yet to re¬ 
ceive any more of their friends, together with the fruit¬ 
fulness and commodiousness of the country about Con¬ 
necticut, with the danger of having it possessed by oth¬ 
ers, whether Dutch, or of their own nation. But that 
which was the causa rpvyxfun 5, or impulsive cause, (as wise 
men deemed,) and themselves did not altogether conceal, 
was the strong bent of their spirits to remove out of the 
place where they were. Tvvo such eminent stars, such 
as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first 
magnitude, though of differing influence, could not well 
continue in one and the same orb. Against these it was 
said, 1. That in point of conscience they ought not to 
depart from their friends, being knit together in one 
body, and bound by oath to seek the welfare of the 
whole. 2. That in point of civil policy, they ought not 
to give them leave to depart: 1. Because that they were, 
though altogether, yet weak, and in danger to be assail¬ 
ed. 2. That the departure of Mr. Hooker would not 
only draw away many from them, but also divert many 
friends, that might he willing to come unto them. 3. 
That themselves that removed might be exposed to evi¬ 
dent peril, both from the Dutch, (who laid claim to the 
same river, and had already built a fort there,) and from 
the Indians, and also from the state of England, who 
would not endure they should sit down without a patent, 
in any place which the King lays claim unto. 4. They 
might be accommodated where they were, by enlarge- 


174 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ment from other towns, or by removal to some place 
within the Massachusetts, as about Merrimack river, &c. 
5 . It would be as the removing of a candlestick, which 
they looked upon as a great judgment, which ought to 
be avoided. 

The court being divided upon these and other argu¬ 
ments, it was put to the vote; where amongst the deputies 
were found fifteen for their departure, (possibly such as 
hoped to have a part with them on the other side their 
Jordan,) and six against it. Amongst the magistrates, 
the governour with two assistants were for it, but the 
deputy, (Mr. YVinthrop,) and all the rest were against it. 
The secretary was neuter, and gave no vote. So as 
there was no record entered, because there were not six 
assistants, (as the patent required.) Upon this there 
grew a great difference between the court of magistrates 
and the deputies, who would not yield to the other, viz. 
the assistants, a negative voice. On the other hand, the 
deputy governour and the rest of the assistants, with the 
governour, (considering how dangerous it might be to 
the civil state of the place, if they should not keep that 
strength to balance the greater number of the deputies,) 
thought it safe to stand upon it. So when they could 
proceed no further, the court agreed to keep a day of hu¬ 
miliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was done 
in all the congregations of the country, on the 18th of the 
instant September; and on the 24th of the same, the 
court met again. Before they began, Mr. Cotton preach¬ 
ed, being desired by the whole court, (though it was 
kept at Mr. Hooker’s town, upon his instant excuse of 
his unfitness for the occasion.) He took his text out of 
Hag. ii. 4. “Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith 
the Lord; and be strong, O Joshua, the son of Josedech, the 
high priest; and be strong, all ye people of the land, saith 
the Lord, and work : for I am with you, saith the Lord 
of Hosts.” Out of which he laid down the nature, or 
strength, (as he termed it,) of the magistracy, ministry, 
and people : viz. the strength of the magistracy to be 
their authority, of the people to be their liberty, and of 
the ministry to be their purity, and shewed how all these 
had a negative voice, and that yet the ultimate resolu- 


©F NEW ENGLANB. 


175 


tion, &,c. ought to be in the whole body of the people; 
with an answer to all objections, and a declaration of the 
people’s duty, and right to maintain their true lib¬ 
erty against any unjust violence, which gave great satis¬ 
faction to the company. And it pleased God so to assist 
him, and bless his own ordinance,that theaffairs of the court 
went on cheerfully. Although all were not satisfied about 
the negative voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no 
man at that time moved aught further about it. And 
the congregation of New-Town came and accepted free¬ 
ly of such enlargement as had freely been offered to them 
from Boston and Watertown; and so the fear of their re¬ 
moval to Connecticut was (at least for the present) re¬ 
moved. Mr. Cotton had such an insinuating and melt¬ 
ing way in his preaching, that he would usually carry his 
very adversary captive after the triumphant chariot of his 
rhetorick, and, as Solomon saith, the soft tongue break- 
eth the bone, which eminently appeared in this assembly, 
in that some men of place and gravity, having, in 
heat of argument, used unseemly expressions to some in 
power, and being reproved for the same in open court, 
did gravely and humbly acknowledge their fault. 

The question about the negative voice being on this 
occasion first started, and for a time respited and laid 
asleep, we shall find afterwards awakened again, and as 
stifly and earnestly bandied to and again, but not so 
easily charmed upon its after ala ruining, till at last this 
matter came to be debated with the eiders and deputies 
to further satisfaction, 1643. 

The inhabitants of New-Town were, on the foremen- 
tioned occasion, brought to a little moderation as to their 
present purpose of removing to Connecticut, but were 
soon after more restless in their desires, than ever be¬ 
fore ; and could not be satisfied, till they had at last ac¬ 
complished their design. Though some accidents inter¬ 
vened, that might just have given'a supersedeas to tiieir 
intentions, till a more convenient season ; for about this 
time or soon after, news was brought down to Boston of 
the treacherousness of the Indians in those parts, (which 
those of Connecticut soon after found to their sore af- 


176 


GENERAL HISTORY 


fliction.) The Pequod Indians, situate near the mouth 
of the said river, having barbarously slain Capt Stone 
and his company, as he made up the river to trade with 
them, and being at the same time at war with their 
neighbours of Narraganset, cunningly sent their mes¬ 
sengers to the Massachusetts to desire their friendship, 
promising not only to deliver up any of the murtherers 
that could be found, (alleging, that those who committed 
the said murther, were either killed by the Dutch or dead 
of the small pox, only for a pretext,) but also to yield 
up Connecticut, at least their interest in it, to the Eng¬ 
lish, and to give them much beaver, and four hundred 
fathom of Peag, (a considerable sum of their money,) 
to confirm their friendship with the English, proffering 
also free liberty of trade with them. 

The Narraganset Indians hearing thereof, sent three 
hundred of their men to waylay those messengers of the 
Pequods, as they were to return home, and came within 
a few miles of Boston for that end, so as they were hard¬ 
ly persuaded by the governour and council, then met at 
Boston, to forbear meddling with them. But all this 
was but in policy of the Pequods to gain time to defend 
themselves, or at least not to be engaged with too many 
enemies at the same time. For though they were treat¬ 
ed with all manner of courtesy, and respect by the Eng¬ 
lish, and an agreement of peace made and signed by 
their embassadours, yet did they as barbarously the next 
year, or not long after, murder John Oldham and his 
company, as he went securely amongst them for trade, 
as is more at large declared in another place, and about 
the time when Connecticut began first to be planted by 
the English in the years 1636 and 1637. They made 
open war with all the English, which tended much to the 
prejudice of those who in the following year, 1635, did 
with irresistible resolution set upon the former design of 
removing to Connecticut; their own necessities at home, 
and the great fame of the place from abroad prompting 
thereunto, so as no discouragements did appear, but were 
easily superable by men so inspired. For at the first 
General Court that happened in the year 1635, several 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


1 77 

of Watertown and Roxbury obtained leave to remove 
whither they would, so as they continued under this 
government; but Connecticut was their aim. The oc¬ 
casion of their desire, as well as of the others, was for 
that all the towns in the Bay began to be much straitened 
by their own nearness one to another, and their cattle be¬ 
ing so much increased, together with the addition of 
many families, which, every year came in great abun¬ 
dance flocking over thither. While the matter was thus 
in debate in the General Court, some of Watertown took 
the opportunity of seizing a brave piece of meadow, aim¬ 
ed at by those of New-Town, which, as was reported, 
proved a bone of contention between them, and had no 
small influence into the trouble that afterward happened 
in the Watertown plantation, called Weathersfield, as 
shall be more particularly declared afterwards, when the 
affairs of Connecticut colony are to be spoken to 

In June the same year, 1635, there arrived two Dutch 
ships, which brought divers Flanders mares, heifers, and 
sheep. They came from the Texel in five weeks and three 
days, and lost not one beast. The same day came in Mr. 
Graves in a ship of three hundred tons, in the like space 
of time, with many passengers and much cattle : he had 
come every year, for seven years before. Within four 
days after came in seven other ships, and one to Salem, 
and four more soon after, on the like account. Besides 
these, four or five other great ships came that year, that 
arrived not till after September ; in some of which came 
many passengers, some of note, as Mr. Henry Vane and 
others. Mr. Harlakenden with Mr. Shepard, and many 
of his friends and hearers, came that year: also Mr. 
Winthrop, jun. who, with Mr. H. Vane, had some power 
from the Lord Say and the Lord Brook, to begin a 
plantation at Connecticut, who rather out of necessity 
than choice, (the most desirable places being taken up 
before hand,) settled their plantation at the mouth of the 
said river. Mr. John Winthrop brought with him a 
commission from the said lords, with divers other great 
persons in England, to be governour there. They sent 
also men and ammunition, with 2000/. in money, to be- 
23 


178 


GENERAL HISTORY 


gin a fortification in that place, Mr, Vane had been 
employed by his father, (Sir Henry Vane, Comptroller of 
the King’s household,) while he was embassadour for 
the King in foreign parts. He was a gentleman of ex¬ 
cellent parts, and religiously disposed: had he been well 
principled in the main points thereof, he might have 
been more beneficial to the country. His father was 
very averse to his coming this way, (as not favouring the 
religion of New England,) and would not have consent¬ 
ed to his going thither, but that acquainting the King 
with his son’s disposition and desires, he commanded 
him to send him thither, and gave him license for three 
years stay there. 

This gentleman having order from the said lords and 
others, treated both with the magistrates of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, and those who were going to settle townships 
at Connecticut, and brought things to this issue, that ei¬ 
ther the three towns going thither, should give place upon 
full satisfaction; or else, that sufficient room might be 
found for the lords and their companies in some other 
place; otherwise they would divert their thoughts and 
preparations some other ways. But in conclusion, the 
first planters kept their possession, which gives the best 
title in things of that nature; and possibly the lords 
were given to understand, that if ever they should 
please to come over, their gleanings might prove bet¬ 
ter than the vintage of Abiezer. However, the fore- 
said gentlemen, agents for the lords, being courteous 
and peaceably disposed, were not willing to give the 
inhabitants any further disturbance, but permitted them 
quietly to go on with the design of their plantations. 
Yet Mr. Winthrop (appointed by the lords to be their 
governour at Connecticut) sent a bark of thirty tons, 
with twenty men, and all needful provisions, to take 
possession of the mouth of the river, and begin some 
fortification there, the next month after he arrived at 
Boston; which was a good providence for these that 
intended to plant there, for otherwise they would have 
found it much more difficult to have passed up the 
river, if the Indians had not been something awed with 
the noise of the fort there erected. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


179 


In the same year, likewise, Sir Richard Saltonstall 
sent over a bark of forty tons, to begin some planta¬ 
tion up the river of Connecticut. But not being there 
in person, it never arose to any considerable issue, al¬ 
though his right to a considerable quantity of land 
thereabouts could not be denied. 

About four days after the bark was sent away for 
Connecticut, arrived a vessel of twenty-five ton, sent 
by the lords with one Gardiner, an expert engineer, 
to carry on the fortification at the river’s mouth, be¬ 
sides twelve other men, and two women. All her pas¬ 
sengers and goods, notwithstanding the tempestuous¬ 
ness and danger of the seas, were landed safe the 28th 
of November the same year, 1635, through the good 
providence of God, so as by their addition the work of 
fortification at the river’s mouth was both more speed¬ 
ily and effectually carried on. 

Plymouth men, understanding that those of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts had prevented them by so speedy posses¬ 
sion of Connecticut, sent first by letter, then by their 
agent, Mr. Winslow, in September 1635, and in the 
spring following, to^complain of the injury done them 
in possessing the place, which they had formerly pur¬ 
chased of the Indians, and where they had erected an 
house. Their agent demanded either a sixteenth part 
of the land, or an 100/. from the Dorchester men, that 
intended to plant at Windsor, where the said house was 
built. They not consenting thereunto, the treaty brake 
off; those of Plymouth expecting to have due recom¬ 
pense after by course of justice, seeing they could not 
by treaty, if they went on with their plantation. But 
at last they that were to plant, not willing to be inju¬ 
rious, agreed with them upon other more equal terms. 
The Dutch also sent home into Holland for commis¬ 
sion to deal with those of the Massachusetts, that were 
settling on the place, where they had taken possession. 
But upon after treaties, in the time of the commission¬ 
ers of the United Colonies, they were prevailed withal 
to quit their claim to the whole river, and resigned it 
up to the English. In the mean time, the Massachu- 


180 


GENERAL HISTORY 


setts men, taking hold of such opportunities as prov¬ 
idence presented to them, began to spread themselves 
into many plantations all over the country, so far as 
it was discovered fit for such purposes. And though 
they met with much opposition, both at home and 
abroad, yet they prevailed to effect their design at the 
last, taking notice of sundry special providences that 
furthered them therein. For by letters from the Lord 
Say, received in June 1635, as well as by the report 
of sundry passengers, it was certified that the adver¬ 
saries of the colony of the Massachusetts were build¬ 
ing a great ship to bring over a general governour, 
and to command upon the coast: but it miscarried in 
the launching, failing asunder in the midst; by which 
means their design fell to the ground. It was reported 
also, that they had a contrivance to divide the whole 
country of New England into twelve provinces: viz. 
between St. Croix in the east, and the Lord Balti¬ 
more’s province about Maryland in Virginia, as is 
mentioned in chap. xxxi. But though the lot was 
cast into the lap, the matter was otherwise disposed 
by the Lord. 

Some have taken special notice of tiie providence 
of God in the beginning of that, and the latter end 
of the former year, concerning Capt. John Winthrop, 
jun and Mr. Wilson, the pastor of Boston church, 
whose occasions calling them both to England, they 
took ship in a vessel bound for Barnstable, but were 
by foul weather driven upon the coast of Ireland ; 
not known to any in the ship, and yet were brought 
safe into Galloway, where they parted company. Mr. 
'Winthrop, passing through Ireland, was occasionally 
carried to the house of Sir John Clotwathy, where he 
met accidentally with many considerable persons which 
came thither the next day to confer about their voyage 
to New England. In like manner, Mr. Wilson, keep¬ 
ing in the ship, had opportunity to meet with many 
in that place, that desired to be informed about the 
State of New England. Many such like providences 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


181 


have been observed in carrying on the affairs of the 
plantation of New England. 

CHAP. XXVIII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs f die Massachusetts , during the first 
lustre of years after the transferring of the patent and 
government thither, from Anno 1631 to 1606 . 

Whatever sinister apprehensions are or were ever 
taken up about the religion of the colony of New 
England, they aimed only at the primitive pattern des¬ 
cribed in the word of God, and practice of the apos¬ 
tolical churches. If they have missed of their aim, 
they are not to blamed for levelling at the right mark, 
having a fairer opportunity thereunto, than ever men 
had in many ages past. 

It must not be denied, that they were the offspring 
of the old Nonconformists, who yet always walked in 
a distinct path from the rigid separatists, nor did they 
ever disown the church of England to be a true church, 
as retaining the essentials of faith and order. And al-r 
though they could not persuade themselves to live 
contentedly under the wing of episcopal government, 
yet their offence was rather at the ceremonies than the 
discipline and government thereof. But intending not 
to write an apology but an history of their practice, 
nothing shall here be interposed by way of defence of 
their way, only to give a clear discovery of the truth, 
as to matter of fact, both what it was at first and still 
continues to be. 

Those that came over soon after Mr. Endicot, viz. 
Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, Anno 1629, walked 
something in an untrodden path ; therefore it is the less 
to be wondered at, if they went but in and out, in some 
things complying too much, in some things, too lit¬ 
tle, with those of the separation, and it may be in 
some things not sufficiently attending to the order of 
the gospel, as themselves thought they understood after¬ 
wards. For in the beginning of things they only ac¬ 
cepted of one another, according to some general pro- 


482 


GENERAL HISTORY 


fession of the doctrine of the gospel, and the honest and 
good intentions they had one towards another, and so 
by some kind of covenant soon moulded themselves 
into a church in every plantation, where they took up 
their abode; until Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker came 
over, which was in the year 1633, who did clear up 
the order and method of church government, according 
as they apprehended was most consonant to the word 
of God. And such was the authority they (especially 
Mr. Cotton) had in the hearts of the people, that what¬ 
ever he delivered in the pulpit was soon put into an or- 
der of court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice in the 
church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment. After that 
time the administration of all ecclesiastical matters was 
tied up more strictly than before to the rules of that 
which is since owned for the congregational way, as 
may be seen in a treatise published not long after by Mr. 
Cotton himself, in the name of the rest of the elders of 
the country, called the Way of the Churches in New 
England; which indeed is as a middle way between that 
which is called Brownism, and the Presbyterial gov¬ 
ernment, as it is practised in those places where either 
of the said governments is owned. As for the Brown- 
ists, or rigid Separatists, there were sundry companies 
of them in England in the end of Queen Elizabeth’s, 
and the beginning of King James his reign ; until, be¬ 
ing out of all hopes of liberty for their practice, under 
the shelter of their royal government, many of them 
removed into Holland. These do in effect put the 
chief, if not the whole of the rule and government of the 
church, into the hands of the people, and drown the el¬ 
ders vote, (one or more) in the major part of the breth¬ 
ren’s ; being contented the elders should sit in the sad¬ 
dle, provided they might hold the bridle, as some have 
expressed it. On the other hand, in the Presbyterial 
way, the sole power of government or rule is put into 
the hands of the Presbytery of each congregation, or 
into the hands of the common Presbytery of many con¬ 
gregations, combined together by mutual consent, so 
swallowing up the interests of the people in every single 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


183 


congregation, in the major part of the Presbyters of the 
classis or combination. But those of the Massachusetts 
kept the middle path between the forementioned ex¬ 
tremes, accounting the right disposal of church power to 
lie in a due and proportioned allotment and dispersion 
(as some of the Congregational way have expressed it) 
into divers hands, according to the several concernments 
and interests that each rank in the church may have, 
rather than an entire and sole trust committed to any one 
man, (though never so able,) or any sort or kind of men, 
or officers, although diversified into never so many sub¬ 
ordinations under one another. And this middle way, 
thus delineated, principally by Mr. Cotton, is that where¬ 
in the churches of New England have walked ever since. 
The principal points wherein they differ from others may 
be reduced to these four heads : 

1 . The subject matter of the visible church, saints 
by calling, such as have not only attained the knowledge 
of the principles of religion, and are free from gross and 
open scandal, but are willing, together with the profes¬ 
sion of their repentance and faith in Christ, to declare 
their subjection to him in his ordinances, which they ac¬ 
count ought to be done publickly before the Lord and 
his people, by an open profession of the doctrine of the 
gospel, and by a personal relation of their spiritual estate, 
expressive of the manner how they were brought to the 
knowledge of God by faith in Christ Jesus, and this is 
done either with their viva voce , or by a rehearsal thereof 
by the elders in publick, before the church assembly, 
(they having before hand received private satisfaction,) 
the persons openly testifying their assent thereunto, pro¬ 
vided they do not scandalize their profession by an un¬ 
christian conversation; in which case a profession is 
with them of small account. 

2. In the constitutive form of a particular visible 
church, which they account ought to be a restipula¬ 
tion, or mutual covenanting to walk together in their 
Christian communion, according to the rules of the 
gospel; and this they say is best to be explicit, al- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


18 h 

though they do not deny but an implicit covenant 
may suffice to the being of a true church. 

3 . In the quantity or extensiveness of a particular 
church, concerning which they hold that no church so¬ 
ciety, of gospel institution, ought to be of larger extent 
or greater number than may ordinarily meet together in 
one place, for the enjoyment of all the same numerical 
ordinances, and celebrating of all divine worship ; nor 
ordinarily fewer than may conveniently carry on church 
work. 

4 . That there is no jurisdiction to which such partic¬ 
ular churches are or ought to be subject, (be it placed 
in classis or synod,) by way of authoritative censure, nor 
any church power, extrinsical to the said churches, which 
they ought to have dependence upon any other sort of 
men for the exercise of. 

After this manner have their ecclesiastical affairs been 
carried on ever since the year 1633, when Mr. Cotton 
and Mr. Hooker first arrived there. But of these mat¬ 
ters there may be occasion to make a fuller relation 
in the year 1647, when the Platform of Discipline was 
set forth by the elders and messengers of the churches as¬ 
sembled in the Synod at Cambridge in the Massachusetts. 

Some have feared, that in the beginning of times 
was occasioned much disadvantage to the government 
of the church by making it too popular; and no less 
to the civil government, by too much contriving to 
advance the liberties of the people, which some others, 
that were not a little instrumental to promote both the 
one and the other at the first, would willingly have re¬ 
trieved, when they, too late, discerned their errour, but 
failed in their endeavouring a redress. 

And many yet think they hit upon the right joint in 
settling each government as they did. Possibly they 
might see, where others in the reformation of the church, 
since Calvin’s time, had committed errours, and run in¬ 
to mistakes, and hoped to prevent it in their own. 
But it must always be considered that extremes on ei¬ 
ther hand are dangerous. They had need be very good 
artists, and go exactly to work, that lay the foundation of 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


185 


a building; for a little errour there may appear very 
great and formidable in the superstructure, if any thing 
be done out of square in the bottom, which at the first 
is not easily discerned. Such a constitution of govern¬ 
ment as doth sufficiently secure the liberties of the peo¬ 
ple from oppression is the safest; for popular confu¬ 
sion hath in all experience been found as destructive to 
societies, as tyrannical usurpation. Extremes are to be 
avoided; but those that have lately felt the inconvenience 
of the one, are not so sensible of the danger of the other 
as oft times is to be wished they were. However, by 
this experience it is evident, that whatever advantage 
wise and good men have to shape for themselves the 
best contrived government, it will be very difficult, if 
possible, to pitch upon such a constitution, wherein all 
parties shall acquiesce; which renders it the duty of all 
to rest satisfied in what providence hath put them un¬ 
der, either by a willing compliance, or patient submis¬ 
sion. 

Thus much being premised, to show what form of 
church discipline was aimed at by those that came over 
into the Massachusetts, Anno 1630, it will be expect¬ 
ed, that in the next place, some account should be 
given of their particular proceedings in their church 
administrations. 

On the 27th of August, 1630, the whole congrega¬ 
tion that belonged to Charlestown and Boston kept a 
solemn fast to seek the face of God, partly in refer¬ 
ence to the sickness and mortality, that many of the 
people were then visited withal; and partly also for di¬ 
rection and blessing in choosing officers for their church: 
and then they chose Mr. Wilson to be their teacher, 
and ordained him thereunto by imposition of hands, 
but with this protestation by all, that it was only a sign 
of election and confirmation, without any intention, 
that the said Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry 
he received in England. Mr. Increase Nowell was at 
the same time chosen to be the ruling elder of the 
same church : and one Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, 
were also chosen to be deacons thereof, who were like- 
24 


18(5 


GENERAL HISTORY 


wise, by imposition of hands, invested in their several 
offices. 

As for Mr. Gager, he continued not long enough in 
this world, to purchase to himself a good degree, by 
using the office of a deacon well, being called home on 
the 20th of September following; having yet left behind 
him a good report, for soundness in the faith and purity 
of life and conversation ; ar.d soon after Mr. Colebourn 
was ordained deacon in his room. 

But Mr. Nowell, in the year 1632, relinquished his 
ruling elder’s office in the church, being satisfied upon a 
conference with the chief of Plymouth, (to whose opin¬ 
ion those of Boston did much adhere in their church 
matters, as those of Salem had done before,) that he 
could not conveniently or regularly hold the place of a 
ruler in the church and Commonwealth, at one and the 
same time, and therefore betook himself wholly to a place 
of civil rule in the Commonwealth, where he was like¬ 
wise chosen senator: Nor could it be looked upon as 
compatible to the same person, to be employed at once 
in two offices of so momentous a nature, and of so dif¬ 
fering a kind. 

It is said that Mr. Phillips of Watertown was at the 
first more acquainted with the way of church discipline, 
since owned by congregational churches ; but being then 
without any to stand by him, (for wo to him that is 
alone,) he met with much opposition from some of the 
Magistrates, till the time that Mr. Cotton came into the 
country, who by his preaching and practice did by de¬ 
grees mould all their church administrations into the 
very same form which Mr. Phillips laboured to have in¬ 
troduced into the churches before. 

A church was gathered at Dorchester, soon after the 
coming over of the governour and assistants; the scatter¬ 
ing inhabitants that had seated themselves there before 
for conveniency of trade, being removed elsewhere, and 
left the place free for them that came with intent to plant 
the gospel there ; and in the church of that place Mr. 
Wareham was ordained the pastor, and Mr. Maverick 
the teacher. Those places that could not then be sup- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


187 


plied with ministers, were content to wait till some 
others fit for the employment were brought over to 
them. 

It is notwithstanding affirmed, that Mr. Maverick was 
a minister, ordained to a company that came over with 
him, while he lived in the west of England; which if it 
were so, there needed no ordination, or gathering of a 
church anew at Dorchester, as they did in the other 
towns. 

Those that took up their habitations on each side of 
Charles river belonged all at the first to one congrega¬ 
tion, and having called Mr. Wilson to be their teacher, 
and Mr. Nowell to be their ruling elder, so continued 
till the end of October 1632; about which time those 
of Charlestown, by reason of the difficulty of passage in 
the winter, and having at that time an opportunity of 
choosing a pastor for themselves, viz. Mr. James, then 
lately come from England, were dismissed from the con¬ 
gregation of Boston, and so became a distinct church of 
themselves. 

In the following month of November Mr. John Eliott, 
that came over into New England the former year, hav¬ 
ing joined himself to the congregation or church at Bos¬ 
ton, was dismissed to the church of Roxbury to be their 
teacher, although he was earnestly desired by them of 
Boston, yet the importunity of the other, and the inclin¬ 
ation of his own mind carried him thither. 

About the same time Richard Brown of Watertown 
was discharged from his office of a ruling elder there, 
because of the rash and violent spirit he was wont to be 
carried withal, upon all occasions, having been often ad¬ 
monished, but could not be brought to any amendment. 
He was a man of good understanding, and well versed in 
the discipline of the separation, having been a ruler in 
one of their churches in London, where he was known 
to be very violent and passionate in his proceedings. One 
of the best things he deser ved to be commended for, was 
his faithfulness and care of Doctor Ames and Mr. 
Robert Parker, safely conveying them, (being himself 
one that kept a wherry,) aboard their vessel at Graves- 


188 


GENERAL HISTORY 


end, when they were pursued by some that would wil¬ 
lingly have shortened their journey. 

On the 22d of November 1632, was kept a day of 
humiliation at Boston, when Mr. Wilson, (formerly 
their teacher,) was called to be their pastor, and one Mr. 
Oliver was chosen their ruling elder, and both ordained 
by the imposition of hands, first by the teacher and the 
two deacons in the name of the congregation on the 
elder, and then by the elder and the deacons upon the 
pastor. 

In the year 1632, Mr. Thomas Weld came over. He 
had been minister of Terling in Essex, and accounted a 
zealous preacher of the word. He had many invitations 
after he landed here, but at last was prevailed with by the 
importunity of Roxbury church, to accept of a pastor’s 
office amongst them. 

In the year 1633, September 4, arrived Mr. Cotton 
and Mr. Hooker, in the Massachusetts. On the 17th of 
said September, Mr. Cotton, by the advice of the gov- 
ernour and council with the rest of the elders, was deter¬ 
mined to settle at Boston, and accordingly on the 17th 
of October following, he was solemnly ordained teacher 
of that church, by the imposition of the hands of the 
Presbytery, as was Mr. Leveret, an ancient professor 
of religion, of Mr. Cotton’s congregation in England, 
ordained ruling elder of the same church, the congrega¬ 
tion testifying their consent by lifting up their hands. 
Mr. Wilson, pastor of the same church, demanded of 
him if he accepted of that call: He paused, and then 
spake to this effect, that howsoever he knew himself un¬ 
worthy, and insufficient for that place, yet, having observ¬ 
ed the passages of God’s Providence, (which he reckon¬ 
ed up in part,) in calling him to it, he could not but ac¬ 
cept it. Then the pastor, and the two ruling elders, 
laying their hands upon his head, the pastor prayed, and 
speaking to him by his name, did thereby design him to 
the said office, in the name of the Holy Ghost, and did 
give him the charge of the congregation, and did there¬ 
by, (as by a sign from God,) endue him, at least prayed 
that he might be endued with gifts fit for his office, and 


©F NEW ENGLAND. 


189 


largely did bless him. Then the neighbour minis¬ 
ters that were present did, (at the pastor’s motion,) give 
him the right hand of fellowship, and the pastor did 
make a stipulation between him and the congregation. 
These circumstances and order of procedure are more 
particularly set down in this place, because ever since 
that time they generally proceed after the same manner, 
in the ordination of their minister in the congregational 
churches of New England; where there is not a Presby¬ 
tery preexisting, either some of the brethren ordain the 
person as is above described, which is approved of by 
the learned Dr. Kornbeck, Professor of Divinity in Hol¬ 
land, and a Presbyterian in his judgment, and engaged 
in the defence of that cause, or otherwise, where the con¬ 
gregation, over whom the person is to be ordained, 
make ifse of the elders of neighbour churches, by virtue 
of communion of churches. 

Much after the same manner, not long after, was Mr. 
Hooker ordained pastor of the church at New-Town, 
which had all that time continued without a particular 
minister of their own, and Mr. Shepard afterward Feb. 1, 
1635. Mr. Hooker leaving the place, and removing 
with his church to Hartford, was ordained pastor over 
a company at New-Town, that come over with him from 
about Earl Colne in Essex, being at that time gathered 
or formed into a church state the same way. 

The ministers about Boston being now increased to a 
convenient number, (for Mr. Wareham and Mr. Mave¬ 
rick were in the compass of the first year after their land¬ 
ing, settled the ministers of the church at Dorchester, 
the one pastor, the other teacher,) did use to meet once a 
fortnight at one of their houses in course, where some 
question of moment was debated. Mr. Skelton, pastor 
of Salem, and Mr. Williams, (as yet not ordained any 
officer there,) out of a rigid separation jealousy, took 
exception at it, prognosticating that it might in time 
bring forth a presbytery, or superintendency to the pre¬ 
judice of the churches’ liberties, (a spirit of separation 
had, it seems so early fly*blown their understandings,) 
from whom issued the fiery flying serpents, that were, not 


490 


GENERAL HISTORY 


long after, so ready to annoy, and with bitter invectives 
sting every magistrate and minister, that did not ap¬ 
prove of their sentiments; the venom of which spirit had 
soon after infected so many of that church and people of 
Salem, as will appear in the next chapter. But this fear 
was without cause; nor did it spring from a godly 
jealousy, but from the bitter root of pride, that vaunteth 
itself above order, and against love and peace. No such 
spirit was ever observed to appear in Mr. Cotton’s days, 
but a spirit of love and meekness, or since his time to 
the present year. 

Those that lived in those times could not but observe 
on the contrary, how it pleased the Lord to give a spe¬ 
cial testimony of his presence in the church of Boston, 
after Mr. Cotton was called to office there. More were 
observed to be converted and added to that church, than 
to all the rest of the churches in the country. Divers 
profane, and notorious evil persons, came and confessed 
their sins, and were comfortably received into the 
bosorh of the church. An eminent spirit of grace was 
poured into the lips of that famous preacher, and other 
eminent gifts did abound in private brethren of that 
church, which forwarded the edification and salvation of 
others. Idle Lord was pleased also greatly to bless the 
discipline of that church, wherein he gave the pastor, 
Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Leveret, a singular gift, to the 
great benefit of the whole congregation. Nevertheless, 
God was pleased to send or let loose, not long after, a 
messenger of Satan in that church, that they should not 
be exalted above measure, through the abundance of rev¬ 
elations. Satan desired to winnow the chief of the Apos¬ 
tles ; no wonder if he were as desirous so to deal with 
other ordinary ministers of the gospel in succeeding 
ages, and their churches. 

On the 22d of December, in the year following, viz. 
1634, Mr. Simmes was on a solemn day of Humiliation, 
likewise ordained teacher of the church of Charlestown. 
But within a while after upon one account or other, 
there did arise a spirit of jealousy between Mr. James, 
the pastor of that church, and some of the brethren, al- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


19i 


though Mr. Simmes was not condemned for being any 
blarneable cause thereof, yet was it within a year after 
blown up into an open flame, so as they were constrain¬ 
ed to call in the help of the elders, and messengers of 
the next churches; and it being the case of an elder, 
the neighbour churches, to whom they sent for advice, 
sent most elders, and but few other messengers. Upon 
hearing the whole case it appeared that the pastor (by 
his natural temper a melancholick man, and subject to 
jealousies) had been to blame, for speaking as of certain¬ 
ty, that which he only conceived out of jealousy ; and 
also that the rest had not been without all fault, in that 
they had not proceeded with him in a due order, for of 
the two witnesses produced against him, one was the 
accuser. They advised therefore, that if they could not 
comfortably close again, the pastor and such as stood on 
his part, (if they would) should desire dismission, which 
should be granted them, for avoiding extremities, which 
it seems they accepted of, and Mr. James soon after re¬ 
moved to the southward, and some years after returned 
back to England, where he was accepted as a faithful 
minister of the gospel, and continued in that work till 
the year 1678, at Needham, in Suffolk, which was about 
the 86th year of his age, (though not of his ministry, as 
is said of Polycarpus,) and may yet be living, and wait¬ 
ing for his dissolution. He went also to Virginia, with 
Mr. Thompson and Mr. Knowles, Anno 1642, as will be 
mentioned in the transactions of that lustre. 

About the same time happened another uncomfortable 
agitation at Lynn, viz, March 15,1634, where the elders 
of every church were called together to put an end to a 
difference in that church. One Mr. Bachelor, that 
came into the country the summer before, in the 71st 
year of his age, in the want of a minister, was called to 
take upon him the ministerial office in that place. Not 
long after, divers of the brethren not liking the proceed¬ 
ings of the pastor, and withal questioning whether they 
were a church or not, did separate from church com¬ 
munion. The pastor and the other brethren desired the 
advice and help of the rest of the churches, who, not 


193 


general history 


thinking fit to judge of die case without hearing the 
other side, offered to meet at Lynn about it. Upon this 
the pastor required the separate brethren to deliver their 
grievances in writing, which they refusing to do, the 
pastor wrote to all the churches, that for this cause they 
purposed to proceed against them, as persons excom- 
inunicable; and therefore desired them to stay their 
journey. This letter being read at the lecture at Boston, 
(where all the ministers of every church generally used 
to be present,) they all agreed with consent of their 
churches, to go presently to Lynn, (at that time called 
Sagust,) to stay this hasty proceeding. Accordingly be¬ 
ing met, and both parties, after much debate, being 
heard, it was determined that they were a true church, 
though no? constituted in due order ; yet after consent, 
and practice of church estate had supplied that defect, 
and so all were reconciled at that time. 

Mr. John Maverick, teacher of the church of Dor¬ 
chester, died the 3d of February, 1635, about the 60th 
year of his age. He was a man of an humble spirit, and 
a faithful preacher of the gospel, very ready to further 
the work of the Lord, both in the church, and in the 
civil state. 

About the year 1635, were churches gathered, and 
ministers ordained in many places about the Bay, as at 
Bear-cove, called afterwards Hingham; where Mr. Peter 
Hubbert, that came out of Norfolk in England, was 
called to be their pastor; a man well qualified with min¬ 
isterial abilities, though not so fully persuaded of the 
congregational discipline as some others were. 

And at Westaugustus, since called Weymouth, one 
Mr. Hull was at first their minister, though afterwards 
he gave place to some other, which hath been the lot of 
several that have successively been the officers of that 
church, though men of worth and learning. At the first 
it is thought their proceedings were not so orderly, as 
should have been, which was not the least occasion of 
their after troubles. 

The plantation at Agawam was from the first year of 
its being raised to a township, so filled with inhabitants, 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


193 


that some of them presently swarmed out into another 
place, a little further eastward. The reverend and 
learned Mr. Parker was at first called to Ipswich, to join 
with Mr. Ward; but he choosing rather to accompany 
some of his countrymen that came out of Wiltshire in 
England, to that new place, than to be engaged with 
such as he had not been acquainted withall before; 
therefore removed with them thither, and settled at New¬ 
bury ; which recess of theirs made room for others that 
soon after supplied their places. 

In the latter end of this year, 1635, Mr. Bachelor, 
pastor of the church at Lynn, (whereof mention was 
made before,) was complained of to the magistrates, and 
convened before them on this occasion. He came out of 
England with a small body of six or seven persons, who 
settled with him at Lynn, where he received many of 
the inhabitants of the place into his church, or at least, 
they had with the rest received him as their pastor; but 
contentions growing between him and the greatest part 
of his church, he desired dismission for himself and his 
first members, which being granted upon supposition 
that he would leave the town, as he had given out he 
would, he, with the six or seven persons, renewed their 
old covenant, intending to raise another church in the 
place; whereat the most and chief of the town being 
offended, (for that it would cross their intentions of call¬ 
ing another minister,) complained to the magistrates, 
who, foreseeing the distraction which was like to come 
by this course, had forbid him to proceed in any such 
church way, until the cause were considered by the other 
ministers. But he refused to desist, whereupon they 
sent for him, and upon his delay, day after day, the mar¬ 
shall was sent to fetch him. Upon his appearance and 
submission, and promise to remove out of the town 
within three months, he was discharged. Accordingly 
he removed to the plantation that then was new begun, 
beyond Ipswich, called Newbury, where he stayed not 
long, in regard he could not accomplish his desire of 
being admitted to a pastoral office in the church of that 
place, waiting an opportunity of providing a suitable 
23 


49* 


GENERAL HISTORY 


place for himself and his company elsewhere, which at 
last was found at Hampton, a plantation begun towards 
Pascataqua, about the year 1638. 

The next year they of Lynn gathered another church, 
having invited Mr. Whiting to be their pastor, a man of 
great worth and learning, that not long before came over 
from a parish adjoining to Boston, in Lincolnshire. 
There was some difficulty in settling them in church 
order anew, in regard they had many of them formerly 
belonged to another church in Mr. Bachelor’s time. Ac¬ 
cording to the usual observation, that many times it is 
more easy to raise a new building than repair an old one, 
especially when the persons concerned either want ex¬ 
perience or skill in the kind of the architecture, as was 
said to be the case there. But Anno 1637, Mr. Thom¬ 
as Cobbet, that came over with Mr. Davenport, was 
called also to Lynn, where he was ordained teacher of 
the same church, whereof Mr. Whiting was the pastor. 
The learning and abilities of Mr. Cobbet are well known 
by his writings, since published to the world. 

CHAP. XXIX. 

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years. The 
small pox among the Indians, Pestilential fever at 
Plymouth ; with other occurrences worthy to be ob¬ 
served, from the year 1630 to 1636. 

In the year 1633, it pleased God to visit the colonies 
of Plymouth with a pestilential fever, whereof many 
died ; upwards of twenty, men, women, and children, 
which was a great number out of a small company of 
inhabitants. Some of them looked upon a numerous 
company of strange flies in the spring, like bumblebees, 
(which coming out of the ground, with a terrible kind of 
humming noise, so as the woods did ring therewith) to be 
a presage of that mortality which followed very hot, in 
the months of June, July and August. But in the end 
of that year and winter following, a great mortality hap¬ 
pened among the Massachusetts Indians, whereby 
thousands of them were swept away, which came by the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


195 


small pox, a disease which is said, is not usual among 
them, if ever it was there known before. John Saga¬ 
more and almost all his people died there at Winnesi- 
met. James Sagamore, at Lynn, died of the same dis¬ 
ease, with most of his people. It is said that those two 
promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the En¬ 
glish, and serve their God. 

It is very remarkable, that as about a dozen years be¬ 
fore, the Southern Indians about Plymouth, were visited 
with a kind of pestilential disease, whereby great num¬ 
bers of them were suddenly taken away, and the coun¬ 
try almost depopulated thereby, by which occasion way 
was made for the English at Plymouth, in their weak 
condition, to settle peacably amongst them, so at this 
time the country of the Massachusetts, that was of all 
the Indians thereabouts the most populous, was in a 
manner unpeopled by this disease, by which means, 
room was, as it were, prepared for the English, that now 
were ready to people it with a new colony. 

This contagious disease was so noisome and terrible 
to these naked Indians, that they in many places, left 
their dead unburied, as appeared by the multitude of the 
bones of dead carcases, that were found up and down 
the countries, where had been the greatest numbers of 
them. Thus in a sense as it was of old, God cast out 
the heathen to make room for his people, some parts of 
the country being thereby made to look like a mere 
Golgotha. 

In June, in the year 1633, fell out a very remarkable 
accident upon some that belonged to Pemaquid. .One 
Abraham Shurd, and one Capt. Wright, with otheis be¬ 
longing to that place, being bound for Boston in a shal¬ 
lop, intending to turn into Pascataqua by the way, but 
just as they were entering into the river’s mouth, one 
of the seamen going to light a pipe of tobacco, set fire 
on a barrel of powder, which tore the boat in pieces, la¬ 
den "with about 2001. worth of commodities, which were 
all lost. That seaman that kindled the fire was never 
seen more, (though the rest were all saved) till after¬ 
wards, the trunk of his body was found with his hands 


196 


GENERAL HISTORY 


and his feet torn off, which was a very remarkable judg¬ 
ment of God upon him ; for one of his fellows wished 
him to forbear taking tobacco, till they came ashore, 
which was hard by, to whom he replied, that if the devil 
should carry him away quick, he would take one pipe. 

The like judgment befel two lewd persons that lived 
in service with one of Roxbury, who rowing in a boat 
from the Windmill hill in Boston, struck upon an oyster 
bank near the channel, and going out of their boat be¬ 
fore they had fastened her, to get oysters, the tide came 
in before they were aware, and floated away the boat, 
and they not being acquainted with the channel, were 
both drowned on the bank, though they might at first 
safely have waded through to the shore. One of them 
being a little before reproved for some evil, and warned 
of hell, answered that if hell were ten times hotter, he 
had rather be there than in service with his master, 
against whom he had no exception, but only that he had 
bound himself for some time, and understood afterward, 
that if he were free, he might have had more wages 
elsewhere. This happened in August, 1633. 

Another accident of like nature fell out at Boston, 
within three years after, viz. March 8, 1636, where a 
man servant having stolen something from his master, 
was only threatened to be brought before authority, yet 
presently went and hanged himself like Judas, as if he 
had cause to fear a worse punishment, for so small an of¬ 
fence. He was noted to be very profane upon all ac¬ 
counts, much given to cursing and swearing, and fre¬ 
quently using to go from the sermon on the Lordsday, 
to steal from his master. He was said also to be very 
much discontented, which in probability contributed not 
a little to his miserable end* The ground of his discon¬ 
tent was said to be the long time which he was to serve 
with his master, by whom he was well used ; and the 
very same day in which he destroyed himself, a letter 
was to have been delivered him from his father, with 
order to receive money wherewith to buy out his time, 
lie had tied his neck with a codline to a beam, from 
which he might have reached the floor with his knees. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


197 


A maid first espying him, was so affrighted with the 
sight, that not daring to come near him to prevent the 
mischief, ran to acquaint somebody else with it; but 
his exit was past, and his life beyond recalling, before 
they came, whom she went to call. Such examples 
left upon record, may serve as buoys to give notice of 
the dangerous temptations, that like rocks which lie un¬ 
seen, are found in discontented minds, on which they 
often shipwreck their souls forever, as well as lives. 

In December 1633, one Cooper, of Pascataqua, going 
to an island in the river there, to fetch sack with which 
he intended to make merry on the Lord’s day, was car¬ 
ried to sea, with his boy that went with him in his canoe, 
and were never heard of afterward. Thus they that 
wander from the path of understanding, shall sooner or 
later, unless they return home by repentance, be found 
in the congregation of the dead. 

In June 1635, two carpenters going to wash them¬ 
selves between Mount Wallaston and Weymouth, 
were carried away with the tide and drowned. Those 
that want skill to swim in the water, should keep their 
footing sure on the firm land. 

August 12, 1634, one Crawford, with his brother and 
a servant, (who all came into the country that summer,) 
having put much goods into a little boat which lay in 
Charles river, overset the same with the weight of some 
hogsheads, (as was supposed) so as they were all three 
drowned, though one of them could swim well, and 
though the neighbours also came running forth instantly 
upon their cry, yet as it fell out, not soon enough to save 
any of them from drowning. 

This accident was followed with another as sad, on the* 
20th of October following, at Salem, where six men go¬ 
ing together a fowling in a small canoe, toward Kettle- 
island, either with overmuch weight, or want of skill, 
turned her over into the sea, so as five of them were 
drowned. 

On the 21 st of November, that year, two men and 
two boys going for wood to Noddle’s island, were 
drowned as they were coming home in the night, in a 


198 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Northeast storm of snow. Neither of them it seems had 
experience or skill, yet would adventure in that danger¬ 
ous time of the year, which might serve for a warning 
to all not to tempt God, by undertaking what they have 
no ability to perform. There was great lamentation for 
them at Boston, vet needed they not sorrow for them as 
without hope, in that they were both accounted very re¬ 
ligious, Two boats were sent after them when they 
were first missing, but they could find neither men, nor 
boat, nor wood, it being ebbing water wherein they were 
supposed to be lost; but three days after, the boat was 
found at Muddy river, with the bottom upward. 

An old man that used to go to sea in a small boat, 
without any other help save a dog, whom he had taught 
to steer, sailing down Ipswich river, was warned of a 
storm that approached, but he answered that he wouVi 
go to sea, though the devil were there. Whether the 
devil were there at sea or no (the storm happening on 
the L5th of August, 1635) it is no matter. This his 
vessel was never seen more by them on the land. 

In the year 1632> one Henry Wey of Dorchester, 
having gone in a shallop to trade with the Eastern In¬ 
dians the winter before, and was long missing, this sum¬ 
mer it was found that himself and his company were all 
treacherously killed by the Indians. Another shallop of 
his being sent out in the spring to seek after the other, 
was cast away at Agamenticus, and two of the men that 
were in her drowned. Thus oft times he that is greedy 
of gain, troubles his own house, and instead of gaining 
a little pelf of this world, loses his own life in the con¬ 
clusion, which hath been observed as very remarkable 
on many that have followed that course of life. 

In the year 1633, one John Edv, a religious man, of 
Watertown congregation, fell distracted; and getting 
out one evening could not be heard of in eight days, at 
the end of which time he came again of himself. He 
kept his strenght and colour all that time, yet was con¬ 
ceived to have eaten nothing all that time. By that 
means it was thought he recovered his understanding, 
and lived very orderly, only now and then would be a 
little distempered in his mind. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


199 


For a conclusion of the memorable accidents during 
this lustre, it will not be unworthy the reader’s consider¬ 
ation to take notice of a sad tempest that happened in 
the year 1635, on the 15th of August ; when there was 
such a sudden dismal storm of wind and rain, as the 
like was never in this place known, in the memory of 
men before or since; so universal, which passed through 
the whole country, overturning sundry houses, uncover¬ 
ing divers others, beating down their Indian corn to the 
ground, which never rose any more, which if it had not 
been very near the harvest, all the corn had been utter¬ 
ly lost, to the undoing of many poor families. Some 
thousands of trees were torn up by the roots thereby, 
others broken in pieces, and wound about like withs, 
though of considerable bigness. The monuments of 
which sad storm, were many years after visible in some 
parts of the country ; nor were the effects of it less ter¬ 
rible on the sea, where it raised the tide to twenty feet 
in some places right up and down ; forcing some of the 
Indians to climb up the trees to save themselves from 
drowning, which others not being able to do, perished in 
the attempt; as befel eight Indians at Narraganset, as 
was credibly reported. And in other places it was ob¬ 
served that the tide was brought into the land twice in 
twelve hours, or else that it never ebbed all the time that 
storm lasted, (which was five or six hours,) or was 
brought back before the ebb was half made. 

Some ships were then upon the coast, fraught with 
passengers and their goods. The veering of the wind 
to another point, was the occasion of preserving one, 
(wherein Mr. Richard Mather with his family, and Mr. 
Jonathan Mitchell, but a youth at that time, that proved 
a worthy minister, and of much use in the country af¬ 
terwards,) and of dashing another on the rocks near Pe- 
maquid ; which was called the Angel Gabriel of Bris¬ 
tol ; but that holy seraphim proved not a tutelar Angel 
thereunto, although the passengers were all preserved 
alive, losing only their goods. Many things were ob¬ 
served as ominous about which vessel, that threatened 
some great disaster to like to befal them, as well as the 
name, from the tune of their first setting out. 


soo 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Another vessel sailing that day between Pascataqua 
and Boston, bound for Marblehead, wherein were many 
passengers that came over in the foresaid ship, called the 
Angel Gabriel, was cast away, and but two persons left 
alive, to bring tidings to their friends of what had hap¬ 
pened. Amongst them that were lost, was one Mr. 
Avery, a minister of good note, who, with his wife and 
five children, all perished together. This minister it 
seems with some others was cast upon some rocks, 
where they had a little respite from death, in which inte¬ 
rim this good man, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, yet 
expecting every moment to be washed oft' from that 
place where he was cast, into the devouring sea, uttered 
these his last words : “ Lord, I cannot challenge a pre¬ 
servation of my life, but according to thy covenant I 
challenge Heaven which words as soon as ever he had 
expressed, the next wave gave him a present dismission 
into his eternal rest. This is the only vessel which was 
known to have been lost with many of its passengers, in 
their way towards New England ; which ought to be 
acknowledged as a signal mercy, that none else in so 
long a space of time, should miscarry in sea voyages of 
that length. 

The week before the forementioned storm, that hap¬ 
pened August 15 came up, the wind was observed to 
blow all the while hard at South, and Southwest ; and 
then on the sudden it came up with such extreme vio¬ 
lence at Northeast, that it drove many ships in the har¬ 
bour before Boston and Charlestown, from their anchors. 
A ship called the Great Hope of Ipswich, of four hun¬ 
dred tons, was driven aground on a point beyond 
Charlestown, but by a sudden change of the wind to the 
Northwest, it was brought back again from thence, and 
ran ashore at Charlestown. The ship before mentioned, 
that was preserved, was called the James of Bristol, hav¬ 
ing about one hundred passengers, some of whom, with 
Mr. Mather their minister, came out of Lancashire, 
(four of whose sons were ministers afterwards of emi¬ 
nent note and use). Their preservation was very re¬ 
markable ; for being put into the Isle of Shoals, (which 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


201 

is no harbour but an open road,) they lost their three 
anchors; and setting sail, no canvass or ropes would 
hold, and so were driven within a cable’s length of the 
rocks at Pascataqua, when the wind coming suddenly to 
the northwest, put them back to the Isle of Shoals, and 
being there ready to strike upon the rocks, they let out 
a piece of their mainsail, and by that means weathered 
those rocks, and so were brought safe into their desired 
harbour, leaving others behind them, and in the way 
they passed by, either buried in the rude waves of the 
swelling ocean, or mournfully beholding their shipwreck¬ 
ed goods floating in the waters; much of which they 
were despoiled of by the boisterous seamen, no less un¬ 
merciful therein than the devouring waves of the sea, that, 
without regard to the tears or sighs of the poor owners, 
usually swallow down w hatever comes in their way. On 
such accounts, the people travelling into New England 
had occasion, more than others, to meditate on the 107th 
Psalm ; which, though it were not penned purposely for 
them, yet, in especial manner is suited to their condition: 
“ Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, 
and for his wonderful works to the children of men !” 

Much hurt was done in the country this year by tem¬ 
pestuous weather. Two shallops, going laden to Con¬ 
necticut, were taken in the night with an easterly storm, 
and cast away near the mouth of Plymouth harbour, and 
the men all drowned. 

In the month of October, the same year, a ship’s long 
boat at the Dutch plantation, with five men in her, was 
overset by a gust. The men all got upon her keel, and 
were driven to sea, and were there floating the space of 
four days, in which time three of them dropt off and 
were drowned. On the fifth day, the fourth man being 
sore pained with hunger and thirst, and sore bruised with 
the waves, wilfully fell off into the sea and was drowned. 
Soon after the wind, coming up at southeast, carried 
the boat with the fifth man to Long Island, and being 
scarce able to creep ashore, was found by the Indians, 
and preserved by them. He was quite spent with hunger, 
cold, and watching, and must of necessity (according to 
26 


GENERAL HISTORY 


202 

reason) have perished by that time ; but he said he saw 
such and such (either really or in conceit) come to give 
him meat. 

November 2d, 1632, Mr. William Pierse his ship, 
going back for England, was cast away on the shoals 
near Virginia, and twelve seamen and passengers drown¬ 
ed. It happened through negligence of one of the 
mates that had the watch, and kept not the lead going, 
as he was appointed, which added much to the sadness 
of the loss. 

April the 10th, 1633, news was brought to Boston, of 
the loss of Mr. Pierse his ship, on the coast of Virginia, 
wherein were 28 seamen, and 10 passengers : seven of 
them that were drowned were seamen, and five of them 
passengers. This loss proved no small trial to this poor 
plantation ; whereby it is evident that many are the afflic¬ 
tions of the righteous, and that in outward changes all 
things come alike to all. 

But not to stay the reader gny longer in beholding the 
backside of the cloud that overshadowed New- England 
in this lustre : There were other more beautiful provi¬ 
dences worthy to be observed during that space of time, 
as full of light and comfort, as the other were of affliction 
and sorrow; especially in their peaceable and quiet enjoy¬ 
ment of the purity of God’s worship, in all the ordinances 
of the gospel, of which something hath been spoken in 
the foregoing chapters. 

CHAP. XXX. 

Disturbance, both civil and ecclesiastical, in the Massachu¬ 
setts, occasioned by Mr . Roger Williams , in the year 

1634. 

February the 5th, 1630, arrived Mr. William 
Pierse at Nantasket; with him came one Mr. Roger 
Williams, of good account in England for a godly and 
zealous preacher, but after he came here, he soon discov¬ 
ered himself. He had been some years employed in the 
ministry in England. He was one of whom it may be 
affirmed by all that knew him, that he had a zeal, and 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


great pity it was that it could not be added, according 
to knowledge; for then by the one and by the other, he 
might have been of great use in the church of God, 
wherever his lot had been cast. But for want of the 
latter, the more judicious sort of Christians, in Old and 
New England, looked upon him as a man of a very self- 
conceited, unquiet, turbulent, and uncharitable spirit. 
u For if he had not looked upon himself as one that had 
received a clearer illumination and apprehension of the 
state of Christ’s kingdom, and of the purity of church 
communion, than all Christendom besides,” as Mr. Cot¬ 
ton speaks of him, “ he would never have taken upon him, 
as usually his manner was, to give publick advertisement 
and admonition to all men, whether of meaner or more 
publick note and place, of the corruptions of religion, 
which himself observed both in their judgments and 
practices of which there needs no other evidence than 
what is obvious to the view of every indifferent reader, 
in his dealing with that famous and reverend divine, 
Mr. John Cotton, in his book called the Bloody Tenent. 
But here to touch upon his proceedings only after his 
coming into New England—immediately after his arri¬ 
val he was called by the church of Salem, to join with 
Mr. Skelton; but the governour and council being in¬ 
formed thereof, wrote to Mr. Pindicot, to desire they 
would forbear any further proceeding therein, till the said 
council had conferred further about it; first, because he 
had refused to join with the congregation of Boston, be¬ 
cause they would not make a publick declaration of their 
repentance, for holding communion with the churches of 
England while they lived there. 2dly, Because he de¬ 
clared it his opinion that the civil magistrate might not 
.punish any breach of the first table; whereupon they for 
the present forbore proceeding with him, which occa¬ 
sioned his being called to Plymouth, where he lived about 
two years, was joined to their church, and w'as well ac¬ 
cepted, as an assistant in the ministry to Mr. Ralph 
Smith, then pastor of the church there; but by degrees, 
venting of divers of his own singular opinions, and seek¬ 
ing to impose them upon others, he not finding such 


GENERAL HISTORY 


$04 

a concurrence as he expected, he desired his dismission 
to the church of Salem, which, though some were un¬ 
willing to, yet through the prudent counsel of Mr. 
Brewster, (the ruling elder there,) fearing that his con¬ 
tinuance amongst them might cause divisions ; and 
there being able men in the Bay, they would better deal 
with him, than themselves could, and foreseeing also 
(what he professed he feared concerning Mr. Williams, 
and which afterwards came to pass,) that he would run 
the same course of rigid separation, and anabaptistry, 
which Mr. John Smith, the sebaptist of Amsterdam, had 
done ; the church of Plymouth consented to his dismis¬ 
sion, and such as did adhere to him were also dismissed, 
and removed with him, or not long after him to Salem. 
He came to Salem in the time of Mr. Skelton’s weak¬ 
ness, who lived not long after Mr. Williams was come 
back from Plymouth; whereupon, after some time, the 
church there was so affected with his ministry, that 
forthwith they would have called him to office, not¬ 
withstanding they had been formerly blamed for the like 
attempt, without advising with the council. But he 
having in one year’s time filled that place with principles 
of rigid separation, and tending to anabaptistry, the 
prudent magistrates of the Massachusetts jurisdiction 
sent again to the church of Salem, desiring them to forr 
bear calling him to office; but they not hearkening to the 
advice, but ordained him to be their pastor, it was a 
cause of much disturbance, for Mr. Williams had be¬ 
gun, and then (being in office) he proceeded more vi¬ 
gorously, to vent many dangerous opinions; as amongst 
many others, these that follow were some; for having 
obtained a great interest in the hearts and affections of 
all sorts of his hearers, by his great pretence to holiness,* 
zeal, and purity, he had thereby strongly leavened the 
people of Salem with many strange notions, partly also 
confirming the people in some which they had imbibed 
from Mr. Skelton. 

1. As first that it was the duty of all the female sex 
to cover themselves with veils when they went abroad, 
especially when they appeared in the pubiick assemblies; 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


205 


as if he meant to read them a lecture out of Tertullian, 
De velandis Virginibus, &c. for the uncouthness of the 
sight, to see all the women in that congregation veiled, 
contrary to the custom of the English nation, would 
probably have drawn the eyes of the rest upon them, es¬ 
pecially strangers, much more than if they had attired 
themselves after the fashion of their neighbours. But 
in reference to this kind of fancy ; it is observable, that 
the reverend Mr. Cotton, taking an occasion about this 
time to spend a Lordsday at Salem, in his exercise in 
the forenoon, he by his doctrine so enlightened most of 
the women in the place, that it unveiled them, so as they 
appeared in the afternoon without their veils, being con¬ 
vinced that they need not put on veils on any such ac¬ 
count, as the use of that covering is mentioned in the 
scripture for; viz. not as they were virgins, which the 
married sort could not pretend unto; much less as har¬ 
lots as Tamar; nor yet on any such like account as is 
mentioned of Ruth in her widowhood—which discourse 
let in so much light into their understandings, that they 
who before thought it a shame to be seen in the publick 
without a veil, were ashamed ever after to be covered with 
them. 

2. Another notion diffused by him, occasioned more 
disturbance, for in his zeal for advancing the purity of 
reformation, and abolishing all badges of superstition, 
he inspired some persons of great interest in that place, 
that the cross in the king’s colours ought to be taken 
away as a relique of antichristian superstition. What that 
good man would have done with the cross upon his 
coine, (if he had any left,) that bore that sign of super¬ 
stition, is uncertain. But this notion about the king’s 
colours prevailed with some so far, that it was taken out 
of the ensign at Salem by one in place; but it was so 
distasteful to the rest of the assistants or magistrates, 
who could see no superstition in the civil use of that 
badge, whatever w r ere the occasion of the use thereof, 
but a great inconvenience that was like to follow upon 
the taking it away, as is more at large declared in the 
chapter before* In this manner did over-heated zeal 
vent itself in the said Mr. Williams, of whom they were 


§06 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Wont to say in Essex, where he lived, that he was di¬ 
vinely mad ; as if his too much zeal, as Festus said of 
Paul’s too much learning, had made him beside himself. 

3. Thirdly, also he maintained, that it is not lawful 
for an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an oath, 
and in special not the oath of fidelity, to the civil gov¬ 
ernment ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have any 
communion either in family prayer, or in an oath with 
such as they judged unregenerate, and therefore he him¬ 
self refused the oath of fidelity, and taught others so to 
do. 

4. And that it was not lawful, so much as to hear the 
godly ministers of England, when any occasionally went 
thither; and therefore he admonished any church mem¬ 
bers, that had so done, as for heinous sin. Also he 
spake dangerous words against the patent, which was 
the foundation of the government of the Massachusetts 
colony. 

5. He affirmed also, that magistrates had nothing to 
do with matters of the first table, but only the second, 
and that there should be a general and unlimited tole¬ 
ration of all religions, and for any man to be punished 
for any matters of his conscience, was persecution. 

6. And further he procured the church of Salem’s 
consent unto letters of admonition, which were written, 
and sent by him in their name, to the churches at Bos¬ 
ton, Charlestown, New-Town, (now Cambridge,) &c. 
accusing the magistrates, that were members of the re¬ 
spective churches, of sundry heinous offences, which he 
laid unto their charge ; and though divers of them, that 
joined with him in these letters, afterwards did acknowl¬ 
edge their errour, and gave satisfaction, yet Mr. Wil¬ 
liams himself, notwithstanding all the pains that was 
taken with him, by Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and many 
others, to bring him to a sight of his errour and miscar¬ 
riages, and notwithstanding all the court’s gentle proceed¬ 
ings with him, he not only persisted, but grew more vi¬ 
olent in his way, insomuch as he, staying at home in his 
own house, sent a letter, which was delivered and read 
in the publick church assembly, the scope of which was 


«F NEW ENGLAND, 


307 


to give them notice, that if the church of Salem woulcl 
not separate, not only from the churches of Old England, 
but the churches of New England too, he would sepa¬ 
rate from them. The more prudent and sober part of 
the church being amazed at his way could not yield unto 
him; whereupon he never came to the church assem¬ 
bly more , professing separation from them, as antichris- 
tian ; and not only so, but he withdrew all private reli¬ 
gious communion from any that would hold commun¬ 
ion with the church there ; insomuch as he would not 
pray nor give thanks at meals with his own wife, nor 
any of his family, because they went to the church as¬ 
semblies. Divers of the weaker sort of church mem¬ 
bers, that had been thoroughly leavened with his opin¬ 
ions, (of which number were divers women,) that were 
zealous in their way, did by degrees fall oft' to him, in¬ 
somuch as he kept a meeting at his own house, unto 
which company did resort, both on the Sabbath day, 
and at other times in way of separation from, and oppo¬ 
sition to the church assembly there, which the magis¬ 
trates understanding, and seeing things grow more and 
more towards a general division and disturbance, after 
all other means used in vain, they passed a sentence of 
banishment against him out of the Massachusetts colony, 
as against a disturber of the peace, both of the church 
and commonwealth. After which Mr. Williams re¬ 
moved to the Narraganset country, and sat down there, 
in a place called Providence, out of the Massachusetts 
jurisdiction, and was followed by sundry of the mem¬ 
bers of the church of Salem, who did zealously adhere 
to him ; and who cried out of the persecution that was 
against him. Some others also resorted to him from 
other parts. They had not long been there together, 
but from rigid separation they fell to anabaptistry, re¬ 
nouncing the baptism which they had received in their 
infancy, and taking up another baptism, began a church 
in that way. But Mr. Williams stopped not there long, 
for after some time, he told the people that had followed 
him, and joined with him in a new baptism, either from 
his own unstable mind, or from the suggestion of some 


GENERAL HISTORY 


other, that he was out of the way himself, and had mis¬ 
led them, for he did not find that there was any upon 
earth that could administer baptism, and therefore their 
last baptism was a nullity, as well as their first, and 
therefore they must lay down all, and wait for the com¬ 
ing of new apostles. And so they dissolved them¬ 
selves and turned seekers, keeping that one principle, 
• that every one should have liberty to worship God ac¬ 
cording to the light of their own consciences, but other¬ 
wise not owning any churches or ordinance of God any 
where upon earth, with other notions of like nature, 
which shall be more particularly related afterward. 

Thus much was thought meet to be inserted here con¬ 
cerning the great and lamentable apostasy of Mr. Wil¬ 
liams, that it may be a warning to all others, to take heed 
of a gradual declining from God, and forsaking the 
churches of Christ, and ordinances of God in them, lest 
they be left of God, to run such a course as he hath 
done; “wherefore let him that thinks he stands, take heed 
lest he fall,” 1 Cor. x. 12 ; as also to be a motive to 
the saints, to remember him unto God in their fervent 
prayers for his return, he having been sometimes a zeal¬ 
ous dispenser of the word of God, and (in several re¬ 
spects) of an exemplary conversation; but now hath a 
long time sequestered himself to another kind of life and 
way. 

And yet, that there may be a standing evidence of the 
care that was had in those times, to prevent the growth 
of errours, and of the exercise of the communion of 
churches for that end, it is thought meet to mind the 
reader, that before the putting forth of the civil pow¬ 
er of the magistrate for the removing of Mr. Williams 
from Salem, and besides other means also used, there 
was a publick admonition sent in writing from the church 
of Boston to the church of Salem, for the reducing of 
Mr. Williams, and the erring part of the church, which 
could no whit prevail with him to retract his erroneous 
principles, which made way for the sufferings which af¬ 
terwards' befel him. 

Under this cloud of darkness did this child of light 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


209 


walk, for above forty years after in New England, at 
which time he did a little recover himself in his zealous 
defending of the fundamental truths of the Christian re¬ 
ligion, against the Quakers, in a book of his, published 
about the year 1677, wherein he shewed that his root 
had not gone up as rottenness, nor his blossom as dust; 
as might too truly be said of many of his neighbours, * 
but that the root of the matter was in him all that long 
winter season of his departure from the communion of 
his Christian friends, and also by the fruits of good 
works that appeared in his life and conversation, espe¬ 
cially in his faithfulness to the English of the Massachu¬ 
setts, by whom he might have accounted he had been so 
severely handled. This might suffice concerning Mr. 
Williams, but forasmuch as sundry have judged hard¬ 
ly of New England, for their proceedings against him, 
by a sentence of banishment, it is thought needful in 
this place, to give a more particular account thereof to 
the world. 

Two things there were that caused the sentence of 
his banishment, and two other fell in, that hastened it. 

Those that were the causes of it, were, as they are 
laid down by Mr. Cotton, in his answer to Mr. Wil¬ 
liams his book, called the Bloody Tenent, 

1. “ His violent and tumultuous carriage against the 
patent. By the patent it is, that we received allowance 
from the king to depart his kingdom, and to carry our 
goods with us, without offence to his officers, and with¬ 
out paying custom to himself. By the patent, certain 
selectmen (as magistrates and freemen,) have power to 
make laws, and the magistrates to execute justice 
amongst the people, according to such laws. By the 
patent, we have power to erect such a government of the 
church, as is most agreeable to the word, to the estate 
of the people, and to the gaining of natives, (in God’s 
time) first to civility, and then to Christianity. To this 
authority established by the patent, Englishmen do gen¬ 
erally submit themselves. And foreign plantations (the 
French, the Dutch, the Sweedish,) do willingly transact 
27 


GENERAL HISTORY 


310 

their negotiations with us, as with a colony established 
by the »Royal Authority of the State of England. This 
patent Mr. Williams publicklyand vehemently preached 
against, as containing matter of falsehood and injustice: 
Falsehood in making the king the first Christian Prince 
who had discovered these parts ; and injustice in giv¬ 
ing the country to his English subjects, which belonged 
to the native Indians. This therefore he pressed upon 
the magistrates and people to be humbled for, from time 
to time, in days of solemn humiliation ; and to return 
the patent back again to the king. It was answered to 
him, first, that it was neither the king’s intendment, nor 
the English planters’ to take possession of the country # by 
murther of the natives, or by robbery ; but either to 
take possession of the void places of the country by the 
law of nature, (for vacuum domicilium cedit occupanti,) 
or if we took any lands from the natives, it was by way 
of purchase or free consent. A little before our com¬ 
ing, God had by pestilence, or other contagious diseas¬ 
es swept away many thousands of the natives, who had 
inhabited the Bay of the Massachusetts, for which the 
patent was granted. Such few of them as survived 
were glad of the coming of the English, who might pre¬ 
serve them from the oppression of the Narragansets ; for 
it is the manner of the stronger of the natives to oppress 
the weaker. This answer did not satisfy Mr. Williams, 
who pleaded, the natives, though they did not nor could 
not subdue the country, (but left it vacuum domicili¬ 
um,) yet they hunted all the country over, and for the 
expedition of their hunting voyages, they burnt up all 
the underwoods in the country, once or twice a year, 
and therefore as noblemen possessed great parks, and 
the king great forests in England only for the game, and 
no man might lawfully invade their propriety, so might 
the natives challenge the like propriety here. It was 
replied unto him, 

I. “ That the king and noblemen in England, as 
they possessed greater territories than other men, so they 
did greater service to church and commonwealth. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


211 

2. u They employed their parks and forests not for 
hunting only, but for timber, and for the nourishment of 
tame beasts, as well as wild, and also for habitation for 
sundry tenants. 

3. “ That our towns here did not disturb the hunt¬ 
ings of the natives, but did rather keep their game fitter 
for their taking, for they take their deer by traps, and 
not by hounds. 

4. “ That if they complained of any straits we put 
them upon, we gave satisfaction in some payment or 
other to their content. 

5. “We did not conceive that it is a just title to so 
vast a continent, to make no other improvement of mil¬ 
lions of acres in it, but only to burn it up for pastime. 

“ But these answers not satisfying him, this was still 
pressed by him as a national sin, to hold to the patent, 
yea, and a national duty to renounce the patent; which 
to have done, had subverted the fundamental state and 
government of the country. 

“ The second offence which procured his banish¬ 
ment, as was touched before, was this: The magistrates 
and other members of the General Court, upon intelli¬ 
gence of some evil practices against the country, they 
made an order of court to take trial of the fidelity of the 
people, (not by imposing upon them, but) by offering 
to them an oath of fidelity, that in Case any should re¬ 
fuse to take it, they might not betrust them with place 
of publick charge and command. This oath, when it 
came abroad, he vehemently withstood it, and dissuaded 
sundry from it, partly because it was, as he said, Christ’s 
prerogative, to have his office established by oath, part¬ 
ly because an oath was a part of God’s worship, and 
God’s worship was not to be put upon carnal persons, 
as he conceived many of the people to be. So by this 
tenent, neither might church members, nor other godly 
men take the oath, because it was the establishment, 
not of Christ, but of mortal men in their office; nor 
might men out of the church take it, because, in his 
eye, they were but carnal. So the court must have been 


GENERAL HISTORY 


S13 

forced to desist from that proceeding, which practice of 
his was held to be the more dangerous, because it tend¬ 
ed to unsettle all the kingdoms and commonwealths in 
Europe. These were (as I took it, saith Mr. Cotton,) 
the causes of his banishment. Two other there fell in 
upon these, that hastened the sentence ; the former fell 
out thus: The magistrates discerning by the former 
passages the heady and turbulent spirit of Mr. Williams, 
both they and others advised the church of Salem, not 
to call him to office in their church; nevertheless, the 
major part of the church made choice of him. Soon 
after, when the church made suit to the court for a par¬ 
cel of land adjoining to them, the court delayed to grant 
their request, (as hath been mentioned before,) because 
the church had refused to hearken to the magistrates and 
others, in forbearing the choice of Mr. Williams ; where¬ 
upon Mr. Williams took occasion to stir up the church 
to join with him in writing letters of admonition unto all 
the churches whereof those magistrates were members, 
to admonish them of their open transgression of the rule 
of justice. Which letters coming to the several church¬ 
es, provoked the magistrates to take the more speedy 
course with so heady and violent a spirit. But to pre¬ 
vent his sufferings, (if it might be) it was moved by 
some of the elders, that themselves might have liberty 
(according to the rule of Christ) to deal with him, and 
with the church also, in a church way. It might be, the 
church might hear them, and he the church, which being 
consented to, some of the churches wrote to the church 
of Salem, to present before them the offensive spirit, and 
way of their officer, (Mr. Williams) both in judgment 
and practice. The church finally began to hearken to 
them, and accordingly began to address themselves to 
the healing of his spirit, which he discerning, renounced 
communion with the church of Salem, pretending they 
held communion with the churches in the Bay, and the 
churches in the Bay held communion with the parish 
churches in England, because they suffered their mem¬ 
bers to hear the word amongst them in England,' as they 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


213 

came over into their native country. He then refusing 
to resort to the publick assembly of the church, soon af¬ 
ter sundry began to resort to his family, where he preach¬ 
ed to them on the Lord’s day. But this carriage of his 
in renouncing the church upon such an occasion, and 
with them, all the churches in the country, and in spread* 
ing his leaven to sundry that resorted to him, gave the 
magistrates the more cause to observe the heady unruli¬ 
ness of his spirit, and the incorrigibleness thereof in any 
church way, all the churches in the country being then 
renounced by him. And this was the other occasion 
that hastened the sentence of his banishment upon the 
former grounds. If upon these grounds Mr. Williams 
be ready (as he professeth) not only to be bound and 
banished, but also to die in New England; let him re¬ 
member (what he knows) “ non paena sed causa facit 
martyrem no martyr of Christ did ever suffer for such 
a cause. Thus men of great parts and strong affections, 
for want of stability in their judgments to discern the 
truth in matters of controversy, like a vessel that carries 
too high a sail, are apt to overset in the stream, and ru¬ 
in those that are embarked with them. 

CHAP. XXXI. 

The first planting of those parts of New England , on the 
east and west side of Pascataqua river, called the Prov¬ 
ince of Maine and New Hampshire, and the parts ad¬ 
joining. Attempts for a new settlement of those lands 
by some of the Grand Council of New England, before 
they surrendered their charter into the hands of the 
king. 

How great a sound soever is, or hath been made a- 
bout the Province of Maine, and the lands about Pascat¬ 
aqua river, comprehended in sundry patents and grants, 
that were long since said to be jointly and severally made 
to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Capt. John Mason, the 
whole history thereof may be comprised in a few words, 
so far as any thing may be found in either of them wor¬ 
thy to be communicated to posterity. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


214 

The several vicissitudes and changes of government 
either of them have passed under, are already touched 
upon in the second part of the Narrative of the troubles 
with the Indians in New England, printed at Boston in 
the year 1677. At present therefore only to insist upon 
what is most memorable about the first planting thereof, 
after it came first to be discovered by Capt. Smith, and 
some others employed on that design, about the year 
1614 and 1615. 

Some merchants and other gentlemen in the west of 
England, belonging to the cities of Exeter, Bristol, 
Shrewsbur}', and towns of Plymouth, Dorchester, &c. 
incited no doubt by the fame of the plantation begun at 
New Plymouth in the year 1620, having obtained pa¬ 
tents for several parts of the country of New England, 
from the grand council established at Plymouth, (into 
whose hands that whole country was committed) made 
some attempt of beginning a plantation in some place a- 
bout Pascataqua river, about the year 1623. For being 
encouraged by the report of divers mariners that came 
to make fishing voyages upon that coast, as well as by 
the aforementioned occasion, they sent over that year, 
one Mr. David Thompson, with Mr. Edward Hilton, 
and his brother, Mr. William Hilton, who had been fish¬ 
mongers in London, with some others, that came along 
with them, furnished with necessaries for carrying on a 
plantation there. Possibly others might be sent after 
them in the years following, 1624 and 1625; some of 
whom first in probability, seized on a place called the 
Little Harbour, on the west side of Pascataqua river, to¬ 
ward, or at the mouth thereof; the Hiltons in the mean 
while setting up their stages higher up the river, toward 
the northwest, at or about a place since called Dover. 
But at that place called the Little Harbour, it is suppos¬ 
ed was the first house set up, that ever was built in 
those parts; the chimney, and some part of the stone 
wall, is standing at this day, and certainly was it, which 
was called then, or soon after, Mason Hall, because to it 
was annexed three or four thousand acres of land, with 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


21 & 

intention to erect a manor, or lordship there, according 
to the custom of England ; for by consent of the rest of 
the undertakers, in some after division, that parcel of 
land fell to his share; and it is mentioned as his proprie¬ 
ty, in his last will and testament, by the name of Mason 
Hall. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason 
might have a principal hand in carrying on that design, 
but were not the sole proprietors therein; there being 
several other gentlemen, that were concerned therein, and 
till after the year 1631, there seems to have been not 
many other buildings considerable erected, in any other 
place about Pascataqua river; all which is evident by an 
indenture, yet extant in the hands of some gentlemen 
now living at Portsmouth, a town seated down near the 
mouth of the said river, wherein are these words: 

“ This indenture, made the 3d of November, 1631, 
between the President and Council of New England on 
the one part, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. John 
Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith, 
Edwin Guy, Thomas YVannerton, Thomas Eyre, and 
Eleazer Eyre, on the other part, witnesseth,” &c. Alter 
which is added, “ forasmuch as the forementioned have 
by their agents there, taken great pains, and spent much 
time in the discovery of the country, all which hath cost 
them (as we are credibly informed) three thousand 
pounds and upwards, which hitherunto they are wholly 
out of purse for, upon hope of doing good for time to come 
to the publick, and for other sufficient causes and con¬ 
siderations, the said President and Council especially 
moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, 
and confirmed to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the rest, 
an house with all the privileges thereunto belonging, 
wherein Capt. Neal and the colony with him do or late¬ 
ly did reside; among other things there is also added 
salt-works, lying and being situate near the harbour of 
Pascataqua, with all the lands adjoining, that run along 
five miles westward by the sea-coast, and so to cross 
over in an angle of three miles breadth towards a planta¬ 
tion in the hands of Edward Hilton, supposed to be 


GENERAL HISTORY 


£16 

about Dover, and so towards Exeter.” And for this 
grant, by way of acknowledgment, or something of like 
nature, as is expressed in the indenture, they were to pay 
481. per annum to the President and Council of New 
England, if demanded. In the same indenture it is ad¬ 
ded, that they gave power to Capt. Cammocke and Mr. 
Josselin, as their attornies to put them into possession 
thereof, which was surely to be understood, by way of 
anticipation, for it is known that Capt. Cammocke (who 
is said to be related to the Earl of Warwick) and Mr. 
Josselin were in England, at the time when this inden¬ 
ture was dated, and neither of them came to New Eng¬ 
land till about the year 1633. This indenture of No¬ 
vember 3d, 1631, hath no other subscription in the bot¬ 
tom of it, but this, “ Haec copia debite examinata ver¬ 
batim inventa est concordare cum originali. Per me 
notarium infra testatum sacra regia authoritate admis- 
sum, atque juratum, Londini commorantem, hoc 11 die 
Januarii, 1631. 

Tho: be Wache, Notar. Publ.” 

This indenture, though without any hand or seal an¬ 
nexed, seems to be of as much force, as other instru¬ 
ments of like nature, produced on such like accounts, at 
the present time. And whereas there is mention in this 
indenture of Capt. Neal, and the colony with him, there 
residing in the said house, it must be understood, that 
the agents of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason, 
with the rest, had by their order built an house, and 
done something also about salt-works, sometime before 
the year 1630 ; in which year Capt. Neal, with three 
other gentlemen, came over to Pascataqua, in the bark 
Warwick. He was said to be sent as Governour for Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges and the rest; and to superintend 
their affairs there. Another occasion of their sending 
over, was said to be searching, or making a more full 
discovery of an imaginary province, supposed to lie up 
higher into the country, called Laconia. But after three 
years spent in labour and travel for that end, or other 
fruitless endeavours, and expense of too much estate, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


sir 


they returned back to England with a “ non est inventa 
provincial’ Nor is there any thing memorable recorded 
as done by him, or his company, during the time of his 
three years’ stay, unless it were a contest between him and 
Capt. Wiggans, employed in like manner to begin a 
plantation higher up the river, for some of Shrewsbury, 
who being forbidden by him, the said Neal, to come up¬ 
on a point of land, that lieth in the midway betwixt Do¬ 
ver and Exeter, Capt. Wiggans intended to have defend¬ 
ed his right by the sword, but it seems both the litigants 
had so much wit in their anger, as to wave the battle, 
each accounting himself to have done very manfully in 
what was threatened; so as in respect, not of what did, 
but what might have fallen out, the place to this day re¬ 
tains the formidable name of Bloody Point. 

But because the plantations of New England were all 
raised upon the Grand Charter of New England, given 
• to the Council of Plymouth, as the foundation of them, 
the reader may take notice of the form of the said char¬ 
ter, as it is expressed in what follows, with the names of 
all those honourable persons, to whom it was first grant¬ 
ed. 

“ The charter granted to the Grand Council, estab¬ 
lished at Plymouth, (of which there is often mention in 
this history) was put into the hands of the Duke of Le¬ 
nox, Marquis Buckingham, Marquis Hamilton, Earl of 
Pembroke, Earl of Arundel, Earl of Bath, Earl of South 
Hampton, Eapl of Salisbury, Earl of Warwick, Vis¬ 
count Haddington, Lord Zouche, Lord Sheffield, Lord 
Gorges, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Robert Mansell, Sir 
Edward Zouche, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John 
Brookes, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir 
Richard Edgecombe, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick 
Heal, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourgchier, Sir 
Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompes- 
son, Sir Thomas Wroth. Knights;—Matthew Sutcliffe, 
Robert Heath, Henry Bourgchier, John Drake, Rawley 
Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Harnmond, and John 
28 


GENERAL HISTORY 


£18 

Argali, Esqrs. and their successours, one body corporate 
and politick, in deed and in name, by the Council estab¬ 
lished at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the 
planting, ruling, and governing of New England in A- 
meriea. We do by these presents, for us, our heirs, 
successours, really, and fully incorporate, erect, ordain, 
name, constitute, and establish, and that by the same name 
of the said Council they and their successours, forever here¬ 
after, be incorporated, named, and called, and shall by 
the same name have perpetual succession. And further 
we do hereby for us, our heirs and successours, grant un¬ 
to the said Council established at Plymouth, that they 
and their successours, by the same name, be, and shall 
be, and shall continue, persons able in the law from time 
to time, &c. And our will and pleasure is, that the said 
forty persons, or the greatest number of them, shall, or 
may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, at their 
own will and pleasure according to the laws and ordi¬ 
nances, and orders of or by them, or by the greater part 
of them, hereafter in manner and form in these presents 
mentioned to be agreed upon, to elect and choose a- 
mongst themselves one of the said forty persons for the 
time being, to be President of the Council, which Pres¬ 
ident so elected and chosen, we will, and shall continue, 
and be President of the said Council for so long time as 
by the orders of the said Council from time to time to 
be made, as hereafter is mentioned, shall be thought 
fit, and no longer. Unto which President, or in his ab¬ 
sence to any such person as by the orders of the said 
Council shall be thereunto appointed, we do give au¬ 
thority, to give order for the warning of the said Coun¬ 
cil, and summoning the company to their meeting. And 
our will and pleasure is, that from time to time, when, 
and so often, as any of the said Council shall happen to 
decease, or to be removed from being of the said Coun¬ 
cil, that then and so often the survivors of them of the 
said Council, and no other, or the greater number of 
them, who then shall be from time to time left and re¬ 
maining, and who shall be, or the greater number of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


219 


which, that shall be assembled at a publick court, or 
meeting to be held for the said company, shall elect and 
choose one or more other person or persons, to be of 
the said Council, and which shall be from time to time of 
the said Council, so that the number of forty persons of 
the said Council, may from time to time be supplied, &c.”* 
This was rightly called the Grand Charter of New 
England, for it was the substratum or ground work 
of all the following charters, or grants, that were 
given out to all sorts of persons, that were willing to ad¬ 
venture either their persons or estates, to plant or people 
that new country. And the first plantation about Pascat- 
aqua was begun in that order, as is last mentioned ; and 
those that were most active therein, had continual re¬ 
course to the persons that were invested with the power 
of that charter, to revive and influence their hopes ; for 
some of them obtained six or seven several grants of land 
between Merrimack river and Kennebeck, although, as 
some may be ready to think, every subsequent grant 
made the precedent all void. But notwithstanding the 
variety of these pretended grants, the planting of that 
side of the country went but slowly on, during the first 
seven years : for in the year 1631, when Edward Col- 
cot first came thither, (who was afterwards, for want of a 
better, for some years together chosen governour of the 
plantations about Dover) there were but three houses (as 
he affirmed) in all that side of the country adjoining unto 
Pascataqua river, nor is it said that any were built by 
Capt. Neal; but after his return home for England, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, and the rest of the ad¬ 
venturers, sent over other agents and supplies, for carry¬ 
ing on their designs. One Mr. Williams was sent over 
about that time, to take care of the salt-works, that were 
there begun ; and other artificers, the chiefest of whom 
was one Chadbourne, that built the great house (as it 
used to be called) at Strawberry Bank, with several oth¬ 
ers, both planters and traders. This Williams being a 
prudent man, and of better quality than the rest, was 
chosen to be their governour ; when, after Capt. Neal’s 
* See this charter at length, Hazard i. 103—118. JEd, 


320 


GENERAL HISTORY 


going away, they entered into a combination for the bet¬ 
ter enabling them to live orderly one by another ; for he 
it was who was governour in the year 1638, when the 
troubles happened at Dover between Mr. Larkham and 
Mr. Knollis; unless he were put into that place by the 
President and Council of Plymouth, of which nothing is 
said by any of the inhabitants now left; and the rest of 
the plantations did not long after enter into a combination 
among themselves higher up the river, at Dover and 
Exeter, which makes it more than probable, that those 
did so, who were planted down lower towards the mouth 
thereof. For in the year 1640, May 25, “it is recorded 
how the inhabitants of Strawberry Bank (since called 
Portsmouth) having of their free and voluntary minds, 
and good will, given and granted several sums of money 
for the building and founding of a parsonage kouse, with 
a chapel thereunto united, did grant fifty acres of land to 
be annexed thereunto, as a glebe land belonging to the 
said parsonage; and all was put into the hands of two 
men, viz. Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, as 
church wardens, to them, and their successours, to be 
chosen yearly, as feoffees in trust, and to whom were to 
be joined the governour, and assistants for the year be¬ 
ing ; and after their dissolution by the king, two of the 
ablest of the parish were to be chosen, to order and man¬ 
age the said parsonage.” This was subscribed by 

FRANCIS WILLIAMS, Governour. 

Ambrose Gibbons, Assistant, and 18 as inhabitants. 

This Williams did, soon after this, remove out of the 
country into the Barbados, where he died; and Wan- 
nerton was employed also as deputy or assistant under 
Williams ; who had been a soldier, and better acquaint¬ 
ed with using the sword of war than the sword of jus¬ 
tice, and accordingly perished by the same sword, as 
may be mentioned in the year 1644. He kept Pascata- 
qua men under awe divers years. 

.During these transactions at Strawberry Bank towards 
the mouth of the river, Capt. Wiggans carried on a dis¬ 
tinct interest above in the higher part of the river, in be- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


221 


half of the Shrewsbury men, and others. For having 
begun a plantation in that place upon their account in 
the year 1631, he went back for England the next year, 
and soon after returned again, with more ample power, 
and means to promote what was in hand. The Bristol 
men had in the mean time sold their interest (which was 
two thirds) in the said plantation to the Lord Say, the 
Lord Brookes, one Mr. Willis and Mr. Whking, who 
likewise employed Capt. Wiggans to act in their behalf, 
for the space of seven years next following; the Shrews¬ 
bury men still retaining their own share. After the time 
was expired, the advance not being much, the whole 
was prized but at six hundred pounds and sold at that 
lay to Capt. Wiggans; which he paid at a very easy 
rate, as some of his neighbours have used to say. 

Those that first enterprized this design, intended re¬ 
ligion as well as civil advantage thereby, and therefore 
did they send over with Capt. Wiggans, anno 1633, one 
Mr. Leveridge, an able and worthy minister, with prom¬ 
ise of considerable allowance for his better subsistence ; 
but the encouragement proving too small for his main¬ 
tenance, he removed more southward, towards Plymouth 
or Long Island. And in his room succeeded one Mr. 
Burdet, a person of better knowledge and learning, than 
other abilities fit for that sacred function. For not long 
after he came thither, by the assistance and help of some 
that entertained a better opinion of him than ever he de¬ 
served, he invaded the civil government, and thrusting 
out Capt. Wiggans, placed there by the Lord Say and 
others, he became the governour of the place, but was 
himself also not long after forced to remove, by reason 
of sundry miscarriages he was charged with, of which 
there may be occasion to speak more elsewhere. 

In the interim of these affairs, several persons of good 
estates, and some account for religion, were by the in¬ 
terest of the lords and other gentlemen, induced to 
transplant themselves thither, so many as sufficed to 
make a considerable township; and following the exam¬ 
ple of the plantations about the Massachusetts, they soon 


GENERAL HISTORY 


after, scil. about the year 1638, attempted to gather 
themselves into a church estate, and had officers ordain¬ 
ed over them for that end. But for want of discretion, 
if not of something else, in them that were called to that 
solemn work, they soon after fell into factions, and 
strange confusions, one part taking upon them to ex¬ 
communicate and punish the other in the church and in 
the court; an ordinary effect of loose and pragmatick 
spirits, under any popular government, whether civil or 
ecclesiastical. 

For though they had no power of government granted 
them by patent from the king, either mediately or im¬ 
mediately, yet finding the necessity of civil rule and gov¬ 
ernment to be such, that no affairs could be carried on 
without something of that nature, they entered at last, 
scil. in the year 1640, into a combination among them¬ 
selves. The form of which combination is after this ten- 
our, as is left upon record : 

“ Whereas, sundry mischiefs and inconveniences have 
befallen us, and more and greater may, in regard of want 
of civ il government, his gracious Majesty having settled 
no order for us, to our knowledge, we whose names are 
under written, being inhabitants upon the river of Pascat- 
aqua, 'have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into 
a body politick, that we may the more comfortably en¬ 
joy t J he benefit of his Majesty’s laws, and do hereby ac¬ 
tually engage ourselves to submit to his royal Majesty’s 
la%vs, together with all such laws as shall be concluded 
My a major part of the freemen of our society, in case 
/they be not repugnant to the laws of England, and ad¬ 
ministered in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have 
mutually promised and engaged to do, and so to contin¬ 
ue, till his excellent Majesty shall give other orders con¬ 
cerning us. In witness whereof we have hereunto set 
our hands, October 22, in the 16 year of the reign of our 
Sovereign Lord, Charles, by the grace of God, king of 
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 
&c.” Subscribed by 

THOMAS LARKHAM, WILLIAM WALDRENE, 

RICHARD WALDRENE, with 38 more. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


22S 


About the same time likewise, was there a plantation 
begun about the falls of Pascataqua, on the south side of 
the great bay up that river, called by the first inhabitants 
Exeter. This was begun by Mr. Wheelwright and 
others, who on his account were forced to depart out of 
the Massachusetts not long before, or else voluntarily 
bore him company. They, in like manner, judged it 
needful to enterinto a combination by themselves, for the 
better enabling of them to carry on the affairs of their 
plantation. Their combination was in this order ex¬ 
pressed : 

“ Whereas, it hath pleased the Lord to move the 
heart of our dread Sovereign, Charles, &c. to grant li¬ 
cense and liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant them¬ 
selves in the western part of America; we his loyal sub¬ 
jects, members of the church of Exeter, situate and ly¬ 
ing upon the river of Pascataqua, with other inhabitants 
there, considering with ourselves the holy will of God, 
and our own necessity, that we should not live without 
wholesome laws and civil government amongst us, of 
which we are altogether destitute, do in the name of 
Christ, and in the sight of God, combine ourselves to¬ 
gether to erect, and set up amongst us, such government 
as shall be, to our best discerning, agreeable to the will 
of God, professing ourselves subjects to our Sovereign 
Lord, King Charles, according to the liberty of the Eng¬ 
lish colony of the Massachusetts, and binding ourselves 
solemnly, by the grace and help of Christ, and in his 
name and fear, to submit ourselves to all such Christian 
laws, as are established in the realm of England, to our 
best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall 
upon good grounds be made and enacted among us, ac¬ 
cording to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably 
together in all godliness and honesty. October 4, 1639.” 
Subscribed by 

JOHN WHEELWRIGHT, 

WILLIAM WENTWORTH, 

GEORGE WALTON, with 32 more. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


224 

As for the Province of Maine, on the north east side 
of the river of Pascataqua, there were several attempts 
for the planting of divers places therein by Plymouth 
men, who had gotten patents from the great Council of 
Plymouth for that end; amongst whom was one Mr. 
Trelanney, whose interest at the last fell into the hands 
of Mr. Winter. Several others also claimed an interest 
in some of those parts, under the countenance of the Earl 
of Warwick ; viz. Capt. Cammocke, Mr. Gaines, and 
others, who began to plant about a neck of land, then call¬ 
ed Black Point. About the same time came over one 
Mr. Josselin, with intent to settle about Newichawan- 
nicke, upon the account of Capt. John Mason, who up¬ 
on the division of the interest which he had with SirFer- 
dinando Gorges, had that place assigned unto him. But 
upon tire death of Capt. Mason, (who was the gentleman 
that employed him, and having none to succeed him, 
who was capable to carry on those designs,) he removed 
himself to Black Point, upon some agreement with Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, into whose hands at the last fell all 
those places, fit for plantations in that part of the country ; 
who obtained a confirmation thereof by a royal charter, 
granted to him and his heirs, under the great seal of 
England, bearing date anno 1639. After which confir¬ 
mation he granted patents to several gentlemen to hold of 
him, in fee, as grand proprietor, viz. to Capt. Bonitham, 
about the river Saco; to Capt. Champernoon, and his 
cousin Gorges, about Agamenticus; employing Mr. 
Vines as his, agent for the most part, for the managing 
of the plantation, which he kept in his own hands. 

The gentleman who purchased the Plough patent, pro¬ 
cured also a part of the Province of Maine to the west¬ 
ward of Kennebeck, who employed one Mr Cleves to 
carry on his interest in those parts, so long as it was 
counted worth the looking after. But, in fine the inhabi¬ 
tants of all these plantations at Pascataqua, and in the 
Province of Maine, having wearied themselves with end¬ 
less, contentions and strifes, and having tried all conclu¬ 
sions of government, both by patent and combination, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


225 

and finding neither sufficient, in any tolerable degree of 
comfortable order, to maintain and support the grandeur 
of authority, like those mentioned in the prophet, they 
took hold of the skirt of the Massachusetts, expecting 
that under their wings they might find an healing of their 
breaches, which in some measure the more sober part of 
the inhabitants were willing to think they had obtained; 
but of late time they have met with some changes, 
whether for the better or the worse, future time will best 
discover. 

But as for the plantation begun on the west side of 
Pascataqua river, immediately after the decease of Capt. 
Mason, none appearing to keep things in good order, or 
that had power to call the agents and servants to an ac¬ 
count, therefore they shared the land and stock that were 
taken into, and left in their possession, among themselves, 
for the arrears of wages, or on some such like accounts, 
until Mrs. Anne Mason, sole executrix of Capt. John 
Mason, her husband, sent over her husband’s kinsman, 
one Mr. Joseph Mason, to look after her interest there; 
who, finding little encouragement to proceed further 
therein, returned soon after himself to those that sent 
him, with the sad report of the ruins of a fair estate, that 
had been laid out upon an unprofitable design, which all 
the rest of the partners had experience of, as well as 
those that remained of the rest of that gentleman’s fami¬ 
ly. There were other attempts by him, which failed in 
like manner, for want of means to carry them on, or for 
want of faithful agents ; for some who are yet surviving, 
do affirm that Capt. Mason did, in the year 1634, send 
over agents to set up a saw-mill about Newichawanock, 
upon an agreement betwixt himself and Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, who had both of them taken a patent together for 
the land between Merrimack river and Sagadehock, bear¬ 
ing date November 17, 1629. And by mutual agree¬ 
ment afterwards, Capt. Mason was to have that part of 
the Province of Maine allotted to him as his share of the 
division. Much other estate was sent over by him, which 
by ill management came to little. 

29 


826 


GENERAL HISTORY 


It hath been affirmed likewise by Mr. Josselin, who 
first came over into New England on Capt. Mason’s ac¬ 
count, that there was the same agreement made betwixt 
Mr. Matthew Cradock and Capt. John Mason, that the 
bounds of the Massachusetts should reach to three miles 
to the northward of Merrimack, and the remainder of the 
land betwixt that line and Pascataqua river should be 
left for Capt. Mason’s patent; which it hath been credi¬ 
bly affirmed that he consented unto. But he dying in 
the latter end of the year 1635, all that he had done be¬ 
fore came to little or nothing. Neither had he opportu¬ 
nity to send over the seventy families, which some to 
this day affirm he engaged to do, and which is judged 
very probable he did ; because by his last will and testa¬ 
ment he gave about a thousand acres of land to the town 
of Lynn, in Norfolk, where himself was born, upon con¬ 
dition that they should send over a certain number of 
families within a time prefixed; but his death happen¬ 
ing so soon after, gave a supersedeas to all such promis¬ 
es and purposes of his; and his successours not attempt¬ 
ing to carry on the designs which he had begun, the 
whole tract of land, included within those grants of his, 
were soon after possessed by his servants and others, as 
was said before, as a kind of “ vacuum domicilium;” 
which is the true estate of those places, challenged at 
present by his successour. 

Of all the persons who were concerned in the business 
of New England, or whose names were inserted in the 
grand council thereof, Sir Fcrdinando Gorges and Capt. 
John Mason were the more active, and probably had the 
greatest interest therein. Possibly they might, one or 
both of them, bear some office in and about that council, 
either as Secretary or Treasurer. But having spent much 
time and cost, and taken a great deal of pains, and per¬ 
ceiving nothing like to come to perfection, and tearing 
that they should ere long be forced to resign up their 
Grand Charter into the hands of the King, they adventured 
upon a new project in the latter end of the year 1684, 
and beginning of the year 1635, which was to have pro- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


S37 

cured a general governour for the whole country of New 
England to be forthwith sent over, and to reduce the 
whole country into twelve provinces, from St. Croix, to 
the Lord Baltimore’s province in Virginia; and because 
the Massachusetts patent stood in their way, (which 
province was then well peopled and planted) they en¬ 
deavoured to get that patent revoked, and that all might 
be reduced to a new form of government, under one 
general governour. For in June, 1635 , it was certified 
by letters from the Lord Say, and by the report of di¬ 
vers passengers, that such petitions were put up to the 
King, and to the Lords of the Council, the copies of which 
were sent then over. They were put up under the hands 
of the Duke of Lenox, Marquis Hamilton, the Earl of 
Arundel, Earl of Carlile, Earl of Sterling, the Lord Gor¬ 
ges, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Capt. John Mason; 
though it was probably conceived that it was the project 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges himself only. 

That to the Lords was after this manner. 

a MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIPS, 

“ Whereas, it pleased your Lordships to give order to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to confer with such as were 
chiefly interested in the plantations of New England, to 
resolve whether they would resign wholly to his Majes¬ 
ty the patent of New England, and to leave to his Ma¬ 
jesty and his council the sole managing of the publick 
affairs, with reservation of every man’s right formally 
granted, or whether they would stand to the said patent, 
and prosecute the business amongst themselves, and to 
have the said patent renewed, with the reformation, or 
addition of such things as should be found expedient 

Then it followed, “We whose names are here under¬ 
written, being interested in the business, do humbly sub¬ 
mit to his Majesty’s pleasure to do therewith as he pleas- 
eth. 

“ But withal we humbly desire, that upon our resigna¬ 
tion of our said patent, his Majesty being disposer of the 
whole country, severally, and immediately from himself, 
those divisions upon the seacoast, that are here under 


GENERAL HISTORY 


£28 

designed, may be instantly confirmed, and bestowed, by 
new grants from his Majesty unto us, to be holden of 
his Majesty, paying the fifth part, &c. and with the priv¬ 
ilege of the said patent, and such further royalties, as the 
Lord Baltimore hath in his patent for the country of 
Maryland, saving only that we should submit ourselves 
to the general governour, now presently to be establish¬ 
ed by his Majesty for the whole country, and after his 
decease, or other determination of his office, that then 
from the lords of his province, there may be an election 
of three by lot, which said three persons, so elected, shall 
be presented to the King, that out of that number one 
may be chosen by his Majesty, to succeed in the place 
of the general governour; who shall in person, or by his 
sufficient deputy, (who shall reside in the country during 
the space of three years only,) and so from three years 
to three years, another governour to be chosen succes¬ 
sively, and the old governour to be left out of the lot of 
choice.” 

The several divisions of the twelve provinces next 
followed after. The first was from St. Croix to Pemaquid. 
The second, from Pemaquid to Sagadehock. The third 
contained the land between the rivers Atnbross Coggin* 
and Kennebeck. The fourth, along the sea coast from 
Sagadehock to Pascataqua. The fifth, from Pascataqua 
to Naumkeek. The sixth, from Naumkeek round the 
sea coast by Cape Cod to Narraganset. The seventh, 
from Narraganset to the half way bound betwixt that 
and Connecticut river, and so 50 miles up into the coun¬ 
try. The eighth, from the half way bound to Connecti¬ 
cut river, and so 50 miles up into the country. The 
ninth, from Connecticut river along the sea coast to Hud¬ 
son’s river, and so up 30 miles, &c. The tenth, from 
the 30 miles end, to cross up 40 miles eastward. The 
eleventh, from the west side of Hudson’s river, 30 miles 
up the country towards the 40th degree, where New Eng¬ 
land beginneth. The twelfth, from the end of the 30 
miles up the said liver northward, thirty miles further, 
and from thence to cross into the land 40 miles. And 

* Androscoggin. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


out of every one of those provinces was 5000 acres to 
be granted to certain persons there named, in lieu of 
some former grants made to each of them in those divi* 
sions which they were now to surrender, and to hold each 
man his 5000 acres in fee of the lord of the province; 
and the lord of every one of these twelve provinces was 
to send the same year ten men with the general govern- 
our, well provided. 

To all which it is added, in the last place : 

“ It is humbly desired that your lordships would be 
pleased to order these things following. 

“ 1. That the patent for the plantation of the Massachu¬ 
setts Bay may be revoked, and that all those who have 
any other grants within any of these provinces, whether 
they have planted or not, upon any part of the same, yet 
they shall enjoy their lands, laying down their jura rega¬ 
lia, if they had any, and paying some reasonable ac¬ 
knowledgment as freeholders to the lord of the province, 
of whom they are now to take new grants of their said 
lands; and in case any of their lands shall be found hav¬ 
ing exorbitant bounds, to have been unlawfully obtain¬ 
ed, they shall be reduced to a lesser proportion, as may* 
be fit for the grantor, who is undertaker at the direction 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and if the grantee shall be 
anyways refractory, and refuse to surrender, and hold 
anew of the said lord of the province, that then your 
lordships would take order by such course, as law will 
permit, to make void the same. 

“ 2. That every river, that parts two provinces, shall 
equally belong, half way over, to that province it lies 
contiguous to. 

“ 3. That the islands upon the sea coast, or within the 
river of any province, being not here named, shall be¬ 
long to the province they lie nearest unto. 

“ 4. That there is offered to your lordships’ considera¬ 
tions, the building of a city for the seat of the govern- 
our; unto which city 40000 acres of land may be al¬ 
lotted, besides the divisions above mentioned. And 
that every one that is to have any of these provinces, 


230 


GENERAL HISTORY 


shall be at the charge of sending over with the gov¬ 
ernors, ten men, towards the building of the said 
city ; wherein every such adventurer shall not only have 
his share of the trade and buildings, but also shall have 
all other fruit of the ten men’s labour, sent as aforesaid. 

“Moreover there is humbly dedicated to the foundation 
of a church in the said city, and maintenance of clergy¬ 
men to serve in the said church, 10000 acres of land, 
near adjoining to the said city.” 

Certainly at the first venting of this project, the au¬ 
thor did not know, at least not consider, that fifty thou, 
sand acres of unimproved land in New England was 
not at that time worth fifty pounds ; and therefore would 
have done but little, as to the building of cities, and en¬ 
dowing of churches. And at this day there is not much 
of the land in the country, unless in the midst of two or 
three trading towns, is worth little more than hath been 
expended in the breaking of it up and fencing of it in. 

But to go on. The petition of the aforesaid lords, 
&c. to the king’s majesty, was after this form. 

“ MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST SACRED MAJESTY, 

“ It is humbly desired by the Duke of Lenox, See. an¬ 
cient patentees, and adventurers in the plantation of New 
England, that forasmuch as they are now presently to 
join in the surrender to your Majesty of the grand pa¬ 
tent of their corporation, that your royal Majesty will be 
graciously inclined to give order to your attorney gen¬ 
eral, to draw several patents of such parcels of land, as 
by their mutual consent have been allotted to them ; and 
to have the same patents prepared fit for your Majesty’s 
royal signature, with such titles, privileges, immunities, 
as have been heretofore granted, either to them, or to 
any other by your Majesty ; or by your late royal father, 
King James, of blessed memory, with reservations of 
appeal to the governour or lieutenant of the territories, in 
cases reasonable; that they, knowing their own interest, 
may be the better able to plant and govern them to your 
Majesty’s honour, their particular profits, and their peo¬ 
ple’s civil government and faithful obedience to the laws 
of your sacred Majesty. April 6, I@35.” 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


831 


In order to the carrying on of some such design, as 
seems to be intended in the forementioned petitions, 
there is a copy of some such agreement concerning one 
of the forementioned provinces, which the forenamed 
persons promised to grant to Capt. John Mason, which 
seems to be drawn up not long before, about that, which 
runs after this tenour. 

“Forasmuch as by a mutual agreement, we whose names 
are subscribed, patentees or adventurers, and of the 
council of New England, are to join in the surrender to 
his Majesty of the great charter of that country, which 
was granted to us in the 18th year of the reign of King 
James, of blessed memory; in whose presence, Feb. 3, 
1634, lots were drawn for settling of divers and sundry 
divisions of lands cri the sea coasts of the said country, 
upon most of us, who hitherto have never been confirm¬ 
ed in the lands so allotted : 

And to the intent that every one of us according to 
equity, and in some reasonable manner, answerable to 
his adventures, or other interest, may enjoy a proportion 
of the lands of the said country, to be immediately hold- 
en of his Majesty : We therefore do condescend, and 
agree, that all the part of the sea coast of the country 
aforesaid, shall belong to Capt. John Mason, to begin at 
the middle of Naumkeek river, and from thence, to pro¬ 
ceed eastward along the sea coast to Cape Anne, and 
round about the same into Pascataqua harbour, and so 
forward up the river of Newichawanock, and to the fur- 
therest head of the said river, and from thence northwest¬ 
ward, till 60 miles be finished from the first entrance of 
Pascataqua harbour. Also from Naumkeek through 
the harbour and river thereof, up into the land west 60 
miles ; from which period to cross over land to the 60 
miles end, accounted from Pascataqua, through Nevvi- 
chawanock river, and into the said land northwest as a- 
foresaid; and hereunto is to belong the south half of the 
Isle of Shoals, and 10000 acres of land on the southeast 
part of Sagadehdck, at the mouth or entrance thereof. 
Saving and reserving out of this division, to every one 


GENERAL HISTORY 


28% 

that hath any lawful grant of lands, or plantation lawful¬ 
ly settled in the same, the freeholding and enjoying of his 
right, with the liberties thereunto appertaining, laying 
down his jura regalia, if he have any, to the proprietor 
of his division, wherein his land lieth, and paying some 
small acknowledgment, for that he is now to hold his 
said land anew of the proprietor of his division.” 

LENOX, EDWARD GORGES, 

HAMILTON, 

ARUNDEL & SURREY, 

CARLILE, FERD. GORGES. 

STARLING. 

Concordat cum originali facta collatione per me, 

THOMAS MAYDWEL, Notar. Publicum. 

It is not known that many of the rest obtained such 
like grants as that late described, from the grand coun¬ 
cil, before they surrendered, which it is said was done in 
June, 1635, and Capt. Mason deceasing before that year 
was expired, he never obtained a confirmation of it from 
the king, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges did of the Province 
of Maine, in the year 1639. And whether such an act 
of consent of the grand council, being not confirmed, 
can invalidate the actual possession of others, that enter¬ 
ed upon the land as void of all grant and possession, es¬ 
pecially if their possessions were in like manner granted 
by the grand council, were confirmed by any preceding 
grant from his royal majesty, is not hard to determine. 

By these steps and degrees was the first planting of 
the land about Pascataqua carried on ; nor was the right 
and title of any of the present inhabitants ever particu¬ 
larly and expressly questioned, or any kind of rent de¬ 
manded of them, till the year 1679, by Mr. Mason, or 
any in his name before; the validity of whose preten¬ 
sions is at this present time under debate, the issue of 
which will ere long be made known. 

Some gentlemen in England not long before, or about 
the time, when the grand charter of New England was 
surrendered up into the hands of the king, had prepared 
a ship of considerable bigness, which should have been 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


233 


employed in bringing over the general governour, and 
to have been kept there as a man of war; but the design 
succeeded very ill, for the ship in the launching, turned on 
one side and broke her back, which caused them to lay 
aside their purpose, as was mentioned before, Chap- 27. 
And not long after, one of the gentlemen, that was 
known to be one of the greatest adversaries to the affairs 
of the Massachusetts, fell sick, and died soon after. In 
his sickness he sent for the minister, and bewailed his 
enmity against them, and promised, if he recovered, to be 
as great a friend to New England, as ever he had been 
an enemy before. But his fatal hour being come, his 
purposes of that nature were cut off; which should in¬ 
struct all to do the good they intend, while their time 
lasteth, for there is no work nor device in the grave, 
whither they are going. The passage foregoing was 
certified by letters from my Lord Say and others, to the 
governour of New England, about the year 1635* 

CHAP. XXXII. 

The general affairs of the Massachusetts , from the year 
1636 to the year 1641. 

Things had hitherto been very successfully carried 
on in the Massachusetts; and in the entrance of the year 
1636, the 25th of May, Mr. Henry Vane, that arrived 
there with sundry other gentlemen in the year 1635, was 
chosen governour of the Massachusetts colony, at which 
time also Mr. Winthrop was chosen deputy governour, 
and Mr. Roger Harlakenden, that came along in the 
same ship with Mr. Vane, the year before, was chosen 
an assistant. 

There was then as great hopes of the continuance of 
the peace and prosperity of the plantation, as ever before, 
or rather greater. But often a bright morning is follow¬ 
ed with a dark and obscure evening. Many sad and 
threatening storms of trouble were observed falling upon 
that country, before this lustre was half run out, some 
of which were mingled with showers of blood; although 
30 


GENERAL HISTORY 


234 

in the beginning thereof there were many new plantations 
carrying on, both about the Bay, and up higher in the 
country, as far as Connecticut river, an hundred miles 
westward from Boston, And now the country increas¬ 
ing, and growing every year more populous than other, 
by the addition of many hundred families, that every 
season were resorting thifher, it was judged reasonable 
to make some further progress in settling the govern¬ 
ment, by some other forms or ways of council and 
courts of judicature, for the safety and ease of the peo¬ 
ple, and to prevent the travelling of the inhabitants many 
miles from their own places to obtain justice ; long jour- 
nies at that time being, for want of horses and other 
means of transportation, very difficult to any sort of peo¬ 
ple. 

Therefore about the beginning of this lustre, a Stand¬ 
ing Council was ordered to be chosen out of the magis¬ 
trates, and to be for term of life, unless for some weigh¬ 
ty cause they were found unworthy ; and the governour 
for the time being was always to be president. But 
since that time, upon further experience, every particu¬ 
lar magistrate is declared to be of the standing council 
of the country. At this time there were but three to be 
the standing council, viz. the Governour, Mr. Winthrop, 
and Mr. Dudley. 

Further also, besides the quarter courts, when all the 
magistrates were wont to meet, other particular courts 
were ordered to be kept at Boston, New-Town, (since 
Cambridge,) Salem and Ipswich, consisting of one mag¬ 
istrate at ieast, and three or four associates, chosen by 
the court out of the persons nominated by the freemen 
of their several jurisdictions, with liberty to appeal to 
the quarter courts; (which since that time are-reduced 
to two, called the Courts of Assistants, one in March, 
and the other in September, in every year,) if either 
plaintiff or defendant found themselves aggrieved by the 
proceedings of those inferiour courts. The proceedings 
in either of these courts, is after the manner of the ses¬ 
sions or assizes, by juries, grand and petit, &c. in the 
realm of England. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


$35 

There were also about that time two general courts 
established, in which it was ordered that no act should 
proceed, unless the major part both of the magistrates 
and deputies should consent; although since that time, 
there hath been some alteration so far made, that in case 
of non-agreement, both magistrates and deputies should 
vote together, and the major part of both, so voting, 
should determine any matter of civil controversy. 

At the same time it was also enacted, that every par¬ 
ticular township should have power of their own affairs, 
and to set mulcts upon any offender against publick order, 
not exceeding 20 shillings, which power the inhabitants 
have liberty to exact in their own society, or their pub- 
lick meeting days, or by their prudential men, whom they 
have liberty to choose, (the whole not exceeding seven,) 
to order the affairs of their several townships. 

As also in order to the publick safety of the colony, 
it was about this time divided into three several regi¬ 
ments, that were to be managed by so many Colonels, 
with their Lieutenants; which yet hath since been alter¬ 
ed, and the military matters committed to a Major in 
every particular county, and to a Major General for the 
oversight of the whole. 

But in the year 1636, under the government of Mr. 
Vane, many clouds began to gather, threatening a storm, 
both civil and ecclesiastical, like to ensue ere long. The 
body of the freemen, having taken much offence at his 
managing of the chief affairs, did, at the next court of 
election, not only lay him aside from being governour 
any longer, making an order immediately, that no man 
should ever after be made governour, before he had been 
one whole year in the country at least, but also left him 
out from being an assistant, not willing he should have 
any further hand in the government; which possibly oc¬ 
casioned his removal back to England, sooner than else 
he intended, towards the end of the year 1637, whither 
the present history shall not pursue him; although it is 
not unworthy taking notice, what an eminent minister 


S36 


GENERAL HISTORY' 


of the country solemnly declared concerning him, not 
long before his departure thence, which had its accom¬ 
plishment in his fatal end not long since, on the Tower 
hill in London; which yet is not spoken to prejudice any 
esteem that Christian people then had, of his share in the 
eternal mercy of the living God, 

But to return : In the room of the said Mr. Vane, at 
the next court of election, kept at Cambridge, May the 
17th, 1637, (and difficultly carried on, by reason of some 
obstructions laid in the way, by such as were of the 
former governour’s party in the country.) was chosen 
Mr. Winthrop as governour, and Mr. Dudley as depu¬ 
ty governour, under whose wise conduct the country 
soon recovered its former beauty, place, and splendour, 
which had been very much eclipsed in the misguiding 
and bad conduct of the former governour ; the particu¬ 
lars of which, and the disturbance occasioned thereby, 
shall be discoursed by themselves in the following chap¬ 
ters. 

In the year 1638, the court of election happened on 
May 2d, when Mr. Winthrop was again called to be 
governour, and Mr. Dudley deputy governour, of whose 
wisdom ai d integrity the country had had so much and 
so long experience before, that they were very loath to 
change any more. 

At the same court liberty w r as granted for the erect¬ 
ing of several new plantations within the bounds of the 
Massachusetts colony, as at Hampton and Salisbury, 
places situated between the rivers of Merrimack and 
Pascataqua, well stored with meadow lands and salt 
marshes, although the uplands were something sandy, 
and likely to be barren. 

Liberty also was granted for another plantation or 
township, at a place called by the English Sudbury, 
within five miles of Concord, planted first in the year 
1635. 

Besides the forementioned plantations, another was 
granted to a company that came with an eminent minis¬ 
ter of the gospel, Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, out of Yorkshire* 


OF NEW ENGLAND# 


S37 

since by them called Rowley, with respect to a town of 
that name in Yorkshire, whereof the said reverend per¬ 
son had been a long time minister. 

But that which was in this year more to be observed, 
was the founding of a college at that place, called before 
(in reference to some others formerly planted) New- 
Town ; but now with relation to the seat of the muses, 
who at this time had an invitation thither, and a founda¬ 
tion laid for their future flourishing there, called Cam¬ 
bridge ; and which in honour of a worthy minister, Mr. 
Harvard by name, that had bequeathed seven hundred 
pounds toward so pious a work, was called Harvard Col¬ 
lege. In the year lo36 there was 4001. given by the 
general court for the furthering thereof. 

In the year 1637 a committee was chosen to take care 
about the building of the said college; and in this pres¬ 
ent year it arose to so much perfection as to have that 
honourable name imposed upon it. What helps it hath 
since received by general benefactors, by whom endow¬ 
ed, and of what use it hath been in following times to 
the promoting of good literature, for the upholding both 
of church and state, may be mentioned probably after¬ 
wards:—most of the towns in the country, at this time 
about an hundred in all, being furnished with able min¬ 
isters that there had their education. 

At the following election, May 22, 1639, the former 
governour arid deputy governour were continued in their 
places, as the year before ; during which time it might 
be said of New England, as sometimes of Judah, things 
went well, and were attended with the former prosperity, 
both in encouraging the just, and bearing witness against 
the oppressors and unrighteous dealers 

May 12, 1640, Mr. Dudley was honoured with the 
place of governour, and Mr. Bellingham with that of 
deputy governour; at which couit there was liberty 
granted for two other plantations, in the more inland 
parts of the country, to the westward of the towns of 
Ipswich and Newbury ; the first called Haverhill, the 
other Andover, with reference to some of the planters 
that belonged to those towns in the realm of England, 


238 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Hitherunto divine providence did, with arms of abun¬ 
dant goodness, as a nursing father, uphold this infant 
province of New England, as was said of Ephraim, when 
God learned him to go, taking him by the hand. But 
for the future they were left more to stand upon their 
own legs, and shift lor themselves ; for now there was a 
great, change in the state of the country, the inhabitants 
being put to great straits by reason of the fall of the price 
of cattle, the breeding and increase of which had been 
the principal means of upholding the country next un¬ 
der divine favour, shining out upon them, by many un¬ 
expected advantages; for whereas before, ail sorts of 
great cattle were usually sold for 251. the head, by rea¬ 
son of the continual coming over of new families every 
year to plant the wilderness. Now that fountain began 
to be dried, and the stream turned another way, and 
many that intended to have followed their neighbours 
and friends into a land not sown, hoping bv the turn of 
the times, and the great changes that were then afoot, to 
enjoy that at their own doors and homes, which the oth¬ 
er had travelled so far to seek abroad ; there happened 
a total cessation of any passengers coming over; yea, 
rather, as at the turn of a tide, many came back with the 
help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thith¬ 
er ; insomuch, that now the country of New England 
was to seek of a way to provide themselves of clothing, 
which they could not attain by selling ot tneir cattle as 
before; which now were fallen from that huge price 
fore mentioned, first to 141. and 101. an head, and pres¬ 
ently after (at least within a year), to 51. apiece ; nor was 
there at that rate ready vent f )r them neither. Thus the 
flood that brought in much wealth to many persons, the 
contrary ebb carried all away, out of their reach. To 
help in this their exigent, besides the industry that the 
present necessity put particular persons upon, for the 
necessary supply of their families, the general court 
made several orders for the manufacture of woollen and 
linen cloth ; which with God’s blessing upon man’s en¬ 
deavour, in a little time stopped this gap in part, and 


OF NEW ENGLAN©< 


239 


soon after another door was opened by special provi¬ 
dence. For when one hand was shut by way of supply 
from England, another was opened by way of traffick, 
first to the West Indies and Wine Islands, whereby, 
among other goods, much cotton wool was brought into 
the country from the Indies; which the inhabitants learn¬ 
ing to spin, and breeding of sheep, and by sowing of 
hemp and flax, they soon found out a way to supply 
themselves with many necessaries, of linen and w T oolien 
cloth. 

Thanks be to the Almighty, the country was not driv¬ 
en to those s-raits to lay hold of the skirts of the next 
comer, for want of meat and clothing ; for being so well 
furnished with the one, they soon found out a way by 
the abundance thereof, to supply themselves with the 
other, which hath been the general way of the subsis¬ 
tence of the country ever since; and is like, by the bles¬ 
sing of heaven, to continue, so long as the original grant 
of divine bounty continues, (which is the grand tenour 
whereby mankind do hold in capite of the supreme Read 
and Governour of the world) of multiplying the fish of 
the sea, and beasts on the earth, or fowl in the air, and 
the growing of the grass and fruits of the earth, for the 
food of man and beast, that their granaries may be full, 
their oxen strong to labour, and other creatures bring 
forth thousands in their streets. 

CHAP. XXXIII. 

Various occurrences in the Massachusetts , from the near 
1636 to 1641. 

News of the scarceness oi provision in New England 
being carried over the sea, in the end of the year 1634, 
many ships laden therewith, were, by the special favour 
of God, early there the next year; most of them that 
came in the spring'making their way over in five weeks 
time ; though some that could not be ready to set out 
till the middle of the summer, made it hve and twenty 
before they reached their port; with whom w r ere em- 


240 


GENERAL HISTORY 


barked Mr, Nathaniel Rogers, afterwards called to be 
pasrorof the church at Ipswich, and Mr. Partridge, after¬ 
wards called to Duxbury, in Plymouth colony. They 
were driven to half a pint of water a man, and much 
scanted in all other provision ; yet through the goodness 
of God came all ashore in good health, in or about the 
month of November, 1636. 

One of the first ships that arrived here that year was 
the Charity, of Dartmouth, laden with provision, at that 
time very scarce. She brought comfort in her very name, 
and was by special providence preserved in the mouth 
of the Bay, between Alerton’s point and Nantasket, hav¬ 
ing struck ground twice upon the ebb, in a strong north¬ 
west wind, but was got off very strangely, and her pro¬ 
vision very charitably distributed to poor people that 
then were in great distress, at a moderate price. 

Mr. Henry Vane being chosen governour that year, 
(the son and heir of Sir Henry Vane, one of the privy 
council,) all the ships in the harbour congratulated his 
election with a volley of shot. The next week he invit¬ 
ed all the commanders to a treat, fifteen in all; after that 
was ended, he propounded three things, which they all 
gladly accepted. 1. That after this year, all ships bound 
in hither, should come to an anchor below the Castle, 
(which is built on a small island a league below the town) 
unless they should signify before hand, by sending their 
boat ashore, that they were friends. 2. That before 
they offered any goods to sale, they should deliver an in¬ 
voice, and give the governour liberty for 24 hours for 
refusal. 3. That their men might not stay ashore (ex¬ 
cept upon necessary business) after sun set. It had been 
well, that as the captains of fifteen great ships had conde¬ 
scended to these propositions, all others had been bound 
to observe them ; but it is easier to propound good or¬ 
ders, than to see them, or cause them to be performed. 

A just occasion of making such proposals, was the 
arrival (a little before that time) of the St. Patrick, be¬ 
longing to Sir Thomas Wentworth, then deputy of Ire¬ 
land, whereof one Palmer was master. The Lieut, of the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


241 


Castle made the master strike his flag, although the col¬ 
ours were not then aboard, which he complained of to 
the magistrates as an injury. Upon hearing the case, 
they condemned the Lieut, for doing that which he had 
no commission to do; and therefore tendered the master 
such satisfaction as he desired, which was only this ; that 
the Lieut, should, aboard his ship, make acknowledg¬ 
ment of his errour, that so all the ship’s company might 
receive satisfaction; lest the lord deputy should also 
have been informed that they offered that discourtesy to 
his ship, which they never offered to any befoie. 

One Miller, master’s mate of the Hector, (a stately 
ship which lay then in the harbour,) had told some of the 
people aboard their ship, that they were all traitors and 
rebels in New England, because they had not the king’s 
colours at the Castle. The governour acquainted Mr. 
Fame, the master, with it, who promised to deliver him 
to them. Whereupon they sent the marshal for him, 
with four serjeants ; but the master not being aboard at 
that time, they would not deliver him; whereupon the 
master himself went and brought him to the court, and 
the words being proved against him by two witnesses, 
he was committed. The next day the master, to pac¬ 
ify his men, (who were in a great tumult,) requested he 
might be delivered to him, and did undertake to bring 
him before them again the next day, which was granted 
him, and he brought him accordingly at the time ap¬ 
pointed. Then in the presence of all the rest of the mas¬ 
ters, he acknowledged his offence, and set his hand to a 
submission, and was discharged. Then the governour 
desired the masters that they would deal freely, and tell 
them if they took any offence, and what they required of 
them. They answered, that in regard they should be ex¬ 
amined upon their return what colours they saw there, 
they did desire that the king’s colours might be spread 
at their fort. It was answered that they had not the 
king’s colours ; thereupon two of them did freely offer to 
give them one. The governour replied, that whatsoev¬ 
er they thought or persuaded of the cross in the ensign, 
31 


GENERAL HISTORY 


as idolatrous in the rise or occasion of it, (and therefore 
might not set it in their own ensign,) yet because the fort 
was the king’s, and maintained in his name, they thought 
it might be spread there. So the governour accepted 
the colours of Capt. Palmer, and promised they should 
be set up at the Castle, which accordingly was done. 

In the year 1638 the plantations were begun at Salis¬ 
bury, and at Winniconet, afterwards Hampton. This lat¬ 
ter gave some occasion of difference between the Massa¬ 
chusetts and some of Pascataqua, which was this. 

Mr. Wheelwright, after he was sent out of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, gathered a company and sat down at the falls 
of Pascataqua, and called their town Exeter; and for 
their enlargement they dealt with an Indian there, and 
bought of him Winniconet, and then signified to the 
Massachusetts what they had done, and that they intend¬ 
ed to lay out all those lands in farms, except they could 
show a better title. They wrote also to those who had 
begun to plant there, to desist, &c. Those letters com¬ 
ing to the general court, that they looked at this deal- 
ing against good neighbourhood, religion, and common 
honesty : that knowing they claimed Winniconet 
within their patent, or as vacuum domicilium , and had 
taken possession thereof by building an house there, a- 
bput two years since, they should now go about by pur¬ 
chase to procure an unknown title, and then come and 
inquire of their right that had been possessed thereof be¬ 
fore. It was in the same letter also manifestly demon¬ 
strated, that the Indians having only a natural right to so 
much land as they had or could improve, the rest of the 
country lay open to them that should occupy the same, 
as by the said letter did more at large appear. 

Those of Exeter replied to the answer of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, being resolved still to maintain the Indian right, 
and their interest thereby. But in the mean time the 
Massachusetts had sent men to discover Merrimack, 
and found some part of it about Pennacooketo lie more 
northerly than forty three and a half degrees; and so 
returned answer to them, that though they would not 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 




relinquish their interest by priority of possession, for any 
right they could have from the Indians; yet seeing they 
had professed not to claim any thing [which] should fail 
within the limits of the Massachusetts patent, it was ex¬ 
pected they should look no further than that, in respect of 
their claim. 

On the 4th of September, 1639, divers gentle¬ 
men, being joined in a military company, in and about 
Boston, desired to be made a corporation. But the 
council considering (from the example of the Praetorian 
bands among the Romans, and the Templars in Europe,) 
how dangerous it might be, to erect a standing authority 
of military men, which might easily in time overtop the 
civil power, thought fit to stop it betimes; yet they were 
allowed to be a company, but subordinate to the author¬ 
ity of the country. 

Thus were the chief rulers of the country not only 
ready to espy, but timely prevent any inconvcniency that 
might in after time arise. Yet were they not able to 
prevent jealousies and animosities, occasioned thereby, 
from stirring in men’s minds, which did more eminently 
appear by the transactions of the year 1638 and 1639. 
Some of the deputies at the court of election 639, were 
much blamed by the freemen for yielding to a late or¬ 
der made in the general court in the former year, for re¬ 
ducing of the towns to two deputies; which many ac¬ 
counted an abridgment of their liberty, seeing they 
were wont to send three before. Therefore many of the 
deputies at the next sessions of the court propounded to 
have the same number restored; but after much debate, 
such reasons were given for the diminishing the number 
of the deputies, which were now not a little increased 
by the addition of many new plantations, that divers of 
the deputies who came with intent to reverse the last or¬ 
der, were by force of reason brought to uphold it; so 
that when it was put to the vote, the last order, for two 
deputies, was confirmed. Nor could the petition from 
Roxbury, strengthened with the hands of some of the 
elders, prevail to an alteration. 

Another matter of jealousy, stirring at the court, was 


GENERAL HISTORY 


844 

about the standing council, which had been established 
by serious advice of the elders, and had been in practice 
two or three years, without any inconvenience; but now 
several of the deputies had a pique at it, and tendered an 
order at the next session of the court, that no person cho¬ 
sen a counsellor, should have any authority as a magis¬ 
trate, except he were in the annual election chosen there¬ 
unto, But the magistrates wisely chose rather to answer 
the difficulty, by explanation of the former fundamental 
order, than by drawing up any new one; viz. to declare 
that the intent of the said order was, that the standing 
council always should be chosen out of the magistrates; 
therefore that no such counsellor shall have any power 
as a magistrate, nor act as a magistrate, &c. except he 
be annually chosen, &c. according to the patent; and 
this order was after passed by vote, and put a stop to 
any further agitation about that matter. 

That which led those of the council to yield to this 
desire of the deputies, was because it concerned them¬ 
selves ; and they did more study to remove those jeal¬ 
ousies out of the people’s heads, than to preserve any 
power or dignity to themselves above others. 

One great occasion also of those jealousies was a se<- 
cret envy in some spirits against Mr. Winthrop, because 
he was so often chosen governour; (though no oftener 
than his worth deserved, and the condition of the colony 
needed;) a place which he did never ambitiously seek, 
yea, did at this time unfeignedly desire to be forborne, 
if it might have been, that he might have had leisure to 
attend his family concerns, wherein he suffered much in 
those days, as is well known, both by the unskilfulness 
and unfaithfulness of him whom he trusted to manage 
his farm and estate. And at that time the straits of the 
whole country were such, that every plantation and family 
had enough to do, to know how to subsist, till the prov¬ 
idence of God put them into another way of livelihood, 
than formerly they had been acquainted with. 

About this time it was that divers of the inhabitants of 
Lynn, finding themselves straitened, looked out for a 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


S4& 

new plantation; and going to Long Island, they agreed 
with the Lord Starling’s agent there, (one Mr. Fochead,) 
for a parcel of the isle near the west end, and agreed 
with the Indians for their right. The Dutch hearing of 
this, and laying claim to that part of the island, by a form¬ 
er purchase from the Indians, sent men to take posses¬ 
sion of the place, and set up the arms of the Prince of 
Orange upon a tree. The Lynn men sent ten or twelve 
men with provisions, &c. who began to build, and took 
down the prince’s arms, and in the place thereof, an In¬ 
dian had drawn an unhandsome face. The Dutch took 
this in high displeasure, and sent soldiers, who fetched 
away the Lynn men, and imprisoned them a few days, 
not discharging them without taking an oath. Upon 
this, the Lynn men, (finding themselves too weak, and 
having no encouragement to expect aid from the Eng¬ 
lish,) deserted that place, and took another at the east end 
of the island ; and being now about forty families, they 
proceeded in their plantation, and called one Mr. Peir- 
son, a man of good learning, and eminent piety, a mem¬ 
ber of Boston church, to go with them; who, with 
seven or eight more of the company, gathered into a 
church body at Lynn before they went, and the whole 
company entered into a civil combination, with the ad¬ 
vice of some of the magistrates of the Bay, to become a 
corporation. Upon this occasion the Dutch governour, 
one Kieff, (a discreet man,) wrote to the governour at 
Boston, of the English usurpations, both at Connecticut 
and now also at Long Island, and of the abuse offered to 
the prince’s arms, &c. and thereupon excused his im¬ 
prisoning their men. To which the governour of the 
Massachusetts returned answer, that their desire had 
been always to hold a peace and good correspondency 
with all their neighbours; and though they would not 
maintain any of their countrymen in any unjust action, 
yet they might not suffer them to be injured, &c. As 
for their neighbours of Connecticut, he knew they 
were not now under their government as formerly ; and 
for those of Long Island, they went voluntUrily from 

* ’William Kieft. Ed. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


210 

them : with which it is supposed he rested satisfied, so 
as the plantation at that place, (called Sonth-Hampton,) 
went on comfortably, without any let or molestation from 
them afterwards. 

In this present year, 1640, there came over great store 
of provisions, both out of England and Ireland, and but 
few passengers, and those brought very little mon¬ 
ey ; which was occasioned by the store of money and 
quick markets the merchants found there, the two or 
three years before. So as now all their money being 
drained away, cattle and all commodities grew exceed¬ 
ing cheap; which enforced them, the next general court, 
to make; an order, that corn should pass in payment of 
new debts; Indian at 4s. per bushel, rye at 5s. wheat at 
6s. and that upon all executions for former debts, the 
creditor might take what goods he pleased, (or if he had 
no goods, then his lands,) to be appraised by three men, 
one chosen by the creditor, one by the debtor, and the 
third by the marshal. On such occasion were particu¬ 
lar orders made in the general court; but lasted no long¬ 
er than the present exigent continued. For the people, 
having long desired a body of laws, and thought their 
condition very unsafe while so much power rested in 
the discretion of the magistrates, prevailed at the last to 
have the matter committed to two divines, each of whom 
formed a model; which were presented to the general 
court, 1639, and by them committed to the governour 
and deputy, with some others, to be considered of; and 
which, after longer deliberation and preparation, were 
confirmed by the authority of the next general court, 
1641. This matter had been long before under debate, 
(yet it may be not long enough,) and referred to some of 
the magistrates, and some of the ministers, but still it 
came to no effect; for being committed to the care ot 
many, whatsoever was done by some (as is usual in such 
cases) was still disliked by others ; till at the last, falling 
into two hands, it was soon after put to an issue in the 
said year. A model of Moses his judicials, compiled in 
an exact method, had been presented to the general court 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


247 


in October, 1636. But other emergent difficulties then 
failing in, the business was not revived till the end of 
this lustre, and not completely finished till the beginning 
of the next. 

As for the college, which was erected in the year 
1638, it was matter of great encouragement to those 
who had laid out their estates, and hazarded their lives, 
to make a settled plantation here, to see one of the 
schools of the prophets set up; that from thence they 
might be supplied with persons fit to manage the affairs 
both of church and state, at such a time when a supply 
was like to fail elsewhere. But herein they were very 
unhappy, that the first man who was called to preside 
there, so much failed the expectation of those that re¬ 
posed so much confidence in him ; viz. Mr. Nathaniel 


Eaton, w'ho proved a mere Orbilius, and fitter to have 
been an officer in the inquisition, or master of an house 
of correction, than an instructor of Christian youth. It 
was said that he had been initiated among the Jesuits, 
though he was sent over into Holland for the sake of 
Doct. Ames ; but having that opportunity, he might ea¬ 
sily acquaint himself with the other, and from thence re¬ 
ceive those principles of avarice, pride, and cruelty, 
which here he began to practise. But being so notori¬ 
ous in the discovery thereof, he was con vented before 
the court in September, 1639, where he was put out of 
his place, fined an hundred mark, and adjudged to give 
301. to Mr. Briscoe, (whom he had taken into his family 
to assist him in the nature of an usher,) for his cruel and 
unmerciful beating of him with a cudgel, causing two 
men to hold him the mean time. After this he fled out 
of the country, and could by no means be reduced to an 
acknowledgment of his errour. After his departure, one 
Mr. Henry Dunster was called to the place, under whom 
that which was before but, at the best, sc hold illustris^ 
grew to the stature or perfection of a college, and flour¬ 
ished in the profession of all liberal sciences, for many 
years after. 

This and the former lustre were the golden age of 


GENERAL history 


New England, when vice was crushed, as well by the 
civil, as sacred sword ; especially oppression, and extor¬ 
tion in prices and wages, which is injustice done to the 
publick. There was some exemplary punishment ad¬ 
judged to some offenders in this kind, in the year 1639, 
for selling above 331. per cent; but since that time the 
common practice of the country hath made double that 
advance no sin ; an evil which, though every one feels 
the burthen of, yet none know how to ease themselves 
thereof. A remarkable instance was that year given in 
one F. P. who for asking an excessive price for a pair of 
stocks which he was hired to frame, had the honour to 
sit an hour in them first himself, to warn others not to 
offend in the like kind. 

CHAP. XXXIV. 

John Oldham murdered by the Indians of Block Island; 

how discovered\ and the war that followed thereupon 

with them , and the Pequods , their abettors . 

Capt. Stone was killed by the Pequods in the year 
1634, which they excused with false pretence, earnestly 
soliciting the Massachusetts to make a peace with them. 
But in the year 1636, John Oldham’s death was so man¬ 
ifest, that it could neither be concealed nor excused: 
the discovery whereof being remarkable, was as foliow- 
eth. One J. Gallop, with one man more, and two boys, 
coming from Connecticut, and intending to put in at 
Long Island, as he came from thence, being at the 
mou th of the harbour, was forced by a sudden change of 
the wind to bear up for Block Island, or Fisher’s Island; 
where, as they were sailing along, they met with a pin¬ 
nace, which they found to be John Oldham’s, who had 
been sent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of 
the reality of their pretended friendship, after the murder 
of Capt. Stone.) They hailed the vessel, but had no an¬ 
swer, although they saw the deck full of Indians, (four¬ 
teen in all,) and a little before that had seen a canoe go 
from the vessel full of Indians likewise, and goods. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


Whereupon they suspected they had killed John Oldham, 
who had only two boys and two Narraganset Indians in 
his vessel besides himself; and the rather because they 
let slip, and set up sail (being two miles from shore, the 
wind and tide coming off the shore of the island, where¬ 
by they drave toward the main land of Narraganset). 
Therefore they went ahead of them, and having nothing 
but two pieces and two pistols, they bore up near the 
Indians, who stood on the deck of the vessel, ready arm¬ 
ed with guns, swords, and pikes. But John Gallop, a 
man of stout courage, let fly among them, and so galled 
them, that they got all down under hatches; and then 
they stood off again, and returning with a good gale, 
they stemmed her upon the quarter, and almost overset 
her; which so affrightened the Indians, that six of them 
leaped overboard, and were drowned. Yet they durst not 
board her, but stood off again, and fitted their anchor, so 
as stemming her the second time, they bored her bow 
through with their anchor, and sticking fast to her, they 
made divers shot through the sides of her, and so raked 
her fore and aft, (being but inch board,) as they must 
needs kill or hurt some of the Indians ; but seeing none 
of them come forth, they got loose from her, and then 
stood off again; then four or five more of the Indians 
leaped into the sea, and were likewise drowned. Where¬ 
upon, there being but four left in her, they boarded her; 
whereupon an Indian came up and yielded : him they 
bound, and put him into the hold. Then another yield¬ 
ed ; him they also bound : but J. Gallop being well ac¬ 
quainted with their skill to unloose one another, if they 
lay near together, and having no place to keep them a- 
sunder, he flung him bound into the sea; then looking 
about they found John Oldham under an old sail, stark 
naked, having his head cleft to the brains, his hands and 
legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, yet warm; 
so they put him into the sea; but could not well tell 
how to come at the other two Indians, (who were in a 
little room underneath with their swords;) so they took 
the goods which were left, and the sails, and towed the 
32 


250 


GENERAL HISTORY 


boat away; but night coming on, and the wind rising, 
they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried 
her to the Narraganset shore, where they left her. 

On the 26th of said July, the two Indians which were 
with John Oldham, and one other Indian, came from 
Canonicus, (the chief sachem of the Narragansets,) with a 
letter from Mr. Williams, to signify what had befallen 
John Oldham, and how grievously they were offended ; 
and that Miantonimo, (the second sachem of the Narra¬ 
gansets,) was gone with seventeen canoes and two hun¬ 
dred men to take revenge. But upon examination of 
the other Indian, who was brought prisoner to them, 
they found that all the sachems of the Narragansets, ex¬ 
cept Canonicus and Miantonimo, were contrivers of 
John Oldham’s death; and the occasion was, because he 
went to make peace, and trade with the Pequods last 
year. The prisoner said also that Oldham’s two Indians 
were acquainted with it; but because they were sent as 
messengers from Canonicus, they would not imprison 
them. But the governour wrote back to Mr. Williams, 
to let the Narragansets know, they expected they should 
send home J. Oldham’s two boys, and take revenge up¬ 
on the islanders; and withal gave Mr. Williams caution 
to look to himself, if there should be occasion to make 
war with the Narragansets, (for Block Island was under 
them :) and the next day he wrote to Canonicus, by one 
of those Indians, that he had suspicion of him that was 
sent, and yet he had sent him back, because he was a 
messenger; but did expect, if he should send for the 
said two Indians, he should send them to him. 

Four days after, J. Oldham’s two boys were sent home 
by one of Miantonimo’s men, with a letter from Mr. 
Williams, that Miantonimo had caused the sachem of 
Niantick to send to Block Island for them, and that he 
had near one hundred fathom of peag, and much other 
goods of Oldham’s, which should be reserved for them : 
and three of the seven, that were drow ned, were sachems, 
and that one of the two which was hired by the Niantick 
sachem was dead also. So they wrote back to have the 
rest of those which were necessary to be sent, and the 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


251 


rest of the goods ; and that he should tell Canonicus and 
Miantonimo that they held them innocent, but the six 
other sachems were guilty. 

Lieut. Gibbons and Mr. Higginson were sent soon af¬ 
ter, with Cushammakin,* the sachem of the Massachu¬ 
setts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the murder 
of J. Oldham. They returned with acceptance and 
good success of their business ; observing in the sachem 
much state, great command of his men, and marvellous 
wisdom in his answers ; and in the carriage of the whole 
treaty clearing himself and his neighbours of the mur¬ 
der, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and 
wary conditions. 

The governour and council having soon after assem¬ 
bled the rest of the magistrates, and the ministers to ad¬ 
vise with them about doing justice for Oldham’s death, 
they ail agreed that it should be done with all expedi¬ 
tion : and accordingly on the 25th of August following, 
eighty or ninety men were sent out under the command 
of Mr. Endicot, as is declared in the narrative of the war 
with the Pequods. 

The Narragansets told them afterwards, that there 
were thirteen Pequods killed in the expedition, and for¬ 
ty wounded, and but one of the Block Islanders slain. 

Miantonimo soon after sent a messenger to them with 
a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify that they had ta¬ 
ken one of the Indians, who had broken prison, and had 
him safe for them, when they should send for him, (as 
they had before sent to him for that end,) and that the 
other had stolen away, (not knowing, it seems, that he 
was their prisoner,) and that, according to their promise, 
they would not entertain any of that island, which should 
come to them : but they conceived it was rather in love 
to him whom they concealed, for he had been his scr- 
vant formerly. But when they sent for those two Indians, 
one was sent them, but the other was said to be dead be¬ 
fore the messenger came. But the Pequods harboured 
those of Block Island, and therefore justly brought the 
revenge of the English upon them. 

* Cushamaquin , Hutch. Kitchmakin , Blake. Ctctshamoguin , Eliot. Ed. 




GENERAL HISTORY 


Amongst those soldiers that were sent under Capt. 
Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook fort, 
and were appointed to stay there, to defend the place 
against the Pequods. After the said Capt. and the rest 
were departed, those twenty lay wind bound in the Pe- 
quod harbour; and in the mean while went all of them 
ashore, with sacks to fetch some of the Pequods’ corn. 
And having fetched each man one sack full to their boat, 
they returned for more; and having loaded themselves, 
the Indians set upon them : so they laid down their corn, 
and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians shot 
their arrows against them. The place was open, about the 
distance of a musket shot. The Indians kept the cov¬ 
ert, save when they came forth ten at a time and dis¬ 
charged their arrows. The English put themselves in a 
single file, and some ten only, that had pieces that could 
reach them, shot; the others stood ready to keep them 
from breaking in. So they continued most part of the 
afternoon. The English, as they supposed, killed divers 
of them, and hurt others, and the Indians wounded but 
one of the English, who was armed, all the rest being 
without. For they shot their arrows compass wise, so 
as they could easily see and avoid them standing single 5 
and one always gathered up their arrows: at the last the, 
Indians being weary of the sport, gave the English leave 
to retire to their boat. This was in October, 1036. 

About two days after, five men of Saybrook went up 
the river about four miles, to fetch hay out of a meadow 
on the Pequod side. The grass was so high, as some Pe¬ 
quods, hiding themselves in it, set upon the English be¬ 
fore they were aware, and took one that had hay on his 
back. The rest fled to their boat: one of them had five ar¬ 
rows in him, yet recovered. He that was taken was a 
goodly young man, whose name was Butterfield, where¬ 
upon the meadow was ever after called Butterfield’s 
meadow, 

“ Icarus Icariis nomina dedit aquis.” 

About fourteen days after, six of the soldiers were 
sent out of the fort to keep an house, which they had set 


<&F NEW ENGLAND. 


S5S 


up in a corn field, about two miles from the fort. Three 
of them went forth a fowling, which the Lieut, had 
strictly forbidden them ; two had pieces, and the third 
only a sword ; when suddenly about an hundred Indians 
came out of the covert, and set upon them. He who had 
the sword brake through, and received only two shot, 
and those not dangerous, and so escaped to the house, 
which was not a bow shot off, and persuaded the other 
two to follow him; but they staid still, till the Indians 
came and took them, and carried them away with their 
pieces. Soon after they beat down the said house and 
out houses, and hay stacks, and within a bow shot of the 
fort killed a cow, and shot divers others, which came 
home with arrows sticking in them. 

Soon after this, Miantonimo, sachem of the Narra- 
gansets, came to Boston, (being sent for by the govern- 
our,) with two of Canonicus’s sons, and another sachem, 
and near twenty of their men, whom they call sannaps. 
The governour having notice by Cushamakin, the Mas¬ 
sachusetts governour sent twenty musketeers to Roxbu- 
ry to meet them. They came to Boston about noon, 
where the governour hau called together all the magis¬ 
trates and ministers to give countenance to their pro¬ 
ceedings, and to advise about the terms of peace. Af¬ 
ter dinner, Miantonimo declared what he had to say to 
them in several propositions, which w r ere to this effect: 
That they had always loved the English, and now desired 
a firm peace with them, and that they would continue 
war with the Pequods and their confederates, till they 
were subdued, and desired that the English would do so 
too; promising to deliver their enemies to them, or kill 
them, and two months after to send them a present. The 
governour told them they should have an answer the 
next morning, which was done, upon articles subscribed 
by him ; and they also subscribed with him, wherein a 
firm peace was concluded: but because they could not 
make them well understand the articles, they told them 
they would send a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who 
could best interpret the same to them. So, after dinner. 


©ENERAL HISTORY 


they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by 
some musketeers, and dismissed with a volley of shot. 

The articles here follow. 

1 . “A firm peace betwixt them and their friends on 
cither part, (if they consent,) and their confederates, (if 
they will observe the articles,) and their posterity. 

2 . “ Neither part to make peace with the Pequods 
without the other’s consent. 

8 . “ Not to harbour any of the Pequods. 

4 . “ To put to death or deliver up any of the murder¬ 
ers of the English. 

5. “Toreturn fugitive servants. 

6 . “ The English to give them notice when they go 
out against the Pequods, and the other to send them 
guides. 

7. “ Free trade to be between them. 

8 . “ None of them to come near the English planta¬ 
tions, during the war with the Pequods, without some 
Englishman or known Indian. 

9. “ To continue to the posterity of both parts.” 

These articles were indifferently well observed by the 

Narragansets, till the Pequods, their mortal enemies, 
were totally subdued; but then they began to grow in¬ 
solent and treacherous, especially this Miantonimo him¬ 
self, as will appear in the sequel. 

Cushamakin also, the sachem of the Massachusetts, 
subscribed those articles with the English. 

The issue of the Pequod war is related in a discourse 
by itself, which may be annexed to this history, and 
therefore is here passed over, only with this intimation, 
that they were wholly rooted out of their country, or 
made to shelter themselves under the neighbouring sa¬ 
chems. About seven hundred of them thought to be de¬ 
stroyed ; and Sassachus, their chief sachem, flying with 
twenty of his men that escaped at the last fight, to the 
Mohawks, were all killed by them, and Sassachus his 
scalp sent down to the English. 

On the 12th of July, 1637, one Aganemo, a sachem of 
the Niantick Indians, (who were a branch of the Narra- 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


gansets,) came to Boston with seventeen of his men. He 
made divers propositions to the English, which they took 
into consideration, and promised to give him an answer 
the next day. But finding that he had rescued divers of 
the Pequods, submitting to him since the last defeat, 
they first demand the delivery of them ; which he stick¬ 
ing at, they refused further conference with him: but 
the next morning he came and offered what they desired. 
So the governour referred him to the captains at the Pe- 
quod country, and wrote instructions to them how to deal 
with him. So receiving his ten fathom of vvampam, 
they friendly dismissed him. 

In July, 1638, Uncus, the sachem of the Mohegins, 
having entertained some of the Pequods, came to the 
governour at Boston with a present, and was much de¬ 
jected because that it was not at first accepted. But af¬ 
terward, the governour and council being satisfied about 
his innocency, they accepted it; whereupon he promised 
to submit to the order of the English, both touching the 
Pequods he had received, and as concerning the differ¬ 
ences betwixt the Narragansets and himself, and con¬ 
firmed all with this compliment. “ This heart,” said he, 
(laying his hand upon his heart,) “is not mine, but yours; 
command me any difficult service, and I will do it. I 
have no men, but they are all yours. I will never believe 
any Indian against the English any more.” And so he 
continued forever after, as may be seen in the following 
transactions between the Indians and the English: where¬ 
upon he was dismissed with some small reward, and 
went home very joyful, carrying a letter of protection for 
himself and his men, through the English plantations. 

CHAP. XXXV. 

The state of affairs in the Massachusetts , Anno 1636, 
while Mr. Fane was governour . 

With how much applause soever Mr. Vane was ad¬ 
vanced to the governour’s place, and at the first manag¬ 
ed the ^ame ; yet in the latter end of the year, perceiv- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ing that there was much discontent in the minds of men* 
occasioned by different opinions in religion, then stirring 
in the country, the blame of which was in a great meas¬ 
ure imputed to himself, he grew weary of the govern¬ 
ment, and was ready to take any occasion offered, to be 
freed therefrom. For in December, receiving letters 
from his friends, which necessarily required his presence 
there, he imparted the same to the council, (which at 
that time consisted but of two, besides himself,) and 
some others; and thereupon being resolved of his return 
for England, he called a court of deputies, to the end he 
might have free leave of the country. They being as¬ 
sembled in court, and himself declaring the necessity of 
his departure, and those of the council affirming the rea¬ 
sons to be very urgent, though not fit to be imparted to 
the whole court, they desired respite to consider thereof 
till the morning; when being assembled again, one of 
the assistants using some pathetical expressions of the 
loss of such a governour in time of such danger, as did 
hang over them from the Indians and Frenchmen, the 
governour brake forth into tears, and professed, that 
howsoever the causes, propounded for his departure, did 
concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would 
rather have hazarded all, than have gone from them at such 
a time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz. 
the inevitable danger of God’s judgments, which he fear¬ 
ed were coming upon them, for the differences and dis- 
sentions which he saw amongst them, and the scandal¬ 
ous imputation brought upon himself, as if he should be 
the cause of all; and therefore he thought it were best 
for him to give place for a time. Upon this the court 
concluded it would not be fit to give way to his depar¬ 
ture upon those grounds; whereupon he recalled him¬ 
self, and professed, that the reasons concerning his own 
estate were sufficient, (to his own satisfaction,) for his 
departure,-and therefore desired the court he, might have 
leave to go. As for the other passage it slipped from him 
out of passion, and not out of judgment: upon this the 
court consented silently to his departure. And in point 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


257 


of prudence it had been much better for himself, as well 
as for the country, to have taken that occasion of remov¬ 
ing, rather than to have been in a manner thrust away, 
as things fell out afterwards ; but man knoweth not his 
time. But then the question in the court was about 
supply of his place. Some were of opinion that it should 
be executed by the deputy ; but this scruple being cast 
in, that if the deputy should die, then the government 
would be vacated, and none have power to call a court, 
or preside therein, it was agreed therefore to call a court 
of election, for a new governour and deputy, in case the 
present deputy should be chosen governour : and an 
order was made, (in regard of the season,) that such as 
would, might send their votes by proxy, in papers, seal¬ 
ed up, and delivered to the deputies. And so their court 
was adjourned four days; and two days after, the court 
of election was to assemble. These things having thus 
passed in the court, divers of the congregation at Boston 
met together, and agreed that they did not apprehend 
the necessity of the goverriour’s departure upon the rea¬ 
sons alleged, and sent some of them to declare the same 
to the court; whereby it may be observed by the way, 
that politicians were not much mistaken, when they ac¬ 
counted that the crosier as well as the distaff, i. e. that 
persons led by their private passions and particular in¬ 
terests, would always be found but as a broken reed for 
a state to lean upon. But to return : by these insinua¬ 
tions the governour was so overpowered, that he ex¬ 
pressed himself to be such an obedient child of the 
church, that notwithstanding the license of the court, yet 
without the leave of the church he durst not go away. 
Whereupon a great part of the court and country who 
understood hereof, declared their purpose to continue 
him still in his place; and therefore so soon as the day 
of election came, and the countrymen assembled, it was 
thought the best way for avoiding of trouble not to pro¬ 
ceed to election, but to adjourn the court, intended for 
election, to the great general court in May. And so the 
court of deputies continued still to consider of such 
33 


358 


GENERAL HISTORY 


things, as were then most needful to be attended; which 
were the differences up and down the country in matters 
of religion, which had at that time so far prevailed, that 
men’s affections began strongly to be engaged in them : 
so as if at any time any matter about those new opin¬ 
ions was mentioned in the court, they were presently di¬ 
vided, although far the greater part held firm to their 
former principles. And at the general court, held at 
Boston, March 9th, 1636, so much heat of contention 
appeared between the opposite parties, that it was mov¬ 
ed, that the next general court, which was the court of 
election, might be kept at New-Town, which went so 
against the grain with Mr. Vane, the governour, that he 
refused to put it to vote; nor was the deputy forward to 
do it, except the court would require him, because he 
dwelt at Boston; so the court put it to Mr. Endicot, 
who putting it to vote, it was presently carried in the af¬ 
firmative : and accordingly that next court of election, 
which fell on the 17th day of May, was kept at New- 
Town, Anno 1636. When the day came and the court 
sat, which was not till one of the clock in the afternoon, 
a petition was preferred by those of Boston. The govern¬ 
our was to have it read; but the deputy said it was out 
of order, it was a court of election, and that must first be 
dispatched, (as had been done once before, when the 
reading of petitions was laid aside till the election was 
over,) and then the petition should be heard: divers 
others also opposed that course, as an ill precedent. And 
the petition, being about pretence of liberty, (though in¬ 
tended chiefly for revoking the sentence at the last court, 
passed against Mr. Wheelwright,) would have spent all 
the day in debate. But yet the governour, and those of 
that party, would not proceed to election, except the pe¬ 
tition were read. Much time was already spent about 
the debate, and the people crying out for election, it was 
moved by the deputy that the people should divide 
themselves, and the greater number must carry it. And 
so it w r as done, and the greater number by many was 
for election. But the governour and that side kept their 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


259 


places still, and would not proceed; whereupon the dep¬ 
uty told him, that if he would not go to election, he and 
the rest of that side would proceed. Upon that he came 
from his company, and they went to election, and Mr. 
Winthrop was chosen governour, Mr. Dudley deputy 
governour, and Mr. Endicot of the standing council; 
and Mr. Israel Stoughton, and Mr. Richard Saitonstall 
were called to be assistants ; and Mr. Vane, and Mr. 
Haugh, and Mr. Dummer, and Mr. Coddington, (being 
all of one profession in the matters of difference,) were 
left quite out. There was great danger of a tumult that 
day, for those of the opposite party grew into fierce 
speeches, and some began to lay hands on others, but 
seeing themselves too weak they grew quiet. They 
expected a great advantage that day, because the remote 
towns were allowed to come in by proxy ; but it fell out 
that there were enough besides. And if it had been 
otherwise, they must have put in their deputies, (as oth¬ 
er towns had done,) for all matters beside election. And 
Boston having deferred to choose their deputies till the 
election was past, went home that night, and the next 
morning sent for deputies, Mr. Vane, the late governour, 
Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Haugh* But the court not 
being pleased thereat, found means to send them home 
again, because all the freemen had not notice of the time 
of their choice. But the freemen of Boston making the 
same choice the next time, they could not be rejected. 
Upon the election of the new governour, the serjeants 
that had attended the former governour to the court with 
their halberds, (which was a respect put upon Mr. Vane, 
and never upon any governour before,) laid them down, 
and went home, and refused to attend the governour to 
and from the meeting on the Lord’s days, as they were 
wont; sous the governour made use of his own ser¬ 
vants in their room, to carry two halberds before him, 
(never affecting to seek great things for himself,) though 
Mr. Vane had never less than four. The country pre¬ 
ferred to supply the defect of Boston, but the governour 
made use of his own servants. 


260 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Mr. Vane, howsoever he had forced himself to put on 
so much self denial, as to sit among the deputies, who 
the year before had been the governour, (not being un¬ 
willing, as he professed, to serve the church of God in 
the meanest capacity,) showed much discontent that the 
people had left him out of all publick office; of which 
he made evident proof, by seating himself the next Lord’s 
day among the deacons, as did Mr. Coddington also, 
though he had used, ever since he came first into the 
country, to sit among the magistrates, and was at this 
time sent to, by the governour, to sit with him. And 
upon the general fast soon after, he and some others, viz. 
Mr,. Coddington, &c. went from Boston to keep the day 
at the Mount, where Mr. Wheelwright exercised. 

A further occasion of die discontent of that party, was 
an order made at that session of the court, imposing a 
penalty upon any such as should entertain such as were 
not allowed by some of the magistrates; it being prob¬ 
able that they expected many of their opinion to come 
out of England to them. 

Upon the account of this order, and some other dif¬ 
ferences between the governour and those of Boston, at 
his return from the court, none of them met him, nor 
would any of the four serjeants, that used to attend the 
former governour to all publick meetings, do any such 
office to him, alleging that they had done it to the former 
governour voluntarily, in respect of his person, and not 
of his place. But herein they shewed more of stomach 
than wisdom ; for a compliment of honour, once con¬ 
ferred on any office, (though voluntarily,) ^cannot after 
be taken away without contempt and injury; it is the 
place that drowns the person, be he honourable or base. 
But the governour being a wise man, could easily over¬ 
look these things; and in a little time, those that were 
so disgusted against him, put more honour upon him, 
than ever before. They that honour God, shall be hon¬ 
oured of him. For in the end of the year 1639, there 
appeared a great change in the church at Boston; for 
whereas they were the year or two before so attached to 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


261 

Mr. Wheelwright, and Mr. Hutchinson, and those new 
opinions, as they extremely slighted both him and Mr. 
Wilson their pastor, looking at them as men under a cov¬ 
enant of works, and as their greatest enemies; but they 
bearing all patiently, and not withdrawing themselves, 
(as they were strongly solicited to have done,) but car* 
rying themselves lovingly and helpfully upon all occa. 
sions, the Lord brought about the hearts of all the peo¬ 
ple to love and esteem them, more than ever before, so 
as all breaches were then made up, and the church saved 
from ruin, beyond ail expectation; which could in rea¬ 
son hardly have been, if those two had not been guided 
by the Lord to that moderation, &c. And the church 
at this time, to manifest their hearty affection to the gov- 
ernour, (upon the occasion of some straits he was brought 
into, through the unfaithfulness of feis bailiff,) sent him 
two hundred pounds, as an undoubted testimony there¬ 
of. 

And during the present dissatisfaction of them about 
Boston, the other towns no whit abated, but rather a- 
bounded in their respect to the said governour, guarding 
of him from town to town as he travelled that summer, 
1637, to Ipswich; the inhabitants coming to meet him 
in every place as he passed along, though it were neith¬ 
er desired, nor expected by himself. 

There was news this year of a commission granted in 
England to divers gentlemen on the place, for the gov¬ 
erning New England; but instead thereof, they receiv¬ 
ed a commission from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to gov¬ 
ern his province of New Somersetshire, or the Province 
of Maine, which is from Pascataqua river to Sagade- 
hock ; and withal to oversee his servants and private af¬ 
fairs, which was not a little wondered at by some, that 
knew how he had carried it towards the Massachusetts 
before. But it passed in silence, they excusing them¬ 
selves from intermeddling in his business; because of five 
or six, named in the said commission, there waspne mis¬ 
taken, and another removed to Connecticut: nor did it 
appear to them what authority he had to grant such a 


2Q2 


GENERAL HISTORY 


commission. But as for the commission from the king, 
they received only a copy of it; the commission itself 
staid at the seal, for want of paying the fees, by them 
that procured it. 

In the latter end of the summer, 1637, Mr, Vane re¬ 
turned for England, and the Lord Ley, (son of the Earl 
of Marlborough, who came the same year to see the 
country,) in his company. He had great respect shown 
him at his departure, by several volleys of shot from 
the foot soldiers, that accompanied him to the boat, 
which he deserved as a gentleman of good deportment; 
the governour also then being at the court at New- 
Town, yet left order with the captains for his honourable 
dismission. 

CHAP. XXXVI. 

Troublesome occurrences in New England in the years 
1637, 1638. Their patent undermined by some in 
England ; demanded by the Lords of the committee for 
foreign plantations . The answer of the Massachu¬ 

setts . 

On the 26th of June, 1637, arrived two great ships 
from London, with whom came Mr. Eaton and Mr. 
Hopkins, merchants of London, men of fair estates, and 
of great esteem for religion, and wisdom in other affairs, 
with the reverend and famous Mr. Davenport, and oth¬ 
er ministers and people of good note: who the next 
year removed out of this jurisdiction, to plant beyond 
Connecticut, being much taken with an opinion of the 
fruitfulness of the place, and with the remoteness from 
the Massachusetts; hoping thereby to be out of the 
reach of a general governour, which at that time was 
much spoken of. It was at first feared to prove a great 
weakening to the Massachusetts colony ; but since, they 
have taken notice of a special providence of God there¬ 
in. All possible means had been used to accommodate 
them there; Newbury offered them their whole town, 
and the court any place that was free; but they desired 
a greater breadth than there could be afforded. But 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


268 


their removal to the southward was looked upon after¬ 
ward as advantageous, both for possessing those parts 
which lay open for an enemy, and for strengthening their 
friends at Connecticut, and for making room for others 
who were daily expected out of England. It was ac¬ 
counted that twenty ships arrived there in the year 1638, 
who brought about three thousand passengers with them, 
who might the more easily, some of them, be accommo¬ 
dated about the Bay, when others were so far removed 
before. 

The comming in of these ships was the more joyfully 
received, because many this year were afraid of a stop 
in England, to the coming of any ships at all, by rea¬ 
son of the complaint made against them in the year 1632,* 
forementioned, and about this time renewed—especially 
by Mr. Burdet, of Pascataqua; a copy of whose letter 
to the archbishop was found in his study, to this effect; 
that he delayed to go to England, that he might fully in¬ 
form himself of the state of the place as to allegiance, 
for it was not new discipline that was aimed at, but sove¬ 
reignty ; and that it was accounted perjury and treason 
in their general court, to speak of appeals to the king. 
By the first ships that came this year, a letter came from 
the archbishop to the said Burdet, rendering him thanks 
for the care of his Majesty’s service, and that they would 
take a time for the redress of such disorders, as he in¬ 
formed them of; but by reason of much business that 
now lay upon them, they could not at this time accom¬ 
plish his desire. This letter to Burdet was, by some 
strange providence, shown to the governour of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, as was a copy of his letter to the archbishop, 
whereby his designs were discovered. 

For it seems complaints were still carried on against 
New England, so as in the year 1635 a commission was 
granted to several lords to regulate the plantation of 
New England : a copy of which here follows, togeth¬ 
er with the copy of the order of the Lords Commission¬ 
ers, for sending over the patent, with Mr. Winthrop’s 
answer thereunto. 

* 1632 or 1635. See pa.^e 151—154. Ed. 


general history 


A copy of the commission for regulating plantations • 

“ CHARLES, BY THE GRACE OF GOD, OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, FRANCE, AND 
IRELAND, KING, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &C. 

“ To the right reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well 
beloved Counsellor, William, by the providence of God, Arch¬ 
bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all Eng¬ 
land ; to our right trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Thomas 
Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the great seal of England ; to 
our right reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well be¬ 
loved Counsellor, Richard, by the providence of God Arch¬ 
bishop of York, Primate and Metropolitan of England ; to our 
right trusty and well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, Richard, 
Earl of Portland, and high Treasurer of England ; Henry, Earl 
of Manchester, keeper of the privy seal; Thomas, Earl of A- 
rundel and Surry, Earl Marshal of England; Edward, Earl of 
Dorset, Chamberlain to our most dear consort, the Queen; and 
to our trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Francis, "Lord Cot- 
tington, Chamberlain and under Treasurer of our exchequer; 
Thomas Edmunds, Knight, Treasurer of our household ; John 
Cooke, Knight, one of our principal Secretaries of state, and 
Francis Windebank, another of our principal Secretaries of 
state: Greeting. 

“ Whereas, divers of the subjects of us, and our late 
dear Father, King James, of famous memory, late of 
England King, by virtue of our royal authority, granted 
not only to enlarge the territories of our empire, but 
more especially to propagate the gospel of our Lord Je¬ 
sus Christ, having with the exceeding industry and 
charge deduced great numbers of the people of England, 
into sundry colonies, in several places of the world, ei¬ 
ther altogether desert, and unpeopled, or enjoyed by 
savage and barbarous nations, void of all manner of 
knowledge of Almighty God: We being graciously j leas¬ 
ed to provide for the ease and tranquillity of the said sub¬ 
jects, and reposing assured confidence in your fidelity, 
wisdom, justice, and providence, do constitute you, our 
said Arch-bishop of Canterbury, &c. or any five or more 
of you, our Counsellors ; and to you, or to any five or 
more of you, do commit and give power of protection 
and government, as well over the said English colonies 
already planted, as over all such other colonies, which 
by any of our people of England hereafter shall be de- 


©F NEW ENGLAND* 


265 


duced into any other like parts whatsoever, and power 
to make laws, ordinances, and constitutions, concerning 
either the state publick of the said colonies, or utility of 
private persons, and their lands, goods, debts, and suc¬ 
cession, within the precincts of the same, and for order¬ 
ing and directing of them in their demeanors towards 
foreign princes, and their people ; and likewise towards 
us and our subjects, as within any foreign parts whatso¬ 
ever beyond the seas, as during their voyages, or upon 
the seas to and from the same. 

“ And for relief and support of the clergy, and the rule 
and cure of the souls of our people living in those parts, 
and for consigning of convenient maintenance unto them 
by tithes, oblations, and other profits accruing, accord¬ 
ing to your good discretion, with the advice of two or 
three of our bishops, whom you shall think fit to call un¬ 
to your consultations, touching the distribution of such 
maintenance unto the clergy, and all other matters eccle¬ 
siastical ; and to inflict punishment upon all offenders or 
violators of the constitutions and ordinances, either fey 
imprisonment or other restraint, or by loss of life or 
member, according as the quality of the offence shall re¬ 
quire; with power also, (our royal assent being there¬ 
unto first had and obtained,) to remove all governours and 
presidents of the said colonies, (upon just cause appear¬ 
ing,) from their several places, and to appoint others in 
their stead, and also to require and take account of them, 
touching their office and government; and whom you 
shall find delinquents you shall punish, either by depriv¬ 
ing them of their several places and provinces, over which 
they are appointed, or by pecuniary mulcts and penal¬ 
ties, or otherwise, according to the qualities of the of¬ 
fences ; and power also to ordain temporal judges and 
civil magistrates, to determine of civil causes, with such 
powers, in such a form, as to you, or any five or more of 
you, shall seem expedient; and also to ordain judges, 
magistrates, and officers for and concerning courts ec¬ 
clesiastical, with such power, and such a form, as to 
you, or any five or more of you, with the advice of the 
34 


266 


GENERAL HISTORY 


bishops, suffragan to the archbishop of Canterbury for 
the time being, shall be held meet; and power to consti¬ 
tute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice, both ec¬ 
clesiastical and civil, with such power, and, in them, form 
of judicature, and manner of process and appeals from 
and to the said courts, in all cases and matters, as well 
criminal as civil, both personal, real, and mixt, and 
touching the determination pertaining to any courts of 
justice, ecclesiastical and civil, to judge thereof and de¬ 
termine. Provided, nevertheless, the said laws, ordinan¬ 
ces, and constitutions, shall not be put in execution until 
our royal assent, expressed under our sign at least, be 
first thereunto had and obtained ; the which our royal as¬ 
sent so obtained, together with the said laws, ordinan¬ 
ces, and constitutions, being published and proclaimed in 
the provinces in which they are to be executed, the said 
laws, ordinances, and constitutions from thenceforth shall 
be in force in law. And we do hereby will and com¬ 
mand all persons whom it shall concern, inviolably to 
keep and observe the same. Notwithstanding it may 
and shall be lawful to you, and every five and more of 
you, with our royal assent, the said laws, ordinances, and 
constitutions, (though so published and proclaimed as 
aforesaid,) to alter, revoke, and repeal, and other new 
laws, he. in form aforesaid from time to time, to make 
and publish as aforesaid, and to new and growing evils 
and perils to apply new remedies, in such manner, and so 
often, as unto you shall appear to be necessary and ex¬ 
pedient. 

“ Know ye also, that we do constitute you, the said 
Archbishop of Canterbury, he. and every five or more 
of you, our committees, according to your good discre¬ 
tions, to hear and determine all complaints, at the in¬ 
stance and suit of the party grieved, whether it be against 
the whole colonies themselves, or any governour or of¬ 
ficer of the same, or whether complaint touching wrongs 
exhibited or depending, either between the whole bod¬ 
ies of the colonies, or any private member thereof, and 
to summon the parties before you, and they or their pro- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


£67 

curators or agents being on both sides heard, finally to 
determine thereof according to justice: giving moreo¬ 
ver and granting to you, and any five or more of you, 
that if it shall appear that any officer or governour of the 
said colonies shall injuriously intend and usurp upon 
the authority, power, or possessions of any other, or 
shall unjustly wrong one another, or shall not suppress 
all rebels to us, or such as shall not obey our commands, 
that then it shall be lawful, (upon advice with ourself 
first had,) for the causes aforesaid, or upon any other just 
reason, to remand, and cause the offender to return in¬ 
to England, or into any other place, accordingas in your 
good discretions you shall think just and necessary. 

“ And we do furthermore give unto you, or any five 
or more of you, Letters Patents, and other writings, what¬ 
soever of us, or of our royal predecessor granted for, or 
concerning the planting of any colonies, in any countries, 
provinces, islands, or territories whatsoever, beyond the 
seas; and if upon view thereof, the same shall appear to 
you, or any five or more of you, to have been surrepti¬ 
tiously and unduly obtained, or that any privileges or 
liberties therein granted be hurtful, or prejudicial to us, 
our crown, or prerogative royal, or to any foreign prin¬ 
ces, to cause the same, according to the laws and cus¬ 
toms of our realm of England to be revoked, and to do 
all other things which shall be necessary for tiie whole¬ 
some government and protection of the said colonies, 
and of our people therein abiding. 

“ Wherefore, we command you, that you diligently 
intend the premises, at such times and places which 
yourselves for that purpose shall appoint, charging also, 
and firmly commanding, all and singular, presidents of 
provinces within the aforesaid colonies now planted, or 
to be planted, and all and every the said colonies them¬ 
selves, and all other persons whom it doth concern, that 
they attend you in the premises, and be obedient to your 
'commands touching the same, so often as they shall be 
thereunto required, at their peril. In witness whereof, 
we caused these our letters Ur be made patent. Wit- 


268 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ness ourself at Westminster, 28th day of April, in the 
tenth year of our reign.” 


A copy of a letter sent by the appointment of the Lords of 
the Council , to Mr . IVinthrop , for the patent of this 
plantation to be sent to them. 

At Whitehall , April 4 th> 1638. 


PRESENT 

Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Lord Keeper, 

Lord Treasurer, 

Lord Privy Seal, 

Earl Marshal, 

Earl of Dorset, 


Earl of Holland, 

Lord Cottington, 

Mr. Treasurer, 

Mr. Comptroller, 

Mr. Secretary Cooke, 
Mr* Sec. Windebank. 


<c This day the Lords Commissioners for foreign 
plantations, taking into consideration that the petitions 
and complaints of his Majesty’s subjects, planters and 
traders in New England, grow more frequent than here¬ 
tofore, for want of a settled and orderly government in 
those parts; and calling to mind that they had formerly 
given order, about two or three years since, to Mr. Cra- 
dock, a member of the plantation, to cause the grant, or 
letters patent for that plantation, (alleged by him to be 
there remaining, in the hands of Mr. Winthrop,) to be 
sent over hither; and that notwithstanding the same, the 
said letters patent were not, as yet, brought over : and 
their lordships being now informed by Mr. Attorney 
General, that a quo warranto had been bv him brought 
according to former order, against the said patent, and 
the same was proceeded to judgment against so many 
as had appeared, and that they which had not appeared 
were outlawed : 

“ Their lordships, well approving of Mr. Attorney’s 
care and proceeding therein, did now resolve and order, 
that Mr. Meavvt.es, clerk of the council, attendant upon 
the said commissioners for foreign plantations, should, 
in a letter from himself to Mr. Winthrop, inclose and 
convey this order unto him. And their lordships 
hereby, in his Majesty’s name, and according to his ex* 


•F NEW ENGLAND. 


269 


press will and pleasure, strictly require and enjoin the 
said Winthrop, or any other in whose power or custody 
the said letters patents are, that they fail not to transmit 
the said patent hither by the return of the ship, in which 
the order is conveyed to them ; it being resolved that in 
case of any further neglect or contempt by them shewed 
therein, their lordships will cause a strict course to be 
taken against them, and will move his Majesty to reas¬ 
sume into his hands the whole plantation.” 

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN PLAN¬ 
TATIONS. 

The humble petition of the Massachusetts , in New Eng¬ 
land , in the general court there assembled , the 6th day 
of September - in the fourteenth year of the reign of our 
Sovereign Lord , King Charles . 

“ Whereas, it hath pleased your Lordships, by order 
of the 4th of April last, to require our patent to be sent 
unto you ; we do here humbly and sincerely profess, that 
we are ready to yield all due obedience to our Sovereign 
Lord the King’s Majesty, and to your Lordships under 
him, and in this mind we left our native country, and 
according thereunto hath been our practice ever since; 
so as we are much grieved that your Lordships should 
call in our patent, there being no cause known to us for 
that purpose, our government being settled according to 
his Majesty’s grant, and we not answerable for any de¬ 
fect in other plantations. This is that which his Ma¬ 
jesty’s subjects do believe and profess, and therefore we 
are all humble suitors to your Lordships, that you would 
be pleased to take into further consideration our condi¬ 
tion, and to afford unto us the liberties of subjects, that 
we may know what is laid to our charge, and have leave 
and time to answer for ourselves before we be condemn¬ 
ed as a people unworthy of his Majesty’s favour or pro¬ 
tection. As for the quo warranto mentioned in the said 
order, we do assure your Lordships, that we were nev¬ 
er called to make answer to it, and if we had, we doubt 
not but we have a sufficient plea to put in. 

It is not unknown to your Lordships that we came 


GENERAL HISTORY 


$70 

into these remote parts with his Majesty’s license and 
encouragement, under his great seal of England, and in 
the confidence we had of the great assurance of his fa¬ 
vour, we have transported our families and estates, and 
here have we built and planted, to the great enlargement 
and securing of his Majesty’s dominions in these parts, 
so as if our patent should be now taken from us, we 
should be looked at as runagates and outlaws, and shall 
be enforced either to remove to some other place, or to 
return to our native country again, either of which will 
put us to insuperable extremities; and these evils, (a- 
mong others,) will necessarily follow : 

1. “ Many thousand souls will be exposed to ruin, 
being laid open to the injuries of all men. 

2. “ If we be forced to desert the place, the rest of 
the plantations about us, (being too weak to subsist a- 
lone,) will for the most part dissolve and go along with 
us, and then will this whole country fall into the hands of 
French or .Dutch, who would speedily embrace such an 
opportunity. 

5. “ If we should lose all our labour and cost, and 
be deprived of those liberties which his Majesty hath 
granted us, and nothing laid to our charge, nor any fail¬ 
ing to be found in us in point of allegiance, (which all 
our countrymen do take notice of, and we justify our 
faithfulness in this behalf,) it will discourage all men 
hereafter from the like undertakings upon confidence of 
his Majesty’s royal grant. 

4. “ Lastly, if our patent be taken from us, (where¬ 
by we suppose we may claim interest in his Majesty’s 
favour and protection,) the common people here will 
conceive that his Majesty hath cast them off, and that 
hereby they are freed from their allegiance and subjec¬ 
tion, and thereupon will be ready to confederate them¬ 
selves under a new government, for their necessary safe¬ 
ty and subsistence, which will be of dangerous example 
unto other plantations, and perilous to ourselves, of in¬ 
curring his Majesty’s displeasure, which we would by 
all means avoid. Upon these considerations we are bold 


or NEW ENGLAND. 


%1i 

to renew our humble supplication to your Lordships, 
that we may be suffered to live here in this wilderness, 
and that this poor plantation, which hath found more fa¬ 
vour with God than many other, may not find less favour 
from your Lordships, that our liberties should be re¬ 
strained, when others are enlarged; that the door should 
be kept shut upon us, while it stands open to all other 
plantations; that men of ability should be debarred from 
us, while they have encouragement to other colonies. 
We do not question your Lordships’ proceedings, we on¬ 
ly desire to open our griefs where the remedy is to be 
expected. If in any thing we have offended his Majesty 
and your Lordships, we humbly prostrate ourselves at 
the footstool of supreme authority. 

“ Let us be made the objects of his Majesty’s clem¬ 
ency, and not cut off in our first appeal from all hope of 
favour. Thus with our earnest prayers unto the King 
of kings for long life and prosperity to his sacred Majes¬ 
ty, and his royal family, and for all honour and welfare 
to your Lordships, we humbly take leave. 

“ This is a true copy, compared with the original on file, 
as attests Edward Rawson, Secretary.” 

The Lords Commissioners, to whom the letter above 
written from Mr. Winthrop was directed, either rested 
satisfied in what was therein alleged, and so made no 
further demand of returning the patent; or otherwise, 
which some think more probable, concernments of an 
higher nature intervening in that juncture of time, gave 
a supersedeas to that design and intendment. For this 
business upon some consideration or other had been in 
hand ever since the year 1634; though it had been 
overlooked by the interposition possibly of matters of 
greater moment to this year, 1638, when the foresaid 
letter was sent over to the governour of the Massachu¬ 
setts. For it seems that in or near the year 1635, upon 
the petition of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, and 
others, the whole matter came to be examined before his 
Majesty and the privy council, at which time his Majes¬ 
ty was pleased to give command, that the great council 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of New England, commonly called the Council of Plym* 
outh, should give an account by what authority, and by 
whose procurement, those of the Massachusetts were 
sent over. The said council pleaded ignorance of the 
matter, which yet is not to be understood of all of them, 
for Sir Ferdinando Gorges’s history, printed Anno 1658, 
(and himself was one of that number,) makes mention 
how himself was instrumental to procure a liberty for 
settling a colony in New England, within the limits of 
the said council of Plymouth, and that the Earl of War¬ 
wick wrote to himself to condescend thereunto; and 
thereupon, as he adds, he gave his approbation, and that 
the king was pleased to enlarge the grant of the said 
council, and confirmed the same by the great seal. 
However, upon complaint afterwards of disturbance like 
to follow, it was ordered by the king’s command, that 
none should go over thither without license, because of 
divers sects and schisms, that were said to be amongst 
them; on which account some were not backward to 
suggest a doubt, that they might shake off the royal ju¬ 
risdiction, as they had done the ecclesiastical govern¬ 
ment. 

Things proceeding after this sort, the motion that 
was made by some, for the council of Plymouth to re¬ 
sign up their grand charter, did the sooner take place ; 
so as on the 25th of April, 1635, a declaration was put 
forth by the said council for the surrender of their char¬ 
ter, which was actually done, as it bears date on the 7th 
day of June, 1635, as is affirmed in a book, published in 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges’s name. Immediately thereup¬ 
on, a quo warranto was brought by Sir John Banks, the 
attorney general, against the governour, deputy govern- 
our, and assistants of the corporation of the Massachu¬ 
setts ; whereof about fourteen appearing, and disclaim¬ 
ing the charter, judgment was given for the king, that 
the liberties, and franchises of the said corporation of the 
Massachusetts, should be seized into the king’s hands. 

Thereupon it is said, that afterwards, scil. May 3d, 
1637, his Majesty did in council order, that the attorney 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


273 

general be required to call for the said patent of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts ; and accordingly a letter was sent by Mr. 
Meawtes, in the name of the Lords of the Council, as is 
above expressed. But nothing more was done therein 
during the former king’s reign; and his Majesty now 
reigning, since his coronation, confirmed the charter of 
the Massachusetts anew, in one of his letters. 

CHAP, xxxvn. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts , from the iiear 
1636 to 1641. 

The affairs of the church in this next lustre of years 
were carried on after the same manner, and in the same 
method and order, as in the former, but not with the 
same quietness and peace; nor could it be said, that 
there was no voice of axe or hammer in their temple 
work, in this space of time. The enemy was sowing 
tares in God’s field, and therefore it was to be feared 
some of the servants were asleep; of which themselves 
were not insensible, after they were awakened by the 
great troubles that were occasioned thereby. Yet not¬ 
withstanding, there were many churches gathered, and 
ministers ordained in them, many differences composed 
and healed; and at the last, errour being suppressed, 
the churches were again established in truth and peace. 

The first attempt of gathering any church in the year 
1636, was at Dorchester, on the. first of April; when the 
former pastor, and most Qf the old church being remov¬ 
ed to Connecticut, Mr. Richard Mather, with several 
Christians that came along with him out of Lancashire, 
having settled their habitations there, and intending to 
begin a new church, desired the approbation of the mag¬ 
istrates, and of the neighbouring churches, (whose min¬ 
isters and messengers used to be always present on such 
occasions,) and were at this time there assembled for that 
end. When Mr. Mather, their intended teacher, and 
the rest of them designed for that work, had made con¬ 
fession of their faith, "they proceeded to give an account 
35 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of the work of God’s grace on their hearts; wherein, 
through unacquaintedness with the nature of the thing 
desired, that which was held forth by the most of them 
did not amount to full satisfaction ; so as they were ad¬ 
vised not to join together in church fellowship without 
some further consideration, and accordingly they did 
forbear at that present. But on the 8th of September* 
following, being better informed about the nature of that 
which was expected from them, scil. a declaration of the 
work of their repentance, how they were brought by the 
ministry of the word, not only to look upon sin as hurt¬ 
ful, but as hateful, and to close with the Lord Jesus by 
a lively faith, as the Lamb of God, that came to take 
away the sin of the world, &c. they were gathered into a 
church state, with the approbation of the messengers of 
the churches, then assembled for that end. 

The 6th of April, 1637, those of Concord set a day 
apart for the ordination of their two ministers, viz. Mr. 
Jones to be their pastor, and Mr. Bulxley to be their 
teacher. But neither the governour, Mr. Vane, nor Mr. 
Cotton, nor the two ruling elders, nor any other of Bos¬ 
ton church would be present; because the two foremen- 
tioned ministers were looked upon in that hour of temp¬ 
tation, as too legal preachers, and therefore they would 
not be present to give approbation to their ordination. 

The 20th of February, Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, having 
laid down his pastoral office, Mr. Rogers and Mr. Nor¬ 
ton were ordained, the one pastor, the other teacher of 
the said church. 

The 9th of January, 1637, divers of the ministers went 
to Weymouth, to reconcile the differences between the 
people and Mr. Jenner, whom they had called thither, 
with intent to have him their pastor, and had good suc¬ 
cess of their prayers. For the 30th of January, 1638, 
there was a church gathered there, with the approbation 
of the magistrates arid ministers. They had a church 
gathered there at Weymouth before, but could not hold 
together, nor could have any elder join or hoid with them, 
* August 23. Dorchester records. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


275 


because they did not begin according to the rule of the 
gospel, as was judged ; but at this time humbling them¬ 
selves for it, and beginning again upon a new founda¬ 
tion, they went on with a blessing. 

T^he people of this town of Weymouth had invited 
one Mr. Lenthall to come to them, with intention to call 
him to be their minister. This man, though of good 
report in England, coming hither was found to have 
drunk in some of Mrs. Hutchinson’s opinions, as of jus¬ 
tification before faith, &c. and opposed the custom of 
gathering of churches in such a way of mutual restipula¬ 
tion, as was then practised. From the former, he was soon 
taken off by conference with Mr. Cotton, but he stuck 
close to the other, that only baptism was the door of en¬ 
trance into the visible church, &c. so as the common 
sort of people did eagerly embrace his opinion; and 
some laboured to get such a church on foot, as all bap¬ 
tized ones might communicate in, without any further 
trial of them, &c. For this end they procured many 
hands in Weymouth, to a blank, intending to have Mr. 
Lenthall’s advice to the form of their call; and he like¬ 
wise was very forward, to become a minister to them in 
such a way, and did openly maintain the cause. But 
the magistrates hearing of this disturbance and combin¬ 
ation, thought it needful to stop it betimes, and therefore 
they called Mr. Lenthall, and the chief of the faction, to the 
next general court, in March; where Mr. Lenthall, hav¬ 
ing before conferred with some of the magistrates and 
ministers, and being convinced of his errour in judgment, 
and his sin in practice, to the disturbance of their peace, 
&c. did openly and freely retract, with expression of 
much grief of heart for his offence, and did deliver his 
retractation in writing under his hand in open court; 
whereupon he was enjoined to appear at the next court, 
and in the mean time to make and deliver the like recan. 
tation in some publick assembly at Weymouth. So 
the court forbore any further censure by fine or other¬ 
wise, though it was much urged by some. At the same 
court, some of the principal abettors were censured j as 


$70 


GENERAL HISTORY 


one Smith, and one Silvester, and one Britten, who had 
spoken reproachfully of the answer which was sent to 
Mr. Bernard’s book against their church covenant, and 
of some of the ministers there, for which he was severe¬ 
ly punished ; but not taking warning he fell into gross¬ 
er evil, whereby lie brought capital punishment upon 
himself, not long after. 

The 7th of September, 1639, there was a church gath¬ 
ered at Braintree, formerly Mount Wollaston, and Mr. 
Wheelwright, (whom the people of Boston, that were 
concerned in that place, had intended to be the minister 
thereof,) being by the order of the court removed out of 
the jurisdiction, Mr Thompson, that came out of Lan¬ 
cashire, a pious and learned minister, and had for a time 
been preacher at Agamenticus, where he had been an 
instrument of much good, was ordained the pastor there¬ 
of, the 19th of November following; with whom was 
joined Mr. Henry Flint, as teacher. Mr. Ezekiel Rog¬ 
ers, son of Mr. Richard Rogers of WeathersSeid, De¬ 
cember 3d of the same year, was ordained pastor of a 
chuich at Rowley, where was a plantation newly erected, 
between Ipswich and Newbury. Mr. Eaton and Mr. 
Davenport laboured by all means to have drawn him 
with his people to New Haven, and had so far prevailed 
with him, (being newly come, and unacquainted with 
the state of the country,) as to engage him to go with 
them, upon propositions which they could not well ful¬ 
fil ; whereupon, by the advice of the ministers about 
the Bay, he took himself released from his foresaid en¬ 
gagement, and then came with his people to that place 
beyond Ipswich, where he was ordained their pastor, as 
is said before. 

On the 18th of March, 1639, Mr. Norris was ordain¬ 
ed teacher of the church at Salem, all the elders of the 
other churches being present. 

The 19th of December Mr. Knowles, sometimes fel¬ 
low of Emanuel College, in Cambridge, was ordained 
second pastor of the church of Watertown ; the foimer 
yet surviving, so as at this time they had two pastors 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


and no teacher, therein differing from the practice of the 
rest of the churches; as they did also in their private 
way of proceeding, not giving notice thereof, either to' 
the magistrates, or neighbour churches, as the common 
practice was then, and still is, by an order, established by 
the general court for that end; but that was the humour 
of some in chief place of that church. And so apt are 
the best of men oft times to come in danger of Scylla, 
that they may be sure to keep clear of Charybdis. 

One Hugh Bewet was at the next court of assistants, 
March the 1st, sent out of the jurisdiction, for holding 
publickly, and maintaining that he was free from origin¬ 
al sin; it being justly to be feared, that if he had staid 
still, he would have made himself, and others too, guilty 
of more actual sin, thaif his neighbours, (as is ordinarily 
found by experience of those great pretenders to perfec¬ 
tion and holiness,) although he did also affirm, that for 
half a year before, he had been likewise free from actual 
sin. 

The church of Dorchester, not contenting themselves 
with a single officer in the ministry of their church, in¬ 
vited one Mr. Burr, (who had been a minister in Eng* 
land, and of very good report there, for piety and learn¬ 
ing,) with intent also to call him to office. And accord¬ 
ingly, after he was received.a member of their church, 
and had given good proof of his piety, and other minis¬ 
terial abilities, they gave him a call to office, which he 
deferring to accept upon some private reasons, known to 
himself, some of the church took some exceptions at 
some things which he in the mean time delivered, (his 
expressions possibly either not being well understood, 
or so far wire-drawn as that they seemed too much in¬ 
clining to the notions then prevailing much at Boston,) 
and they desired him to give satisfaction, and he not see¬ 
ing need for it, it was agreed that Mr. Mather and he 
should confer together, and so the church should know 
where the difference lay. Accordingly Mr. Burr wrote 
his judgment in the points of difference in such manner 
and terms, as from some of his propositions, taken sin- 


S78 


GENERAL HISTORY 


gly, something that was erroneous might be gathered, and 
might seem naturally to follow therefrom ; but was so 
qualified in other parts, as might admit of a charitable 
construction. Mr. Mather reports to the church the 
seeming erroneous matter that might be collected, with¬ 
out mentioning the qualification, or acquainting Mr. 
Burr with it before hand. When this was published, 
Mr. Burr disclaimed the erroneous matter, and Mr. 
Mather maintained it from his writings. Whereupon 
the church was divided about it, some joining with the 
one, and some with the other, so as it grew to some heat, 
and alienation of minds, and many days were spent for 
reconciliation, but all in vain. In the end they agreed to 
call in help from other churches ; so as, the 2d of Feb¬ 
ruary, 1640, there was a meeting at Dorchester of the 
Governour, and another of the magistrates, and ten of 
the ministers of the neighbouring churches, wherein 
four days were spent in opening the cause, and such of¬ 
fence as had fallen out in the prosecution ; and in con¬ 
clusion they all declared their judgment and advice in 
the case to this effect : 

That both sides had cause to be humbled for their 
failings; Mr. Burr for his doubtful and unsafe expres¬ 
sions, and backwardness to give clear satisfaction ; Mr. 
Mather for his inconsideration, both in not acquainting 
Mr. Burr with his collections, before he published them 
to the church, and in not certifying the qualifications of 
the erroneous expressions which were in his writings; 
for which they were advised to set a day apart for re¬ 
conciliation. Upon this both Mr. Mather and Mr. Burr 
took the blame of their failings upon themselves, and 
freely submitted to the judgment and advice given, to 
which the rest of the church yielded a silent assent. And 
God was much glorified in the close thereof, and Mr. 
Burr did fully renounce these errours of which he was 
suspected, confessing he had been in the dark about 
those points, till God, by occasion of this agitation, had 
cleared them to him ; which he did with much meekness 
and tears. But that holy man continued not long after, 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


being observed to express so much of heaven in his 
publick ministry, as his hearers judged he would not 
continue long upon the earth, as it came to pass. 

About that time, viz. November 8th, a church was 
gathered at Dedham, with good approbation : and the 
28th of the same month, Mr. Peck was ordained teacher 
of the church at Hingham. 

Concerning other ecclesiastical matters which fell out 
in this lustre, being of such a nature as they require a 
more particular discourse, viz. divers errours prevailing 
in and about Boston, and so violently carried on, as did 
need the help of the civil power to redress them, they 
shall be treated of in the following chapters: only let it 
be here noted, that as well Boston, as many other church¬ 
es, having received the infection of many dangerous er¬ 
rours, by the application of due means, like athletick bod¬ 
ies, did in a little time either work out the contagion 
themselves, or by the discipline of the church, did purge 
out the leaven of corrupt and unsound doctrine and 
practices, and so became a new lump, as the apostle 
speaks. 

The hands of those on that side of the country, near 
Connecticut, were strengthened by the coming over of 
Mr. Fenwick, a gentleman of great estate, and eminent 
for wisdom and piety. July 15th, 1639, he arrived at 
New Haven with a ship of three hundred and fifty tuns, 
with his lady and family. His intent was to make a plan¬ 
tation at Say brook, about the mouth of Connecticut riv¬ 
er. He laid the foundation thereof, and within a few years 
after returned to England. Two other plantations were 
begun at that time beyond New Haven ; but every one 
stood so much for their liberty, that every plantation al¬ 
most intended a peculiar government of themselves, if 
they could have brought it about; but those designs 
tended to the weakening of the country, and hinderance 
of the general good of the whole. 


£80 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. XXXVIII. 

Disturbance in the Massachusetts colony , in New Eng¬ 
land, from the year 1636 to 1641, by Mr. Wheel¬ 
wright and Mrs . Hutchinson. 

Hitherto the beauty of the Lord had been upon the 
primitive plantations of New England, prospering their 
handy work, and blessing the labour of their hands, so 
as in them might have been, in a sense, observed that 
which was said of the primitive church, in the days of 
the apostles, that they had rest; and, walking in the fear 
of God, and comforts of the Holy Ghost, were multipli¬ 
ed ; for hitherto their churches, as well as their town¬ 
ships and families, were increased; nor were they with¬ 
out the comforts of the Holy Ghost in their measure. 
But the wicked one, that always envies at the prosperity 
of the church, took all opportunities to obstruct their 
flourishing, either in civil or ecclesiastical respects; for 
he had stirred up several of his instruments, as the Pe- 
quod Indians, (the history of which may be seen in the 
Narrative thereof, page 117,) who made cruel and fierce 
war, besides troubles from within, by several persons 
that laboured to infest the plantation, by sowing the 
seeds of dissension and corrupt doctrine, the one much 
increasing and fomenting of the other, as may appear 
briefly in what follows. That which is in sacred writ 
recorded of John Baptist may in its measure not unfiiy 
be applied to Mr. John Cotton, that holy man of God, 
and reverend teacher of the church of Boston, v*z. that 
he was a burning and shining light; and so many of his 
hearers, that abundantly resorted to his weekly lecture, 
might be said to have rejoiced in his light for a season, 
and much gloried in their gifts and enjoyments, looking 
upon themselves in so flourishing a condition as were 
scarce any where else to be paralleled. For some have 
been heard to say, they believed the church of Boston to 
be the most glorious church in the w T orld ; and indeed 
they deserved to be highly honoured, both for their faith 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


38i 

and order, with their eminent gifts of utterance and 
knowledge. But he who uses to stain the pride of the 
glory of all flesh, by withdrawing or withholding the in¬ 
fluence of his grace, (which at that time some pretended 
so much to magnify,) blasted their beauty, that it might 
appear, that all flesh was grass, and the goodliness there¬ 
of, as the flower of the field. For some of the church 
and town of Boston, and the neighbouring assemblies, 
who either did not understand, or notoriously abused, 
what their reverend teacher had expressed, concerning 
the doctrine of free grace, union with Christ, and evi¬ 
dencing that union, had secretly vented sundry corrupt 
and dangerous errors and heresies* denying all inherent 
righteousness, and all evidencing a good estate thereby 
in any sort, and, (to use Mr. Cotton’s own words in 
print,) “ some of them denying the immortality of the 
soul, and resurrection of the body.” And when they 
were questioned by some brethren about these things, 
they carried it as if they held forth nothing but what they 
had received from Mr. Cotton ; and possibly they might 
strangely pervert some unwary expressions, occasional¬ 
ly let fall by that worthy and eminent divine, to a far dif¬ 
ferent and contrary sense, than ever they were intended 
by the speaker, insomuch that himself, after he was ad¬ 
vertised thereof, and had preached against these errours, 
yet did this generation of familists make their friends 
believe, that they were otherwise informed by himself in 
private. So as when Mr. Cotton himself, who, by rea¬ 
son of his candour and charity, was not forward to be¬ 
lieve, that those erring brethren and sisters were so cor¬ 
rupt in their judgments as they were reported to be, 
much suffered thereby in his repute; for it occasioned 
some of the country to have a jealousy that himself was 
a secret fomenter of the spirit of familism; if he were 
not far leavened that way. These erroneous notions in¬ 
spired many of the place also with a strange kind of se¬ 
ditious and turbulent spirit, and that upon every occa¬ 
sion they were ready to challenge all, that did not run 
with them, to be legal Christians, and under a covenant 
36 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of works. Under the veil of this pretence, men of cor¬ 
rupt minds and haughty spirits secretly sowed seeds of 
division and schism in the country, and were ready to 
mutiny against the civil authority. For at a general 
court, held March 9th, 163o, complaint was made of a 
sermon, preached by Mr. Wheelwright a little before, 
supposed to tend to sedition and disturbance of the pub- 
lick peace ; and being sent for to the court, he was evi¬ 
dently convict of sedition and contempt of authority, for 
sundry passages in his sermon, which he stood to justi¬ 
fy ; and notwithstanding all means used, would not be 
brought in the least to retract. On which account the 
court saw cause to order his removal out of the jurisdic¬ 
tion. The magistrates set forth an apology to justify 
the sentence, which the adverse party had remonstrated 
agdnst, altering the words and meaning of such passag¬ 
es as were the grounds of the court’s sentence. Mr. 
Wheelwright also himself put forth a small tractate, to 
clear the doctrine of his sermon from sedition, as if he 
had only declared therein the covenant of grace, which 
was also differing from his sermon, and was confuted by 
some of the ministers by many strong arguments. Mr. 
Cotton replied largely to their answer, and brought the 
differences to a narrow scantling. But Mr. Wheel¬ 
wright could not be prevailed with, to make any kind of 
recantation, which might have saved himself and others 
much trouble. The court also, though they had power 
enough to crush that party, yet deferred passing their 
sentence, that their moderation and desire of reconcilia¬ 
tion might appear; but himself persisting in his way, it 
was at the last declared, and put in execution. 

And in the latter session of the general court, where¬ 
in he was sentenced, sundry persons were called in ques¬ 
tion for subscribing their names to a remonstrance or 
petition, (there were about sixty of them in all,) where¬ 
in they did not only justify Mr. Wheelwright’s doctrine 
and practice, but strongly reflect upon the proceedings 
of the court against him; whereupon the petitioners 
were all called before the court, and proceeded with ac* 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


283 

cording to the degrees of their offence, (which none of 
them were willing to see or acknowledge,) in some, to 
their removal out of the patent; in others, to their dis¬ 
franchisement only. With all which they were so dis¬ 
satisfied, as they generally , at least many of them, re¬ 
moved out of the patent, and made a plantation at Rhode 
Island, near the Narraganset country, where their suc¬ 
cessors and their posterity are remaining at this day ; so 
as the sentence of the court was not prejudicial, but oc¬ 
casionally an advantage to their outward estate, being 
by that means seated in one of the fertilest places of the 
country; only, for fear of making great disturbance, 
which might have ruined them all, the authority of the 
Massachusetts was not willing to have them to abide 
longer amongst them within their jurisdiction. 

At the same court also was called in question one Mrs. 
Hutchinson, supposed to be the occasion of all the fore- 
mentioned commotions in the colony of the Massachu¬ 
setts ; whose name it is wished might have been for¬ 
borne out of respect to some of her family, long after, 
and still surviving, noted for eminent piety, great in¬ 
tegrity of judgment, and faithful service in the church of 
God. 

This gentlewoman was of a nimble wit, voluble 
tongue, eminent knowledge in the scriptures, of great 
charity, and notable helpfulness, especially in such occa¬ 
sions, where those of that sex stand in need of the mu¬ 
tual help of each other ; which was the opportunity usu¬ 
ally taken for insinuating into the spiritual state of those 
she came amongst, telling them of the danger of being 
under a covenant of works ; by which means the affec¬ 
tions of those that laboured under wants, and bodily in¬ 
firmities, were notably prepared to become susceptible 
of any novel impressions ; especially such as seemed to 
tend to the exalting of free grace, and depressing of the 
creature, and leaving all for Christ to do. And as when 
the devil attempted to ruin mankind by the insinuation 
of a new divinity, he began with Eve, and by her sur¬ 
prised her husband; the same course is still found the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


as* 


most successful for that end : and was to admiraticm at 
this time verified in and about Boston. 

When the said Mrs. Hutchinson was brought into the 
court, it was laid to her charge, that she had a great hand 
in the publick disturbance of the country, partly by er¬ 
roneous opinions, which she broached and divulged, and 
partly by countenancing, and encouraging such, as sow¬ 
ed sedition therein, and partly by casting reproach upon 
the faithful ministers of the country, and their ministry; 
thereby weakening their hands in the day of the Lord, 
and raising prejudice against them in the hearts of the 
people. It was added, that they would either have her 
acknowledge and reform her errours, and other offences, 
or else they must take such a course with her, that she 
might trouble them no further. After a long agitation 
with her, she pressed to declare her mind about the man¬ 
ner of God’s dealing with her ; which having at last lib¬ 
erty to do, she expressed herself in a way of immediate 
revelation; applying to herself, and her present condi¬ 
tion, sundry texts of scripture, as, Jerem. xlvi. 28, and 
Isaiah xxx. 20, and viii. 9; adding, that the Lord spake 
that to her, with a strong hand, and also using that in¬ 
stance of Daniel, Dan. vi. where the princes and presi¬ 
dents sought something against him, concerning the law 
of his God, when they could find nothing else, and so 
concluded; see this scripture fulfilled this day in mine 
eyes, take heed what you go about to do unto me, &c. 
I am in the hands of the eternal Jehovah, my Saviour, 
She insisted much upon that place of scripture, Jer. xlvi. 
ult. though I make a full end of all nations, yet will I not 
make a full end of thee; which was very remarkable, 
as to the end that befel her, for in a very few years after 
the sentence of the court, occasioning her to remove, 
first to Rhode Island, and not being contented there, she 
withdrew voluntarily into some remote part of the coun¬ 
try, from her friends and neighbours at Rhode Island, 
(with whom neither could she agree,) she herself, with 
most or many of her family, were destroyed by the In¬ 
dians, as shall be showed afterwards, when none else 


OP NEW ENGLAN®. 


285 


were; whereby it is evident how dangerous a thing it is, 
to trust to such pretended revelations, and neglect the 
word of God, which is our only rule, both as to faith and 
manners. 

The court hearing of her thus speak, gathered from 
her own words that she walked by such a rule as cannot 
stand with the peace of any state or church, for such 
bottomless revelations, if they be allowed in one thing, 
they must be admitted for a rule in all; and upon such 
a foundation were built the tragedies of Munster and 
other places, and might be also in America, if such things 
went on after this sort; for they who are above reason 
and scripture will be subject to no controul. The court 
therefore, finding no hope of her being persuaded to re- 
cal her opinions, or reform her way, judged it necessary 
to proceed against her by such a sentence as necessarily 
required her departure out of the country. The church 
likewise passed a sentence of excommunication upon 
her, by Mr. Cotton’s consent and approbation, as well 
as of the church. 

This discovery of a new rule of practice by immedi¬ 
ate revelation, and the consideration of such dangerous 
consequences, which have and might follow thereof, oc¬ 
casioned the court to disarm all such of that party, as 
had their hands to the petition aforesaid, and some oth¬ 
ers who had openly defended the same, (which was a 
true shibboleth, whereby the disaffected were discover¬ 
ed,) except they would give satisfaction to the magis¬ 
trates therein; which some presently did, about twenty 
in all: others made a great question about bringing in 
their arms, but they were too weak to stand it out, and 
therefore at the last submitted. 

CHAP. XXXIX. 

The occasion of spreading erroneous opinions in New Eng- 
land , and much disturbance occasioned thereby in and 
about Boston , in the years 1636, 1637, &c, 

Mrs. Hutchinson, of whom large mention is 


£86 


GENERAL HISTORY 


made in the foregoing chapter, did by degrees discover 
two dangerous errours, which she brought with her out 
of England, (it being not probable that she gathered them 
from the ministry of Mr, Cotton, or any other minister 
in New England.) The one was, that the Holy Ghost 
dwelt personally in a justified person; the other was, 
that nothing of sanctification can help to evidence to be¬ 
lievers their justification. From these two grew many 
other branches; as that our union with the Holy Ghost 
is such, that a Christian remains in himself dead to any 
spiritual action, and hath no gilts or graces, other than 
such as are in hypocrites, nor any other sanctification 
than the Holy Ghost himself. There joined with her 
in those opinions, or in some other very near them, one 
Mr. Wheelwright, brother-in-law to her, sometimes a 
silenced minister in England, of whom mention is also 
made in the former chapter. 

The other ministers of the Bay hearing of those things, 
came to Boston about the end of October, 1636, in the 
time of the general court, and entered a conference in 
private with the elders, and others there, to the end 
that they might know the certainty of these things; if 
need were that they might write to the church of Boston, 
about them, to prevent, (if it were possible,) the dangers 
which seemed to hang over that, and the rest of the 
churches. At this conference Mr. Cotton was present, 
and gave satisfaction to them, so as he agreed with them 
all in the point of sanctification, and so did Mr. Wheel¬ 
wright ; so as they all did hold, that sanctification did help 
to evidence justification, the same he had delivered plain¬ 
ly in publick divers times ; but for the indwelling of the 
person of the Holy Ghost he held that still, but not un¬ 
ion with the person of the Holy Ghost, so as to amount 
to a personal union. 

A few days after, scil. October 30th, some of Boston 
church being of the forementioned opinion, were labour¬ 
ing to have the said Mr. Wheel wright to be called to be 
a teacher there. It was propounded the Lord’s day be¬ 
fore, and was this day moved again for a resolution. One 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


287 


of the church stood up, and said he could not consent: 
his reason was, because the church being well furnished 
already with able ministers, whose spirits they knew, and 
whose labours God had blessed in much love and sweet 
peace, he thought it not fit, (no necessity urging,) to put 
the welfare of the church to the least hazard, as he fear¬ 
ed they should, by calling in one whose spirit they knew 
not, and one who seemed to dissent in judgment; and 
instanced in two points, which he delivered in a late ex¬ 
ercise there, 1. that a believer was more than a new crea¬ 
ture ; 2. that the person of the Holy Ghost and a believ¬ 
er were united. Hereupon the governour, Mr. Vane, 
spake, that he marvelled at this, seeing Mr. Cotton had 
lately approved his doctrine. To this Mr. Cotton an¬ 
swered, that he did not remember the first, and desired 
Mr. Wheelwright to explain his meaning: he denied 
not the points, but showed upon what occasion he deliv¬ 
ered them. Whereupon there being an endeavour to 
make a reconciliation, the first replied, that although Mr. 
Wheelwright and himself might agree about the points, 
and though he thought reverendly of his godliness and 
abilities, so as he could be content to live under such-a 
ministry, yet seeing he was apt to raise doubtful dispu¬ 
tations, he could not consent to choose him to the place: 
whereupon the church gave way, that he might be called 
to office in a new church, to be gathered at Mount Wol¬ 
laston, now Braintree. Divers of the brethren took of¬ 
fence at this speech against Mr. Wheelwright; where¬ 
upon the same brother spake in the congregation the 
next Lord’s day, to this effect: that hearing how some 
brethren took offence at his former speech, and for that 
offences were dangerous, he was desirous to give satis¬ 
faction. The offence, he said, was in three things : 
1. for that he charged that brother in publick, and for a 
thing so long since delivered, and had not first dealed 
with him pnvately : for this he acknowledged chat it was 
a failing; bat die occasion was, that when he hen;d the 
points delivered, he took deem in a good sense, as .spok¬ 
en figuratively, seeing the whole of U a :e ce 


288 


GENERAL HISTORF 


was sound, and savouring of the spirit of God; but hear¬ 
ing very lately, that he was suspected to hold such opin¬ 
ions, it caused him to think he spake as he meant. The 
second cause of offence was, that in his speech appeared 
some bitterness: for that he answered, that they well 
knew his manner of speech was always earnest, in things 
which he conceived to be serious ; and professed that he 
did love that brother’s person, and did honour the gifts 
and graces of God in him. The third was, that he had 
charged him, to have held things which he did not: for 
this he answered, that he had spoke since with the said 
brother; and for the two points, 1. that a believer should 
be more than a new creature; and, 2. that there should 
be a personal union between the Holy Ghost and a be¬ 
liever. He denied to hold either of them, but by neces¬ 
sary consequence he doth hold both ; for he holds, (said 
he,} that there is a real union with the person of the Ho¬ 
ly Ghost, and then of necessity must be personal, and so 
a believer must be more than a creature ; viz. God man, 
as Christ Jesus; for though in a true union the two 
terms may still remain the same, &c. as between hus¬ 
band and wife, he is a man still and she is a woman, (for 
the union is only in sympathy and relation,) yet in a real 
or personal union, it is not. Now whether this were 
agreeable to the doctrine of the gospel, he left to the 
church to judge, hoping the Lord would direct their 
teacher to clear these points fully, as he had well done 
in good measure already : withal he made this request 
to the brethren, that, (which he said he did seriously and 
affectionately,) seeing those variances grew, (and some 
estrangement withal,) from some words and expressions, 
which were of human invention, and tended to doubtful 
disputation, rather than to edification, and had no footing 
in scripture, nor had been of use in the purest churches 
for three hundred years after Christ, that for the peace of 
the church, they might be forborne, (he meant the person 
of the Holy Ghost, and real union;) he concluded, that 
he did not intend to dispute the matter, (as not having 
place nor calling thereunto,) yet if any brother desired to 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


see what light he walked by, he would be ready to im¬ 
part it to him. How this was taken by the congregation 
it did not appear, for no man spake to it. This speech 
was very solid, rational, and candid, and if men’s minds 
had not been strangely forestalled with prejudice against 
the truth, and a secret inclination to novelties and errour, 
it might have put a stop to the confusion they at Boston 
were at that time running into. 

A day or two after, the same brother wrote his mind 
fully with such scriptures and arguments, as came to 
hand, and sent it to Mr. Cotton. 

The governour, Mr. Vane, a gentleman pretending 
much to wisdom and piety, held with Mr. Cotton the 
indwelling of the person of the Holy Ghost in a believer, 
and went so far beyond the rest, as to maintain a person¬ 
al union with the Holy Ghost. But the deputy, Mr. 
Winthrop, (a gentleman not inferiour in natural abilities, 
but much better grounded in the true principles of learn¬ 
ing, both divine and human,) together with Mr. Wil¬ 
son, the pastor, and divers others, denied both : and the 
question proceeded so far by disputation, (in writing, for 
the peace-sake of the church, which all were tender of,) 
as at length they could not find the person of the Holy 
Ghost in scripture, nor in the primitive churches three 
hundred years after Christ; so that all agreeing in the 
chief matter of substance, came to this, viz. that the Ho¬ 
ly Ghost is God, and that he doth dwell in believers, (as 
the Father and Son are also said to do,) but whether by 
his gifts arid power only, or by any other manner of pres¬ 
ence, seeing the scripture doth not declare it, it was 
earnestly desired that the word person might be forborne, 
being a term of human invention, and tending to doubt¬ 
ful disputation in this case. For though the word per¬ 
son be used in the Hebrews, i. 3, yet in the Greek it is 
hypostasis, or subsistence, not which is to be 

rendered person. 

At a general court, occasionally called in December 
following, (that was intended for a court of ele ction,) *he 
ministers were called for advice about composing and 
37 


290 


GENERAL HISTORY 


pacifying the difference among the churches in point of 
opinion. The governour having declared the occasion 
to them, Mr. Dudley desired that men would be free 
and open, &c ; another of the magistrates spake, that it 
would much further the end they came for, if men would 
freely declare what they held differing from others, as 
himself would do in what point soever he should be op¬ 
posed. The governour said, that he would be content 
to do the like, but that he understood the ministers were 
about it in a church way, which he spake upon this occa¬ 
sion. The ministers had met a little before, and had 
drawn into heads all the points, wherein they suspected 
Mr. Cotton did differ from them, and had propounded 
them to him, and pressed him to a direct answer, affirm¬ 
ative or negative, to every one of which he had promis¬ 
ed, and had taken time for. This meeting being spoken 
of the day before in the court, the governour took great 
offence at it, as being without his privity, &c. which this 
day one of the ministers told him as plainly of, (with all 
due reverence,) and how he had saddened the spirits of the 
ministers, that he should be jealous of their meetings, or 
seein to restrain their liberties, &c. The governour ex¬ 
cused his speech as sudden, and upon a mistake; the 
same minister told him also, that within less than two 
years since, the churches were at peace, &c. The gov- 
ernour answered, that the light of the gospel brings a 
sword, and the children of the bond woman would per¬ 
secute those of the free woman, and such like canting 
language. The minister besought him humbly to con¬ 
sider his short experience in the things of God, and to 
beware of peremptory conclusions, which he perceived 
him to be very apt unto: he declared further what had 
been observed, both in the Low Countries and here, as 
the principal reasons of new opinions and divisions there¬ 
upon, viz. pride, idleness, and ungrounded knowledge, 
tkc. Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, made a serious 
speech of the condition of the churches, and the inevita¬ 
ble danger of separation, if those differences and aliena¬ 
tions among brethren were not speedily remedied ; and 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 291 

laid the blame on those new opinions, risen up amongst 
them ; which all the magistrates, except ihe governour 
and two others, did confirm, as did all the ministers also, 
except two. 

In this discourse a question arose about sanctification; 
Mr. Cotton, in his sermon that day, had laid down this 
ground ; that evident sanctification was a ground of jus¬ 
tification, and thereupon had taught, that in cases of spir¬ 
itual desertion, true desires of sanctification was found to 
be sanctification as onr divines usually hold: and fur¬ 
ther, if a man were laid so flat upon the ground, as he 
could see no desires, &c. but only as a bruised reed did 
wait at the foot of Christ, yet here was matter of com¬ 
fort, for this was found to be true sanctification in the 
root and principle of it. 

The question here grew, whether any of these, or evi¬ 
dent sanctification, could be evident to a man, without a 
concurrent sight of his justification. The governour 
and Mr. Cotton denied it: but this was one of the ques¬ 
tions disputed afterwards in the synod. 

But the speech of Mr. Wilson it seems did stick in 
many of their stomachs, and was taken ill by Mr. Cotton 
himself and divers others of the church of Boston, so as 
he and divers of them went to admonish him : but Mr. 
Wilson and some others could see no breach of rule, 
seeing he was called by the court, about the same mat¬ 
ter with the rest of the elders, and exhorted to deliver 
their minds freely and faithfully, both for discovering 
the dangers, and means of help, and the things he spake 
of were only in general, and such as were under a com¬ 
mon fame; and being questioned about his intent, he 
did not mean Boston church, nor the members thereof, 
more than others. But this would not satisfy, but they 
called him to answer publickly on the Lord’s day, De¬ 
cember 31, and there the governour pressed it violently 
against him, and most of the congregation, except the 
deputy and a few more ; and many of them with much 
bitterness and reproaches: but he answered them all 
with words of truth and soberness, and marvellous wis- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


dom. It was strange to see how the common people 
were led bv example to condemn him, in that which it 
is very probable; divers of them did not understand, nor 
the rule which he was supposed to have broken ; and 
that such as had known him so long, and what good he 
had done for the church, should fall upon him with such 
bitterness for justifying himself in a good cause ; for he 
was a very holy, upright man, and for faith and love in- 
feriour to none in the country, and most dear to all men 
beside prejudiced people. The teacher joined with the 
greater part at that time in their judgment of him, (not 
without some appearance of prejudice,) jet with much 
wisdom and moderation. They were eager to proceed 
to present censure, but the teacher staid them for that, 
telling them he might not do it because some opposed 
it, but gave him a grave exhortation. The pastor was 
not much troubled at it accounting it but man’s day : 
Barnabas was sometimes carried away with the errour 
of the rest. The next Lord’s day the said Mr. Wilson 
preached notwithstanding, and the Lord so assisted him, 
as he gave great satisfaction, and the governour himself 
gave publick witness to him. 

One of :he brethren wrote to Mr. Cotton about it, and 
laid before him divers failings, (as he supposed,) and some 
reasons to justify Mr. Wilson, and dealt very plainly 
with him. Mr. Cotton made a very loving and gentle 
answer, clearing his intentions, and persisting in his 
judgment of Mr. Wilson’s offence, laying down divers 
arguments for it. The said brother replied to him in 
like loving manner, and desired leave to shew his letter 
to Mr. Wilson, which he readily assented unto: but for 
an answer to his arguments, he forbore to reply to Mr. 
Cotton, (because he was overburdened with business,) 
but wrote to the two ruling elders, (whom the matter 
mpre concerned,) and by way of defence of Mr. W il- 
son, answered all Mr. Cotton’s arguments. 

Upon these occasions many errours broke out publick- 
ly in the churcn ot Boston—as that the Holy Ghost 
dwelt in a believer, as he did in heaven : that a man is 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


239 


justified before he believes; and that faith is no cause of 
justification : and others superadded more—as that the 
letter of the scripture holds forth nothing but a covenant 
of works; and that the covenant of grace was the spirit 
of the scripture, and was known only to believers, and 
that this covenant of works was given by Moses in the 
ten commandments : and there was a seed, viz. Abra¬ 
ham’s carnal seed, went along in it. And there was a 
spirit and life in it, by virtue whereof a man might attain 
to any sanctification in gifts and graces, and might have 
spiritual and comfortable communion with Jesus Christ, 
and yet be damned ; after it was grasited that faith was 
before justification, but it was only passive, an empty 
vessel, &c. But in conclusion of all, the ground of all 
was found to be assurance by immediate revelation. 

All the congregation of Boston in a manner, except 
four or five, closed with these opinions, or the most of 
them; but one of the brethren wrote against them, and 
bore witness to the truth, together with the pastor, and 
very few others joined with them. Things being brought 
to this pass, the rest of the ministers taking offence at 
some doctrines delivered by Mr. Cotton, and especially 
at some opinions which some of his church did broach, 
(for he seemed to have too good an opinion of, and too 
much familiarity with those persons,) and drew out six¬ 
teen points, and gave them to him, entreating him to de¬ 
liver his judgment directly in them, which accordingly he 
did, and many copies of them were dispersed about. 
Some doubts he well cleared, but in some things he gave 
not satisfaction. The rest of the ministers replied to 
these answers, and at large showed their dissent, and the 
grounds thereof; and at the next general court, held tiie 
9th of March following, they all assembled at Boston, 
and agreed to put off' all lectures for three weeks, that 
they might bring things to some issue. 

But whatever private conferences or means were used, 
the differences in the said points of religion increased 
more and more, and the ministers on both sides, (there 
being only Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on one 


GENERAL "HISTORY 


29* 

part,) did publickly declare their judgment in some of 
them, so as all men’s mouths were full of nothing else ; 
and about this time, February 3, there being a ship in 
the harbour bound for England with many passengers, 
Mr. Cotton took occasion to speak to them about the 
differences, &c. and willed them to tell our countrymen 
that all the strife amongst them was about magnifying 
the grace of God : one person seeking to advance the 
grace of God within us, and the other to advance the 
grace of God towards us, (meaning by.the one justifica¬ 
tion, by the other sanctification,) and so bid them tell 
them, that if there were any among them that could 
strive for grace, they should come hither, and so declar¬ 
ed some particulars. Mr. Wilson spake after him, and 
declared that he knew none of the elders, or brethren of 
the churches, but did labour to advance the free grace of 
God in justification, so far as the word of God required ; 
and spake also about the doctrine of sanctification, and 
the use and necessity of it; by occasion whereof no man 
could tell (except some few who knew the bottom of the 
matter) where any difference was ; which speech, though 
it offended those of Mr. Cotton’s part, yet it was very 
seasonable to clear the rest, who otherwise would have 
been reputed to oppose free grace. • This only occasion 
increased the contention, and raised great alienations of 
minds, and the members of Boston (frequenting the lec¬ 
tures of other ministers) did make much disturbance 
by publick questions and objections against their doc¬ 
trines, which did any way disagree from their opinions : 
and it began to be as common there, to distinguish be¬ 
tween men, by being under a covenant of works and a 
covenant of grace, as in other countries between Protest¬ 
ants and Papists. For at the general court the next 
year, one Greensmith was punished, for saying all the 
ministers in the country preached a covenant of works, 
but two ; but notwithstanding his talking of an appeal, 
he was committed till he submitted to the sentence, 
which was in part to make an acknowledgement in all 
the congregations of the country. 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


At the next general court, which was on the 9th of 
March, 1636, they questioned the proceedings against 
Mr. Wilson, and by the greater part his speech was ap. 
proved, and declared to be a seasonable caution, and no 
charge or accusation. 

And at that time the ministers, being called to give 
their advice about the authority of the court in things 
concerning the church, did alia gree of these two things : 
1. That no member of court ought publickly to be 
questioned by the church, for any speech in the court, 
viz. which concerned the court and authority thereof: 
the reason was because the court may have sufficient 
reason, that may excuse the same, which yet may not be 
fit to acquaint the church with, being a secret of state. 
The second thing was, that in all such heresies and errours 
of any church member as are manifest and dangerous to 
the state, the court may proceed without tarrying for the 
church ; but if the opinions be doubtful, &c. they are 
first to refer them to the church. At this court like¬ 
wise, when Mr. Wheelwright was questioned for his 
sermon, which seemed to tend to sedition, See. near all 
the church of Boston presented a petition to the court for 
two things among others, 1st, That as freemen they 
might be present in cases of judicature : 2dly, that the 
court would declare that they might deal in cases of con¬ 
science before the church. This was taken as a ground¬ 
less and presumptuous act, especially at this season, and 
was rejected with this answer, that the court had never 
used to proceed judicially, but it was openly : for mat¬ 
ter of consultation, and preparation in causes, they might 
and would be private. 

Such were the uncomfortable agitations in those times 
both in the church and court, by reason of new opin¬ 
ions. But for the difference between Mr. Cotton and 
his party and Mr. Wilson, there was a reconciliation 
made betwixt them the next summer, viz. in August, 
(Mr. Hooker being then in the bay, and Mr. Davenport 
at Boston,) for that was a day appointed for a conference 
amongst the elders or a synod on the 30th of August, 


395 


General history 


and a day of humiliation on the 24th, with consent of 
the magistrates. At their private meetings some recon¬ 
ciliation was made between Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheel¬ 
wright, and Mr. Wilson; he professing that by his 
speech in the court, with which they were so much of¬ 
fended, he did not intend the doctrine of Mr. Cotton or 
Mr. Wheelwright, delivered in the publick congrega¬ 
tion, but some opinions, (naming three or four,) which 
were privately carried on in Boston and other parts of 
the country, and accordingly Mr. Cotton declared so 
much in the congregation the Lord’s day following; and 
for the rest of his speech it was agreed by all the minis¬ 
ters to be inoffensive, considering his call thereto by the 
court. This sudden change was the more observed by 
so me, who were privy that Mr. Wilson had professed so 
much before, both privately to the elders, and publiekly 
in the congregation, and that the said opinions had been 
delivered to the elders of''Boston in writing, as those 
which Mr. Wilson intended. But every thing is beauti¬ 
ful in its season; sometimes when men’s eves are held 
they cannot see that which else, is very manifest and easy 
to be discerned. 

There was great hope that the assembly of the minis¬ 
ters, this year called together, would have had some good 
effect for the composing the troubles and dissentious 
about matters of religion ; but it fell out otherwise, for 
although Mr. Wheelwright had been clearly confuted 
and confounded in the assembly, yet they persisted in 
their opinions, and were as busy in nourishing and car¬ 
rying on contentions (the principal of them) as ever be¬ 
fore ; yea, were rather the more engaged in defending 
their errours, upon occasion of the proceedings against 
him and Mr. Hutchinson in the court, and in the said 
assembly. For now were other grosser errours openly 
professed and maintained by them, that before were only 
secretly carried by way of inquiry, and so many of 
Boston tainted with them ; as Mr. Cotton finding how 
he had been abused, and made (as himself said) their 
stalking horse, (for they pretended to hold nothing but 


OF NEW ENGLAND^ 


89? 

what Mr. Cotton held, and himself did at the first think 
the same,) did spend most of his time, both publickly and 
privately, to discover those errours, and reduce such as 
were gone astray. The magistrates also with the minis¬ 
ters spent two or three days together in consultation how 
to redress those growing evils. 

Some of those growing evils or err ours were these : 

That there is no inherent righteousness in a child of 
God. 

That we are not bound to the law, no, not as a rule. 

That the Sabbath is but as other da\ s. 

That the soul is mortal till it be united to Christ. 

That there is no resurrection of the body, &c. 

But by the blessing of God upon all endeavours, the 
church of Boston at last having agreed with one consent 
to pass the sentence of excommunication against Mrs. 
Hutchinson, for many moral evils in her conversation, 
as well as for corrupt opinions ; many, who had been se¬ 
duced by her, by what they heard and saw that day, 
were, through the grace of God, brought off quite from 
her errours and settled in the truth. 

And at a general fast, on the 13th of December, 
1638, Mr. Cotton in his sermon that day at Boston did 
confess and bewail, as the churches, so his own security 
and credulity, whereupon so many dangerous errours had 
gotten up and spread in the churches, and went over all 
the particulars, and shewed how he came to be deceived ; 
the errours being formed (in words) so near the truth, 
which he had preached, and the falsehood of the main- 
tainers of them was such, as they usually would deny to 
him what they had delivered to others. He acknowledg¬ 
ed that such as had been seducers of others (instancing 
in some of those of Rhode Island, though he named them 
not) had been justly banished ; yet he said such as only 
had been misled, and others who had done any thing out 
of misguided conscience, (not being grossly evil,) should 
be borne withal, and first referred to the church, and if 
that could not heal them, they should rather be jtnprison- 
38 


298 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ed or fined, than banished, it being likely that no other 
church would receive them. 

At the general court in March, 1638, divers of the 
chief military officers of Boston, who had been favourers 
of the familistical persons and opinions, being sent for by 
the court, and told that they desired good sati faction 
from them, having reason to be jealous of them, ingen¬ 
uously acknowledged that they had been deceived and 
misled by the appearance which was held forth, of ad¬ 
vancing Christ and debasing the creature, which since 
they had found to be otherwise, and that their opinion 
and practice tended to disturbance and delusion ; and so 
blessed God that had so thoroughly discovered their er- 
rour and danger to them. 

CHAP. XL. 

A synod called in New England , Anno 1637, at Cam¬ 
bridge. The occasion and success thereof. 

The forementioned commotions in the country, oc¬ 
casioned by the spreading of sundry familistical opinions, 
which had received too much countenance and growth 
under the wing of the former governour, required the 
help of the ecclesiastical, as well as the civil power, to 
suppress and scatter them ; and therefore the general 
court of the Massachusetts judged it necessary to call an 
assembly of all the elders of the churches, throughout 
the country, to consider thereof. 

Many of the foresaid opinions were fathered upon Mr. 
Cotton, or were supposed to be gathered from some 
positions laid down by him in his publick preaching, the 
which being reduced to several heads were discussed by 
the synod when they met together in the first place, as well 
for the clearing of the truths in question, as the vindicat¬ 
ing the honour of that reverend divine, not a little eclipsed 
by the laying those opinions to his charge. 

When the synod v/as assembled, Mr. Thomas Hook¬ 
er and Mr. Peter Bulkley were chosen moderators for 
the first day, and continued all the rest of the synod; 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


£99 


two as able and judicious divines as any the country af¬ 
forded, by whom the disputes were managed with all lib¬ 
erty and fidelity to be desired; and the matters in con¬ 
troversy debated with as much seriousness and intense- 
ness of mind, in the ministers, as the nature and circum¬ 
stances thereof required ; being apprehended by some 
more dangerous in their tendency and consequences than 
in the notions themselves. 

The errours spreading in the country were first con¬ 
demned by one consent in the assembly; then they came 
to discourse some questions in controversy between Mr. 
Cotton and Mr. VVheelwright on the one part, and the 
rest of the ministers on the other part. 

The questions at that time discussed were five, which 
follow, with the answers given thereunto, bv Mr, Cotton 
and the rest of the ministers, set down distinct. 

Quest. 1. Whether our union with Christ be com¬ 
plete before and without faith ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. Not before the habit, though 
without the act of faith, i. e. not before Christ hath 
wrought faith in us; for in uniting himself to us, he 
works faith in us, yet before our faith hath laid hold on 
him; not before the gift of faith, though before the work 
of faith. 

Then were two or three arguments urged by Mr. 
Cotton, that seem to carry some strength with them. 

Arg. 1. From the utter impotency of the soul without 
or before union with Christ to any good act. (I mean 
complete union, for union standeth indivisible.) If we 
put forth an act of faith to lay hold on Christ, before we 
be completely united to him, then we put forth a good 
act, and so bring forth good fruit before we be in him, 
and before we be good trees. 

Arg. 2. In our regeneration we are merely passive, 
our faith is not then active. But in our regeneration we 
are completely united to Christ, when our faith is not ac¬ 
tive. Many other great divines seem to speak this way. 
Mi. Strong in a late treatise of the two covenants, page 
76, saith, that in our union we are passive, as well as in 
our conversion. 


300 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Arg. 3. If our union with Christ be an act of our faith, 
then it is by a work of ours, and then it is not a work of 
grace, according to Rom. xi. 6. 

Reply. Answers of the ministers in the synod. 

We are not completely united to Christ by the habit 
of faith without the act, or by a faith merely passive. 

We apprehend it to be beyond the reach of reason, or 
any expression in the scripture, how this joining can be 
made by the habit merely, not putting forth any act upon 
the object. The habit of faith in the hand of the Spirit 
must needs be some cause of the union in question, and 
therefore must act therein. For faith is not said to re¬ 
ceive in scripture as a vessel receives water, but as the 
wife takes the husband, John i. 12, where the same 
word is used with that in Matt. i. 20, for Joseph’s taking 
Mary for his wife. 

Quest. 2. Whether faith be an instrumental cause of 
applying Christ’s righteousness to our justification ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. It is an instrument to receive 
the righteousness of Christ applied to us of God lor our 
justification, but not properly an instrumental cause. 

Reply of the ministers. Faith is an instrumental cause 
in applying Christ’s righteousness, and faith is active and 
not merely passive herein. 

Quest. 3. Whether the Spirit of God in our justifica¬ 
tion doth bear witness in an absolute promise of free 
grace, without qualification or condition ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. The Spirit doth bear witness 
to our justification, either in an absolute promise, or 
conditional, in case the condition be understood, or 
applied absolutely, not attending the condition, as the 
cause or ground of our assurance, but as the effect or 
consequence of it. 

Reply ol the ministers. The Spirit in evidencing our 
justification doth bear witness only in a conditional 
promise, i. e. where some saving condition or qualifica¬ 
tion, wrought in us by the Spirit of Christ, is either ex¬ 
pressed or understood; expressed, Acts xiii. 39 ; un¬ 
derstood, Isaiah xliii. 25. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


301 


Quest. 4. Whether some saving qualification may be 
a first evidence of justification ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. A man may have an argument 
from thence, but not a first evidence. 

Reply of the ministers. Some saving qualification, 
wrought or discovered by the Spirit in the promise, may 
be a first evidence of our justification. 

Quest. 5. Whether Christ and his benefits be dis¬ 
pensed in a covenant of works? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. Christ is dispensed to the elect 
in a covenant of grace, to others he may be dispensed in 
some Sort, viz. in a taste of him, either in a covenant of 
works, or in a covenant of grace legally applied. 

Reply of the ministers. Although Christ and his ben¬ 
efits may be revealed, offered, and after a sort exhibited 
to men that be under a covenant of works, yet they are 
not revealed and offered by a covenant of works. 

These things were thoroughly sifted and scanned di¬ 
vers days in the synod, where every one had liberty to 
make his proposals and use his arguments, pro or con, 
as he stood affected. And upon this disquisition the 
presence of God did manifestly appear for the clearing 
of the truth in controversy to general satisfaction, so 
that a right understanding was thereby obtained between 
the rest of the elders and Mr. Cotton, who had been for 
some time before much estranged the one from the other. 
Many of Boston church, and some others, were offended 
with the procedure of the assembly in the producing so 
many errours, as if it were a reproach laid upon the coun¬ 
try without cause, and called to have the persons named 
which held those errours; but it was answered and affirm¬ 
ed by many, both elders and others, that all those opin¬ 
ions could be proved by sufficient testimony to be held 
by some in the country, but it was not thought fit to 
name the persons, because that assembly (not owning 
themselves to have any judicial power) had not to do 
with persons, but doctrines only. For according to the 
principles of those churches of the Congregational per¬ 
suasion, the question is only to be carried to the synod; 


303 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the case remains with the particular church to which the 
person is related. Bat this would not satisfy some, but 
they oft called for witnesses ; yea, many of them were 
so obstreperous, that the magistrates were constrained to 
interpose with their authority to prevent civil disturbance ; 
upon which divers of Boston departed home and came 
no more at the assembly. 

In the first handling of the five questions premised, 
either part delivered their arguments in writing, which 
were read in the assembly, and afterwards the answers 
to them, which spent much time without any effect; 
but after they came to open dispute about the questions, 
they were soon determined, and by that means also they 
came to understand one another much better. 

And in conclusion, the judgment of the assembly did 
appear in the points controverted between them and Mr. 
Cotton, and if he were not convinced, yet he was per¬ 
suaded to an amicable compliance with the other minis¬ 
ters, by studious abstaining on his part from all expres¬ 
sions that were like to be offensive; for although it was 
thought he did still retain his own sense, and enjoy his 
own apprehension, in all or most of the things then con¬ 
troverted, (as is manifest by some expressions of his, in 
a treatise of the new covenant, since that time published 
by Mr. Thomas Allen of Norwich,) yet was there an 
healing of the breach, that had been between him and 
the rest of the elders, and a putting a stop to the course 
of errours in the country lor the future, through the joint 
endeavours of himself and the rest of the ministers, in 
their respective places and congregations. By that means 
did that reverend and worthy minister of the gospel re¬ 
cover his former splendour throughout the whole country 
of New England, with his wonted esteem and interest 
in the hearts of all his friends and acquaintance, so as his 
latter days were like the clear shining of the sun after 
rain, whatever distance had appeared heretofore; but as 
for others, whether broacners, or fomenters and main- 
tamers of familistical notions, they were all condemned 
in the synod, and by that occasion prevented from spread- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


303 


ing in the country, notwithstanding the many active per¬ 
sons concerned with them. 

Some had run on headily so far in the defending of 
those errours, that one offered to maintain in the synod, 
that Christ himself was part of the new creature; which 
made one of his disciples (who usually are more zealous 
in defence of any opinions than their masters) undertake 
before the whole assembly in Boston church to maintain 
it by scripture, that Christ and the new creature were ail 
one : not much unlike the gentleman, that to make it ap¬ 
pear how resolute a Catholick he was, was heard to say, 
he not only believed Christ was really present in the sa¬ 
crament, but that he was there booted and spurred, as he 
rode to Jerusalem : so this young familist, not content 
to affirm that Christ was part of the new creature, will 
boldly affirm he is the new creature ; alleging for proof 
that in the 2 Cor. v. 17; for having some smattering in 
the French tongue, he observed that in the French bible 
[qu’ il soit] is written in a different character, as if in the 
original it must therefore be, [if any man be in Christ, 
the new creature.] To whom Mr. Cotton, according to 
his wonted meekness and moderation, yet with a nimble 
sagacity, replied, brother, if the words [he is] are not 
literally expressed, they are necessarily understood and 
implied; for read them in your sense, [if any man be in 
Christ, the new creature,] what follows then ? what sense 
will that be ? at which the nonsensical familist was not a 
little confounded, which made him soon quit that station 
of defence and retire himself into a present silence as his 
best refuge. But this may suffice for a taste of the 
strange spirit of errour, that had begun to leaven several 
forward professors in that place with such strange notions. 
Such was the issue of this synod, of which it might truly 
be affirmed, 

“ Est synodus, nodus, sed quo constringuit* error.’* 

In the last day of the assembly some other questions 
were debated and resolved, as about the pubiick exercis¬ 
ing of women’s gifts, (as was then the custom in Boston,. 

* Qu. Constringitur ? Ed. 


304 


GENERAL HISTORY 


though in a private house,) when fifty or sixty persons 
were observed to attend constantly every week upon one 
woman, (who in a prophetical way would take upon her 
to resolve questions of doctrine, and expound scripture.) 
This was condemned to be disorderly and without rule. 

And about asking of questions in publick by the 
brethren after sermon, not so much for information as 
for reproof, (then too much in use,) whereby the doc¬ 
trines delivered were endeavoured to be refuted, and the 
ministers themselves reproached, which was also con¬ 
demned. 

There was likewise a motion at that time made by the 
governour about the way of raising maintenance for the 
ministers, there having been some difference amongst the 
churches a little before on that account. It was there¬ 
fore desired that it might now be determined, by the 
present synod, what way was most agreeable to the gos¬ 
pel ; but the ministers did not like to meddle with the 
question in that assembly, lest some that were not well 
minded should thereby take occasion to say, that the 
ministers of the country had caused an assembly to be 
gathered together for their own ends and advantage: 
and seeing it is positively declared, I Cor. ix. 14, in the 
gospel, as a thing ordained of God, that they which 
preach the gospel should live of the gospel; it was 
thought best to leave it to the liberty of each church and 
people, to take that course for the maintenance of their 
ministers, which, all things considered, appears most 
agreeable to their state and condition. 

For a conclusion, the reverend Mr. Davenport (as he 
had been desired by the assembly) preached out of 
Philip, iii. 16, “ Nevertheless, whereunto we have already 
attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the 
same thingout of which words he laid down the oc¬ 
casion of differences amongst Christians, and declared 
the fruit and effect of the present assembly, and with 
much wisdom, and sound arguments, persuaded all to 
endeavour the keeping of the unity of the Spirit in the 
bond of peace. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


303 


CHAP. XLI. 

The first planting of the country about the river of Con¬ 
necticut. The occasions leading thereunto , and pro¬ 
gress thereof, in the years 1635 and 1636, with some 
occurrences which haze since happened there^ both in 
their civil and ecclesiastical affairs . 

The discovery of the famous river of Connecticut, 
known to the Dutch by the name of the Fresh river, and 
by them intimated to the inhabitants of New Plymouth, 
(possibly to make them some amends for the abuse for¬ 
merly offered in supplanting them upon their first ad¬ 
venturing into those parts,) hath been mentioned already, 
where it is declared how the English about the same 
time happened to discover it by land, as the other had 
done by sea. The Dutch had only resorted thither on 
the account of trade with the Indians ; and if those of 
Plymouth had entertained any thoughts of removing 
thither, they spent too much time in deliberation about 
the matter, and so were prevented by the inhabitants of 
the Massachusetts, who were at that time overpressed 
with multitudes of new families, that daily resorted thith¬ 
er, so as like an hive of bees overstocked, there was a ne¬ 
cessity that some should swarm out. The places about 
the Bay were already in a manner all taken up, and the 
country about the said river, (whose fame peradventure 
did not a little outdo its real excellency,) though more 
remote, yet was thought to make compensation for that, 
by the abundant fertility of the soil; a great number 
therefore of the planters of the old towns, viz. Dorches¬ 
ter, Roxbury, Watertown, and Cambridge, were easily 
induced to attempt a removal of themselves and families 
upon the first opportunity afforded ; which was not a lit¬ 
tle advanced by the fame and interest of Mr. Hooker, 
whose worth and abilities had no small influence upon the 
people of the towns forementioned. It was also said, 
that besides the qausa procatarctica , there was a causa 
an impulsive cause, that did more secretly and 
$9 


306 


GENERAL HISTORY 


powerfully drive on the business. Some men do not well 
like, at least, cannot well bear to be opposed in their 
judgments and notions, and thence were they not un¬ 
willing to remove from under the power, as well as out 
of the bounds of the Massachusetts. Nature doth not 
allow two suns in one firmament, and some spirits can 
as ill bear an equal as others a superiour: but whether 
they have mended themselves by their choice, they are 
best able to judge, that have had longest experience of 
another colony. Possibly it might have been as well for 
the whole, if they could have been included in one juris¬ 
diction ; for by that means their union together by an 
incorporation had been much firmer and stronger, than 
by a confederation, as afterwards it came to pass. 

It was generally accounted no wisdom to be straitened 
in a wilderness, where there was land enough; and 
therefore these, with Isaac, preferred a Rehoboth before 
a Sitnah; and it were to be wished, that men’s desires 
being obtained as to room, there may never be conten¬ 
tion about their bounds. But whatever were the cause, 
or gave the occasion of setting up these plantations, the 
design being resolved upon in the year 1634, some were 
deputed from amongst the towns in the Bay, to view the 
country, who returning from this Eshcol with a large 
commendation of the commodiousness of the place, and 
fruitfulness of the soil, they todk up a resolution forth¬ 
with to begin several plantations there: accordingly in 
the year 1635, several families, with the approbation of 
the authority of the Massachusetts, undertook the remov¬ 
al of themselves to that Canaan of Connecticut; and in 
the way thereunto, whether they so well expected it and 
prepared for it or no, they met with many difficulties, 
and trials of a wilderness, before they were comfortably 
settled there. For those their hasty resolves, that had 
so early budded, were sorely nipped, and almost quite 
blasted, by the sharpness of the winter season that year, 
and other sad occurrences, which they were called to en¬ 
counter with in the following year, by the barbarous out¬ 
rage of the Pequod Indians, who, like Amalek of old, 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


m 


that set upon the rear of Israel in the wilderness, did 
sorely annoy those plantations upon Connecticut river, 
at their first settling there. 

The place which those that went from Cambridge had 
by their agents chosen to settle upon, was by the Indians 
called Suckiang, where some of them began the planta¬ 
tion in the end of the year 1635 ; Mr. Hooker and Mr. 
Stone, the ministers of the church, engaging to follow 
them the next year, which they did, and called it Hart¬ 
ford. Those of Dorchester settled upon a place called 
by the Indians Mattaneaug, or Cufcbankamaug, after 
whom Mr. Wareham and the rest of the church engag¬ 
ed to follow, and so likewise did the next year, and call¬ 
ed it Windsor. Those that went from Watertown 
(whereof not above seven were members of the church, 
and Mr. Smith was afterwards their minister) pitched 
upon a place known to the Indians by the name of Pau- 
quiaug, which was afterwards by the English named 
Weathersfield. 

The place which these Weathersfield men settled their 
plantation upon, was a very desirable tract of interval 
land, which those of Hartford intended for themselves, 
purposing to st retch one of the wings of their plantation 
over it; but the other were too quick for them, and 
seized it to settle their own plantation upon, being situ¬ 
ate about three miies from Hartford. In such kind cf 
possessions the premier seisin is the best title ; they, 
therefore, being found the first occupants, could not be 
dispossessed by the pretensions of their neighbours. 
However it was said, that this preoccupation of theirs 
had no small influence (directly or indirectly) into those 
contentions, which for many years (soon after the first 
planting) disturbed that place, before they could be heal¬ 
ed ; of which there may be more occasion to speak af¬ 
terwards. Much of the trouble was said to arise from 
Mr. Smith, aforesaid, the minister, and one Mr. Chap¬ 
lin, the ruling elder. If they did answer the apostle’s 
qualification, 1 Tim. v. 17, of ruling well, and labouring 
in the word and doctrine, they were not, as the text re¬ 
quires, rewarded with double fionour. 


308 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Those that went from Roxbury (the principal of whom 
were Mr. William Pynchon, and one John Burr, a car¬ 
penter) settled, at least laid the foundation of a plantation, 
higher up the river, called by the Indians Agawam, but 
by the English afterwards named Springfield, in remem¬ 
brance of the said Mr. Pynchon, who had his mansion 
house at a town of that name, near Chelmsford in Essex, 
before he removed to New England : but this plantation 
was afterwards found to fall within the line of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts patent, and so was always after left to their ju¬ 
risdiction. 

These new plantations were reduced to great extrem¬ 
ity the first winter, by reason of the early setting in of 
the hard weather, which detained their provisions (that 
came by sea) at the river’s mouth, near sixty miles off 
from them, (the stream being frozen up all the way be¬ 
tween them,) so as the several companies were dispers¬ 
ed ; some repairing towards the mouth of the river, the 
rest returning back through the woods with the peril of 
their lives, leaving some few behind them, (which was of 
necessity to look after the cattle they carried up,) with 
whom they were forced to leave all the provisions they 
could spare, scarce reserving enough for them that were 
to travel back, insomuch as one or two of them, for want 
of relief, perished by the way. Many of their cattle also, 
which they left upon the place, were lost that winter, for 
want of looking after : on all which accounts the first 
planters conflicted with much hardship, and many sor¬ 
rows, before they were fully settled. 

But for the better managing of affairs, (as to the gov¬ 
ernment,) in those first beginnings in the year 1636, sev¬ 
eral gentlemen, that removed thither, were appointed by 
some kind of commission from the Massachusetts to 
take care of the government of the place, viz. Roger 
Ludlow, Esq. Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. 
William Westwood, Mr. Andrew Ward, and some 
others that were joined with them in the same commis¬ 
sion, for the government of the said plantations. As for 
the mischief they sustained by the Indians, which occa- 


OF NEW ENGLAND# 


309 

sioned the war with the Pequod Indians, near adjoining 
to them, it is particularly described in the history thereof. 

Soon after the setting up of these plantations, the in¬ 
habitants being fully satisfied that they were all or most 
of them without the limits of the Massachusetts, (of 
which they had no small presumption before,) and there¬ 
fore not belonging to their jurisdiction, they entered in¬ 
to a combination among themselves, and so became a 
body politick by mutual consent, and framed such laws 
and constitutions as were necessary for the foundation of 
a civil government; choosing some prudent and meet 
persons yearly to be both magistrates and representatives 
of the people in some general assembly, impowering 
them as well to enact new orders as to put the former in 
execution, so far as was needful for the welfare of the 
people; which possibly was the the occasion, that those 
of that colony took a larger compass, as to their freemen, 
than the Massachusetts had done before them; not re¬ 
straining the freedom of their civil government to the 
membership of their churches; for where a government 
is founded on the consent of the people, it will be neces¬ 
sitated to extend the favour of a civil freedom to many, 
who otherwise might be looked upon, not so capable, at 
least not so worthy thereof. 

In this way of government the plantations of Connec¬ 
ticut continued until the year 1644, within which time 
George Fenwick, Esq. a worthy and pious gentleman, 
came over thither, and in the behalf of sundry lords and 
gentlemen took up much land about the mouth of Con¬ 
necticut river, and there began another plantation, which 
was called Saybrook, in remembrance of those two no¬ 
ble lords, the lord Say and the lord Brook, claiming the 
government and propriety of those places, by virtue of a 
patent, granted to the foresaid lords and other gentlemen, 
and their associates, by the right honourable Robert, 
earl of Warwick. Although it is since known that there 
was a grant made of lands containing sixty miles in length 
and breadth betwixt the river of Connecticut and the 
Narraganset country, to the marquis Hamilton, by the 


aio 


GENERAL HISTORY 


grand council of Plymouth, hearing date in the eleventh 
year of king Charles the first; but whether the patent 
aforesaid, granted by the earl of Warwick, were of a 
more ancient date, must be determined by them that 
have power assigned them for that end, seeing the heirs 
of the said marquis still challenge an interest therein. 
But for the extent of the patent, granted by the earl of 
Warwick, it reaches unto, and takes in all that part of 
New England, in America, which lies and extends itself 
from a river, there called Narraganset river, the space of 
forty leagues upon a straight line, near the sea shore, to¬ 
wards the southwest, west and by south or west, as the 
coast iieth, towards Virginia, accounting three English 
miles to the league ; and also all and singular the lands 
and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within the 
lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, 
and-in length and longitude, of and within all the breadth 
aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from the 
Western ocean to the South sea, &c. December 5, 1644, 
they made their purchase of Mr. Fenwick. The troubles 
and unnatural wars breaking forth, and increasing in 
England, the good people of the colony of Connecticut 
rested contented with what they had, and did not seek 
for a confirmation of their purchase of the then prevailing 
powers in England; but as soon as the tirr.es were 
changed, and our gracious king, Charles the second, 
(whom God preserve,) was restored to the quiet posses¬ 
sion of his crown and dignities, the general court of that 
colony saw reason to make their application to his majes¬ 
ty, to procure a royal stamp, and confirmation upon tile 
former purchase, conquests, and improvements ; and the 
design being of great importance, for the managing of it 
they improved their honourable governour, John Win- 
throp, Esq. -a man eminently qualified with all suitable 
endowments for such a service, and exceeding ready to 
spend and be spent in what would advance the publick 
good. Upon their desires manifested in court, May 16, 
1661, he readily complied with the motion, and went for 
England, addressed himself to the service, and God 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


311 


(who hath the hearts of kings at his dispose) was gra¬ 
ciously pleased to incline the heart of the king towards 
them, so as he was not unwilling to grant them a gra¬ 
cious charter, and therein many great privileges, and a 
large tract of land, viz. all that part of his majesty’s do¬ 
minions in New England, in America, bounded on the 
east by Narraganset river, commonly called Narraganset 
bay, where the said river falleth into the sea, and on the 
line of the Massachusetts plantation, and on the south by 
the sea, and in longitude as the line of the Massachusetts 
colony, running from east to west, that is to say, from 
the said Narraganset bay on the east to the South sea on 
the west part, with all the islands adjoining, &c. as by 
his majesty’s grant, dated in Westminster, the three and 
twentieth day of April, in the fourteenth year of his 
reign, will appear. 

Sometime after the charter of the colony of Connecti¬ 
cut came over, and the government was established ac¬ 
cording to the charter ; the plantations of New Haven, 
(who began to settle soon after the Pequod war,) being* 
comprised within their charter limits, (according to the 
desire of Connecticut, and the honourable William Leet, 
Esq. then governour of New Haven, as by his letter to 
governour Winthrop, then going for England, may ap¬ 
pear,) did (soon after colonel Nicols his arrival at New 
York, viz. in the year 1664) conjoin themselves with the 
colony of Connecticut, about the latter end of the year ; 
and all the pi ivileges of the charter were confirmed upon 
them, and four of their honoured magistrates, at the next 
court of election at Hartford, May 11, 1665, were by the 
freemen of the colony chosen to be assistants to the gov¬ 
ernour, in the management of the government, accord¬ 
ing to the charter. 

May 10, 1666, at a general court held at Hartford, for 
the better government of the people of the colony, and 
administration of justice, according as occasion should 
require, they divided the colony into four counties, viz. 
the county of Hartford, in which are these plantations, 
Hartford, Windsor, Weatheisfkki, Farmington, Mid. 


31S 


GENERAL HISTORY 


dletown, Simsbury, and Haddam, in which towns, except 
it be the two last, are churches already settled, in the 
two last also are preachers of the gospel settled and now 
abiding there. 

There is also the county of New London, in which 
are these towns, viz. New London, Saybrook, Norwich, 
Stonington, Kenilworth, and Lime, in which towns are 
churches settled, only the last hath not yet so far attain¬ 
ed, although they have a reverend and able minister set¬ 
tled there. 

There is also the county of New Haven, in which are 
these towns, viz. New Haven, Milford, Guilford, Brand- 
ford, Wallingford, and Derby, in which towns, except 
the two last, are churches already gathered and settled: in 
the two last are ministers of the gospel settled, and Wal¬ 
lingford are preparing for gathering themselves into a 
church fellowship : and lastly, 

There is also the county of Fairfield, in which are 
these towns, viz. Fairfield, Stratford, Norwalk, Stand- 
ford, Greenwich, Kye, and Woodbury, in which are 
churches already gathered, except in the three last; and 
there is a church settling in the last of the said three, and 
had been upon the place, but the fury of the last war 
prevented their settlement for the present. 

In each county are two county courts annually to be 
held at the county towns, where justice, for the ease of 
the people within the county, is to be administered by 
the persons appointed, and commissionated to that work, 
by the general court yearly. 

In the Narraganset country there is a town called 
Wickford, who were to have recourse to New London 
for justice, but the fury of the Indian war, 1675, hath 
demolished that place ; yet now it is again beginning to 
be inhabited. 

By what hath been said in the premises, it doth ap¬ 
pear, that the foresaid colony of Connecticut hath had ex¬ 
perience of a double settlement, the first by combination 
and consent among themselves, the other by right of a 
royal charter or patent from the king. In both which the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


313 


constitution of the civil government hath in some things 
always differed from that of the Massachusetts, as was 
hinted before, especially in reference to the persons be- 
trusted with the choice of their governour and magis¬ 
trates, who are not determined by church membership, 
as in the other colony, but by some other qualification. 

But as to their ecclesiastical affairs in that colony, it 
is to be noted, that tile two principal towns, viz. Hart¬ 
ford and Windsor, were peopled with such as were set¬ 
tled in their church state before their removal thither, 
conformable in all things to the churches in the Massa¬ 
chusetts ; and so lived in great peace together all the 
days of Mr. Hooker, for about eleven years space. Al¬ 
though at Weathersfield the case was much otherwise; 
for there was scarce men enough removed thither to 
constitute a church ; neither were they supplied with a 
minister before they removed,„ and he whom they called 
to that function among them after their removal was not 
so happy in his conduct, or in his colleague, (who bore 
the ruling elder’s place,) as to maintain the place in any 
tolerable degree of unity and peace, insomuch that they 
were looked upon as a people, by a kind of fatal necessi¬ 
ty, destined to contention for many years after. Whether 
there were any indirect means used in a kind of surrep¬ 
titious seizure of the land, (which made the plantation,) 
that of right belonged to their neighbours of Hartford, 
as some have said, or any other secret occurrence, they 
were not so blessed in the enjoyment of it, as was to be 
desired : for it might have been said, not only (as they 
about Jericho said to Eiisha) that the situation was plea¬ 
sant, and the land also very fertile, I >ut for want of agree¬ 
ment amongst themselves they had not much comfort 
therein, for a long time after. For a x>ut the year 1639 
it was found, not only that the church was divided, but 
that the rent grew greater, notwithstanding the great 
pains which had been taken for the healing thereof: and 
the church was not only divided from the rest of the 
town, but of those seven, which made the church, four 
fell off, so as it was conceived that thereby the church 




GENERAL HISTORY 


was dissolved, which occasioned the church of Water- 
town (which had divers of their members there not yet 
dismissed) to send two of their church to look after their 
members, and to take order with them ; but the conten¬ 
tion and alienation of their minds one from another was 
such, as they could not bring them to any other accord 
than this, that the one part must remove to some other 
place, (which they both consented to,) but still the diffi¬ 
culty remained; for those three, who pretended them¬ 
selves to be the church, pleaded that privilege for their 
stay, and the other four alleged their multitude, as being 
the greater number, so as neither would give place; 
whereby it seemed, that they either minded not the ex¬ 
ample of Abram’s offer to Lot, or else they wanted 
Abraham’s (and indeed the Christian) spirit of peace and 
love. 

This controversy proceeded so far that it occasioned 
the calling in of Mr. Davenport, with others of New 
Haven, by way of mediation ; but they, not according 
with those of Connecticut about the case, gave some ad¬ 
vantage to the enemy to sow some seeds of contention 
between those plantations also; but being godly and 
wise men, on both parts, things were the more easily re¬ 
conciled not long after* But as to the church and town 
of Weathersfield, some of the inhabitants chose rather to 
remove elsewhere, and to live in a cottage in a wilder¬ 
ness, than to abide any longer in the fire of contention in 
a beautiful habitation. But after the removal of some, 
those that stayed behind lived not so peaceably together 
as they should neither : and some time after Mr. Chap¬ 
lin, the ruling elder, removed back again to England, 
bui did not carry away all the matter of contention; but 
there was enough left to maintain the old quarrel, or new 
fuel was afterward gathered together to rekindle the 
same fire. But some years after there was an appearance 
of great unanimity, upon the choice of another minister, 
one Mr. Russell, who was called to take upon him the 
pastoral office there, which he faithfully discharged for 
some lime, till another occasion of trouble arose at Hart- 


OF NEW ENGLAND 


SIS 

lord, soon after Mr. Hooker’s death, when the said Rus¬ 
sell removed to another place higher up the river; for 
that town of Hartford being the centre and chief town of 
that colony, any leaven of division arising there did the 
more easily diffuse itself over the whole colony, or a great 
part thereof. If there were any notions or principles 
tending that way before, latent in the minds of any per¬ 
sons of interest there, they never had discovered them¬ 
selves during the time of Mr. Hooker’s life, and if there 
had any such thing appeared, his interest and authority 
would easily have suppressed it. 

But after the removal of him and some other of the 
principal persons out of the jurisdiction, by .death or 
otherwise, some of the inhabitants, holding more strictly 
to the former principles of discipline, could not well bear 
that any, in whose real piety they were not satisfied, (as 
not being confirmed members in the church,) should 
partake of any higher privileges, civil or ecclesiastical, 
than formerly belonged to non-members. The first ap¬ 
pearance of disturbance, which on that account happened 
amongst them, was at Hartford, occasioned on the call 
of a person to supply the place of Mr. Hooker, w ho de¬ 
ceased in the year 1647, and that being the principal 
town of the colony (as was said before) the trouble there 
easily diffused itself into the body of the colony. Dis¬ 
cords upon such an occasion have upon experience 
been found to make way for sad breaches, in many of 
those churches that have embraced the Congregational 
way, which yet cannot be said to arise from any defect 
in the persuasion itself, but the perverseness of some 
men’s tempers, together with their unacquaintedness 
with the practice, that are unwilling to submit to the 
remedy, which is in that way provided for, as well as in 
any of the other Reformed churches, w ; here any ecclesi¬ 
astical subordination is supposed the only means to pre¬ 
vent or redress such grievances; for the best sort of 
government, like the best complexion, may, in case of 
mal-administration, be as soon or sooner overthrown, 


816 


GENERAL HISTORY 


as any other that may be judged more remote from the 
case. But that point is not now to be debated here. 

And not long after there arose another difference in 
that colony, which was occasioned through theendeavours 
of some of their ministers for enlarging of baptism, and 
extending the right of membership to children, before 
their admission into full communion ; which notion, first 
started in that colony, produced a kind of synodical 
meeting and dispute of sundry ministers at Boston, anno 

1657, managed by twenty six of the chief ministers of 
that and the other colonies, the result of which was not 
long after published in print, and the substance of it 
weaved into the answer of the synod at Boston to the 
two questions propounded and discussed, anno 1662, as 
shall be more particularly declared in its proper place. 

But the aforesaid differences, in the years 1656, 1657, 

1658, arose to such a paroxysm that it ended m the re- 
moval (yet orderly and peaceably) of one part of the 
churches and towns of Hartford, and Weathersfield, and 
Windsor to another plantation or two up higher, upon 
Connecticut river, the one of which was called Hadley, 
the other Northampton; and since that time other 
towns have been erected there. 

Thus was the particular difference between Paul and 
Barnabas of old overruled by Divine Providence, for the 
advantage of the church in general, that it might be fur¬ 
ther propagated and enlarged thereby. 

But when once the fire of contention hath begun to 
kindle, it is hard to say when it will be quenched. Hap¬ 
py therefore are those societies, which, attending the 
counsel cf Solomon, leave off contention before it be 
meddled withal, seeing the beginning of strife is as when 
one ietteth out water. For the following differences, 
that arose in that jurisdiction, about the enlarging of 
baptism, or such like accounts, ended rather in the di¬ 
viding than multiplying of some of their churches and 
congregations, cohabiting still within the bounds of the 
same parish, which was the product of an act of their 
general court, granting liberty for [distinct walking] (fo(° 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


31 7 

how can two walk together unless they be agreed ;) but 
whether such a commission hath or is like much to ad¬ 
vance the honour of God, the peace and purity of his 
church, there or elsewhere, future time will declare. 
However it may truly be affirmed, that no difference in 
their civil matters hath been occasioned thereby. The 
sudden and unexpected (as some say) incorporating of 
New Haven colony, with that of Connecticut, (which 
was about the nineteenth year of his majesty, Charles the 
second, now reigning,) being by this time pretty well 
digested, and ail supposed inconveniences, probably fear¬ 
ed to arise therefrom, healed and composed (though it 
could not be wholly prevented) by a wise and timely 
condescension on all hands, there seems now to be such 
a perfect coalescence of all minds and spirits, as leaves no 
remembrance of the former distinction of two colonies. 

CHAP. XLII. 

The first planting of New Haven , Some of the most re¬ 
markable passages concerning that colony , as also of 
Rhode Island , Providence , and the places adjoining , 
near the Narraganset bay , in the years 1637, i638. 

The same grounds, that stirred up the spirits of ma¬ 
ny in all parts of England, did also prevail with Mr. John 
Davenport, the then famous minister in Coleman street, 
and sundry of his eminent hearers, with many other their 
friends in and about London, to join in the design of 
coming over into these parts; accordingly Mr. Daven¬ 
port, more secretly, as being then under a cloud by rea¬ 
son of his non-compliance in ecclesiastical matters, and 
Mr. Theophilus Eaton, more manifestly, in behalf of 
their friends, took part in the patent for Massachusetts 
Bay, then in designation, which obtained in the season 
■by Providence presented. They passed over into these 
parts of the world, as many had done before them, and, 
according to their primitive intention, endeavoured to set¬ 
tle themselves within the proper precincts of the said 
patent; which was also desired by the magistrates, and 


318 


GENERAL HISTORY 


others there already in their new beginnings settled; but 
upon some considerable trial, not finding any place of 
meet capacity for them and their many friends expected, 
which would require sundry townships, and hearing 
from Connecticut, then lately planted, of considerable 
tracts of land to the southwest, upon the sea coast, 
beyond Cape Cod, they inclined to remove thither, as 
hoping to find the conveniences they were hitherto short¬ 
ened in thereby redressed, and in order thereunto they 
sent up to their friends at Connecticut to purchase for 
them all those lands, lying between them and Hudson’s 
river, of the native proprietors, which was in part effect¬ 
ed. Things being thus prepared, the aforesaid worthy 
men with their partners began to go more southward, 
and they for their own parts pitched on a place, called 
Quillipiuk, which is a pleasant land lying on both sides 
of the mouth of a small river, where it makes a bay of 
some miles in length, and proportionably broad. The 
place being by them chosen, they began to make im¬ 
provement upon it, and to dispose of it into allotments, 
in a way suitable to their then designs and hopes ; for 
the chief of their company being Londoners, and mer¬ 
chants of considerable estates and dealing in the world, 
they propounded to themselves the setting up a place of 
trade, for which they were most fitted, and accordingly 
chose their town plot upon the face of the bay, and laid 
out very small proportions to the inhabitants, such as 
were agreeable enough to their end, if it had stood. But 
since the frustration thereof, and that they have been 
forced to husbandry for their subsistence, they have 
found much incommodity in their situation, by being so 
close crowded together : however, having made this be¬ 
ginning, they quickly grew to be a considerable people, 
not so much for numbers, as for the excellency of the 
ministry, and eminency of sundry persons suited for civil 
affairs, and capable to manage those of a much vaster 
territory than this was, or ever like to be ; yet they es¬ 
teemed themselves weak and solitary while alone, and 
therefore were in expectation of their friends from Eng- 


©F NEW ENGLAND. 


319 


land, but a great change coining about there, soon after, 
stopped many that had their eyes that way ; yet some 
came and disposed themselves along upon the sea coast, 
as they found place and opportunity. A company came 
out of the southern parts of England, Kent, Suffolk, 
Surry, &c. with Mr. Henry Whitfield, with whom came 
also Mr. William Leet, the late worthy governour of 
Connecticut colony, then a young man. These chose a 
place about sixteen miles easterly from Quillipiuk, (since 
called New Haven,) and there sat down, which is since 
called Guilford. Another company from Hartford there, 
and the parts thereabouts, came over with Mr. Peter 
Prudden, and settled themselves nine or ten miles west* 
ward from New Haven, at a place since called Milford. 
Another company came over from Weathersfield, a town 
upon Connecticut river, upon occasion of some disturb¬ 
ance there, and pitched upon a place forty miles west¬ 
ward from New Haven, since called Stamford ; and not 
long after some more of Weatherslield inhabitants, with 
others, pitched upon a small tract of land, overlooked till 
the greater were taken up, about six or seven miles east¬ 
ward from New Haven, since called Brainford. There 
are other towns, sundry upon the sea coast, between and 
amongst some of these, which yet I make no mention of, 
because no part of New Haven colony, (but by special 
occasions, not needful to be insisted upon,) conjoined 
with Connecticut, but the towns named did all, in their 
several times of settlement, or other opportunities, con¬ 
join themselves to New Haven, as the principal, and so 
one with another, as the body politick, to order and man¬ 
age the concerns accordingly. And to these towms upon 
the main was joined a small plantation upon Long Island, 
called Southhold, which came to pass by reason of the 
purchase of the land by some of New Haven, who dis¬ 
posed it to the inhabitants upon condition of their union. 
And thus was this small colony born into the world; 
small indeed at the best, and something incommodiously 
stated, by reason of intermixture of towns, andiaterpos- 
ure of waters, yet feeling less inconveniency upon those 


320 


GENERAL HISTORY 


accounts than may be imagined. In this their settlement 
they wanted indeed the legal basis of a patent, which is 
the less to be wondered at, considering the confusions 
that were in England in the times of the civil war, but 
in want thereof they took what help and strength they 
could from the Massachusetts patent, shewing therein 
their good will to the like for themselves, if it had been 
attainable ; and so they began to lay their foundation, both 
civil and ecclesiastical, taking the word of God religious¬ 
ly and conscionably for their guide. For their civil 
foundations, they were much the same with the other col¬ 
onies, especially with the Massachusetts; the magis¬ 
trates and deputies of towns having the legislative pow¬ 
er, and the magistrates the execution of law, and that 
without a jury, their main difference from their brethren, 
which was so settled upon some reasons urged by Mr. 
Eaton (a great reader and traveller) against that way. 
And for their church settlements, they were extraordina¬ 
rily exact and thorough, trying, over and over again, 
those that were to be laid in the foundation, by mutual 
discourses and other helps, and proportionably careful in 
after admissions, wherein New Haven was exemplary 
to other plantations; in which their proceedings, if any 
differently persuaded shall judge they were over strict, 
yet the commendable care and zeal for the truth and 
power of religion, therein appearing, cannot but have a 
sweet savour to the present, yea, and to future genera¬ 
tions. These transactions were all, or for the main, be¬ 
tween the years 1637 and 1643,. when they began for¬ 
mally to act as a distinct colony ; being so owned in the 
articles of confederation, which were that year concluded 
and agreed upon by the several New England colonies. 
They chose for governour, in their first election, Mr. 
Theophilus Eaton, and continued him as the very pillar 
of their strength in that office for about fourteen years 
together, when he died, as we shall see in the course of 
the story. For deputy governour was chosen Mr. Ste¬ 
phen Goodyear, a man at first of good estate, and of a 
publick and humble spirit, he was also continued in that 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


321 

place to his death : and Mr. Thomas Grigson was chos¬ 
en magistrate for New Haven town, a man of quick spirit 
and parts, but he lived not long. Others were chosen for 
other plantations. 

Being thus settled upon their basis, we shall, without 
a particular relation of their small affairs, only point out 
the remarkable passages that befel their colony in the 
progress of their plantations. And the first thing con¬ 
siderable was, what issue Divine Providence put to the 
design of trade, by them first intended at New Haven, 
for that side of the country. There was then no settled 
place of trade, at least of any great moment, in the coun¬ 
try, and the main founders of New Haven were men of 
great estates, notably well versed in trading and mer¬ 
chandising, strongly bent for trade, and to gain their sub¬ 
sistence in that way, choosing their seat on purpose in 
order thereunto, so that if the providence of God had 
gone along with an answerable blessing, they had stood 
fair for the first born of that employment. But that mer¬ 
cy, as hath since appeared, was provided for another 
place, and a meaner condition for them ; for they quick¬ 
ly began to meet with insuperable difficulties, and though 
they built some shipping, and sent abroad their provi¬ 
sions into foreign parts, and purchased lands at Dela¬ 
ware, and other places, to set up trading houses for bea¬ 
ver, yet all would not help; they sank apace, and their 
stock wasted, so that in five or six years they were very 
near the bottom : yet being not willing to give over, they 
did, as it were, gather together all their remaining 
strength, to the building and loading out one ship for 
England, to try if any better success might befal them 
for their retrievement. Into this ship they put, in a man¬ 
ner, all their tradable estates, much corn,|iarge quantities 
of plate, and sundry considerable persons also went, 
amongst whom was Mr. Grigson forementioned, who, 
besides his own private occasions, carried with him some 
estate in order to the procuring of a patent; but all this, 
though done by very wise men, yet hath since been 
thought to be carried by a kind oi infatuation; for th$ 
41 


GENERAL HISTORY 


322 

ship was ill built, very wait sided, and to increase the in- 
conveniency thereof, ill laden, the lighter goods at the 
bottom ; so that understanding men did even beforehand 
conclude in their deliberate thoughts a calamitous issue, 
especially being a winter voyage, and so in the dead of 
winter, that they were necessitated with saws to cut open 
the ice, for the passage of the ship, frozen in, for a large 
way together ; yet were all these things overlooked, and 
men went on in an hurry till it was too late, when such 
circumstances as these were called to mind. The issue 
was, the ship was never heard of, foundered in the sea, 
as is most probable, and with the loss of it their hopes 
of trade gave up the ghost, which was gasping for life 
before in New Haven : but this was not all the lpss; be¬ 
sides the goods there were sundry precious Christians 
lost, not less than ten belonging to the church there, 
who, as Mr. Cotton’s expression upon it was, went to 
heaven in a chariot of water, as Elijah long before in a 
chariot of lire. There were also some writings of Mr, 
Hooker’s and Mr. Davenport’s lost, that never were at 
all or not fully repaired, which was a loss to the world it¬ 
self: this was anno Dorn. 1645. Since that blow they 
have done little at foreign trade on that side of the coun¬ 
try ; but proceeded in a way of barter with their neigh¬ 
bours at Boston, to the east, or at the Dutch plantation, 
to the westward, especially while it stood under the 
Dutch government. 

The next head to be spoken to is the conflicts and ex¬ 
ercises they have met with, from time to time, from their 
foreign neighbours, whether Dutch or Indian. For 
the Indians, they have been mercifully preserved from 
harm and violence all along from them, setting aside a 
particular assault or two, the means whereof hath been 
a due carefulness in doing justice to them upon all occa¬ 
sions against the English, yet far avoiding any thing 
looking like servility, or flattery for base ends. But for 
the Dutch, they were, for a course of many years, more 
than a little troublesome; for they laid a kind of claim, 
such as it was, to ail the land between Cape Henlopen 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 




(some place near Virginia) and Cape Cod, in pursuance 
whereof (not mentioning here the disturbance made at 
Hartford, upon Connecticut, as being proper to the sto¬ 
ry of that colony) they did frequently send letters, arro¬ 
gant and imperious enough, and protests in the name of 
the Hogen Mogens and the Bewnithebbers of the West 
India company, setting up the piince of Ourania’s arms 
in a small village near Stamford, threatening to do the 
like at New Haven, (called by them the Dead Hills,) seiz¬ 
ing upon a ship belonging to some Dutch merchants in 
New Haven harbour, burning their trading houses, seiz¬ 
ing upon and imprisoning the persons of sundry as they 
came in the way of their indignation, with other such like 
injuries, which continued without remedy, though many 
means were used, both under Kieft, the first governour 
of the Dutch plantations, and Stuyvesant, the last, till a 
decision of compromise was made at Hartford, by both 
parties, with ultimate reference to the principals in Eu¬ 
rope, anno 1650. These and such like molestations, 
though they never produced any violent effects by war, 
or the like, yet did provoke and exasperate all that side 
of the country, so that when there was an opportunity, 
by the war between England and Holland in 1652, they 
were more than a little forward to pull so troublesome a 
thorn out of their feet, and had they not been crossed by 
some of their confederate brethren, led by other inter¬ 
ests, had surely attempted it; but all wise Providence 
otherwise disposed, whether for affliction or mercy to 
these parts, standers by may consider, but they them¬ 
selves think they can best judge. 

In the next place we shall take a view of some of their 
most observable managements among themselves. They 
were very vigorous in the execution of justice, and es¬ 
pecially the punishment of offenders, and that with great 
authority under the countenance of Mr. Eaton, having 
compiled by his help a body of very substantial and dis¬ 
tinct laws, which are in print, and so the less need be 
said of them, all which notwithstanding, they were much 
exercised and humbled by the outbreaking, (by a strange 


c 


BM 


GENERAL HISTORY 


kind of antiperistasis,) at several times, of very gross 
iniquities, even in unnatural ways; God hereby in his 
holy wisdom hiding pride from them, which would have 
been ready to rise, if success had answered their exact¬ 
ness. They made many attempts all along from the first 
to the last of their being a distinct colony, even such as 
were above their strength, to promote learning by pub- 
lick schools ; yea, it was in their hearts to set up a col¬ 
lege, and there were sundry provisions made and some 
bank laid up in order thereto, in which desires, though 
they in the issue failed, yet it is an honourable testimony 
of their good will to learning and liberal education of 
youth, and may have its acceptance in proportion with 
David desiring to build a temple, though it was effect¬ 
ed by his son. They have been at several seasons sorely 
afflicted with diseases, especially fevers, which have 
proved mortal to many. All that southerly part of the 
sea coast having, as more propinquity to Virginia, in 
situation, so a participation with it in its climatical dis¬ 
eases, commonly there called the seasoning, which is an 
ague and f^ver seizing upon men in the heat of summer, 
chiefly upon new comers, therefore called by that name, 
but not sparing the more settled inhabitants, especially in 
case of intemperate' drinking. Upon these southern 
coasts of New England it is not annual, as in Virginia, 
there being sundry years when there is nothing consid¬ 
erable of it, nor ordinarily so violent and universal; yet 
at some times it fails very hard upon the inhabitants, not 
without strange varieties of the dispensations of Provi¬ 
dence, for some years it hath been almost universal upon 
the plantations, yet little mortality; at other times it hath 
been very mortal in a plantation or two, when others, that 
have had as many sick, have scarcely made one grave; it 
hath been known also in some years that some one plan¬ 
tation hath been singled out and visited after a sore man¬ 
ner, when others have been healthy round about; so that 
the considerate inhabitants have seen cause to conclude, 
that though there might be something in the climate, 
yet a Divine Hand hath overruled, that so suitable ac- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


S&5 

knowledgments of liis greatness and sovereignty might 
be drawn from those that are unwilling to learn lessons 
of that importance. At one time or other every planta¬ 
tion, within less than these forty years, hath had its turn 
of heavy mortality, and some twice or thrice over ; and 
though somewhat hath been thought to be in the situa¬ 
tion of the plantations, that some of them have not been 
so well seated for brisk and wholesome air, either for 
want of judgment in the planters, or overlooking that in 
comparison of other inconveniences, yet therein (rot de¬ 
nying the ordinary interest of second causes) things have 
been carried above such sentiments ; while some planta¬ 
tions reputed most healthy have been turned as it were 
into graves, and others reputed for sickly have had a long 
and pleasant vacation. This disease, wherever it comes, 
is attended with great prostration of spirits, and some¬ 
times in the hot lit with strange stupefaction of the brain. 
Strengthening the body with cordials, and gentle con- 
ducticious aiding of nature, hath been found better than 
sudden and violent means by purgation or otherwise; 
and blood letting, though much used in Europe for fe¬ 
vers, especially in the hotter countries, is lound deadly 
in this fever, even almost without escaping ; the reason 
whereof is left to be inquired by those it may properly 
concern. Setting aside the effects of this disease, those 
places have been generally very healthy, and, that not¬ 
withstanding, have been all along, and are to this day, in 
a very increasing way, growing numerous, overstocked, 
and ready to look out for new plantations almost every 
where. 

There is yet another thing very observable concerning 
this colony, that they have been sundry times attempting 
to remove, yet always prevented by strange interposures 
of Providence: the main occasipn of such thoughts was 
from New Haven itself. They were, as appears by the 
former part of this discourse, Londoners, (i. e. the chief 
pf them,) and intended to live by trade ; when that fail¬ 
ed, and they were forced to husbandry, it pinched hard 
upon them; for their soil generally, till they knew how 


336 


GBNERAL HISTORY 


to husband it, was but poor and thin, and they had seat¬ 
ed themselves, for the harbour’s sake, at too great a dis¬ 
tance from the main body of the meadow, by which their 
cattle must subsist: themselves also were very unskilled 
in husbandry, their bodies unable to bear labour, and yet 
strong labour was required; their estates exceedingly 
wasted, help of servants hard to be procured, and those 
that were, very costly, and not over diligent.* These and 
many other things withal inclined the New Haven people 
to look out, and so to settle themselves elsewhere more 
commodious for their subsistence, and with them also 
joined a great part of the other plantations of their union, 
partly from their love and desire to be together, and part¬ 
ly stimulated by some like reasons among themselves ; 
accordingly they made attempts once and again at Dela¬ 
ware bay, where they had purchased large tracts of land, 
but were prevented by injuries of the Dutch, or one 
means or other. They had also offers from Ireland, after 
the wars there ended, and entered some treaty about the 
city of Galloway, to have it as a small province to them¬ 
selves. They had also offers from Jamaica by the powers 
which then prevailed, designing to people that place, and 
hearing of their unsatisfied station where they were. But 
after all proffers, thoughts, attempts, Providence overrul¬ 
ed them, and continued them in the same station, yea, 
and after all those frequent conclusions taken up, that 
there should be no subsistence for posterity ; but when 
the remaining strength of the land was worn out, beggary 
and misery must needs ensue; that very posterity, so tak¬ 
en care for, have appeared not to need it, as sufficiently 
able to take care for themselves : for as that first genera¬ 
tion could not aptly skill of husbandry, were removed 
by death, or returned to England or other ways, and have 
given place to other younger people, many of them their 
servants, and others of lower calculation, and some of 
their children, they, having more taken into the ways of 
husbandry with dexterity and understanding, do make 
out a comfortable livelihood, yea, and not a few of them 
grow rich in all those towns intended to be deserted; 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


and so amongst the rest in New Haven, where are at this 
day a numerous people, who, though they live in mean¬ 
er houses, and content themselves with smaller begin¬ 
nings, than those did at first, (whose errour in great build¬ 
ings (scarce to be paralleled in the country) hath been 
long since apparent to themselves and others,) yet are 
they in a substantial and holding way, that may, in the 
ordinary course of things, continue from generation to 
generation ; and though they have (as the rest of the 
country) all along upon the sea coast felt the stroke of 
the blast on [their wheat*] to their impairment, yet hath it 
been but an occasion to quicken their industry, putting 
them upon a more studious diligence in manuring their 
land for winter grain, which they find not so liable to the 
blast, especially if early, so that according to probability, 
if they are spared and abated as to the blast, as of late 
years they have been, that sea coast is like to prove not 
the meanest granary of the country. 

The next thing we shall give account of is the death 
or removal of some famous men among them, upon 
whom the weight of affairs lay much, in their life time, 
and upon their death accordingly alterations followed: 
these were some in the magistracy, some in the ministry, 
whom we shall take notice of in the order of time, as 
they went off the stage. The first considerable weaken¬ 
ing that was that way (passing over those lost in the ship 
foremen tioned, 1645) was the removal to England of Mr. 
Henry Whitfield, the gracious faithful pastor of the 
church at Guilford, (the most easterly town of that com¬ 
bination,) which was in 1650. He was of good extrac¬ 
tion, and which is more, of eminent holiness. He began 
betimes, and held out lively to a good old age. In his 
childhood he was piously addicted, and would often be 
at prayer even at school amongst the scholars, and to 
hide what he was doing from them would sit as though 
he were looking upon his book, whilst his heart was else¬ 
where. He grew up into great acquaintance with his own 
heart and the riches of free grace in Christ Jesus, con¬ 
cerning his interest wherein he was also persuaded to a 

* Ms. illegible. B». 


328 


GENERAL HISTORY 


full and long lasting assurance, insomuch as he hath been 
heard to say, he hath not met with any considerable 
doubts about his good estate for forty years together. 
He came into New England upon the same account as 
others, and settled a precious church, wherein it was re¬ 
markable that all besides himself, who began that work, 
were young men, an unusual thing in those times. Af¬ 
ter sundry years continuance in the country he found it 
too difficult for him, partly from the sharpness of the air, 
he having a weak body, and partly from the toughness 
of those employments wherein his livelihood was to be 
sought, he having been tenderly and delicately brought 
up; although I mean not that he was, as many others of 
like education, put upon boc\ily labour. He, therefore, 
finding his estate wasted very much, his body decaying, 
and many other things concurring, removed back again 
to England, not without the tears and unspeakable lamen¬ 
tations of his dear flock. This was a great loss not only 
to them but to all that side of the country, especially con¬ 
sidering (besides a great spirit of wisdom and prudence 
found in him) what he was in the pulpit, an experiment¬ 
al, soul searching preacher, and in the course of his min¬ 
istry aiming at heart, and life, and conversion, not with¬ 
out good fruit by the blessing of the Lord Jesus Christ. 

The next blow was the death of Mr. Peter Prudden, 
the pastor of Milford. He died 1656. He was a man of 
great zeal, courage, wisdom, and exemplary gravity in 
his conversation; a sharp enemy against the growing 
vices of the times. He had a better faculty than many 
of his coat to accommodate himself to the difficult cir¬ 
cumstances of the country, so as to provide comfortably 
for his numerous family, yet without indecent distrac¬ 
tions from his study. He had an excellent faculty in 
qualifying and sweetening Owen’s spirits to the preventing 
and healing contention* as appeared within his own town, 
which continued in peace all his days, but not long after 
fell into such divisions as were not healed in some years 
after; yet in God’s time that breach was closed up again, 
with gracious returns of a divine presence and blessing 
upon them. 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


These two pillars were thus pulled out of the building 
of this little colony, which could not otherwise be but a 
very sensible loss; yet Mr. Theophilus Eaton was still 
alive, the governour of the colony, so annually chosen, 
and whilst he stood, all was as it were made up and con¬ 
tinued in his worth ; but the next year, 1657, it pleased 
God to put a period to his days, (which year also died 
two more great men of this poor Israel, governours also 
in their respective colonies, Mr. Hopkins, then in Lon¬ 
don, but frequently chose governour of Connecticut col¬ 
ony, and Mr. Bradford of Plymouth.) For Mr. Eaton, 
he was son to a minister in Coventry, in the very heart 
of England, brought up to merchandize, belonging to 
the Baltick company, and in great reputation with them, 
and in a very thriving way as to his worldly estate. He 
came over into this country, as was said in the beginning, 
with Mr. Davenport, and abode firm with him all his 
days, to the very death. Soon after his being in these 
parts he was in great hazard of life, by a cancerous sore, 
or something near of kin to it, in his breast, which was 
not without great difficulty cured, not so but that he had 
some remembrance of it all his life after; and whether 
the remainder of that venenate humour were not at last 
the occasion of his death, cannot certainly be determined. 
He brought over a great estate with him, but after he 
saw the manner of the country, he soon gave overtrading 
and betook himself to husbandry, wherein, though he 
met with the inconveniences usual to others, which very 
much consumed his estate, yet he maintained a port in 
some measure answerable to his place ; and although he 
was capable of, and had been much used in affairs of a 
far nobler and broader nature, as having with good ad¬ 
vantage more than once stood before kings, yet did he 
apply himself to the mean and low things of New Eng¬ 
land, with that dexterity and humility as was much to 
see, and with as much constancy that no temptations or 
solicitations could prevail with him to leave his work 
and look back towards Europe again. He died suddenly 
in the night, of an apoplectical distemper, as is suppos- 
42 


38® 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ed. He supped well in the evening and went so to bed, 
but in the night was heard to turn himself and groan, (un¬ 
usual symptoms to him, who was a sound sleeper,) but 
before any cotdd step into the chamber was near speech¬ 
less, and within a very little time died; and with him the 
main strength of the colony was as it were buried in the 
dust, which yet is not intended as a disparagement to the 
worth of those that rose up and did worthily in their 
places afterwards. This man had in him great gifts, and 
as many excellencies as are usually found in any one 
man : he had an excellent princely face and port, com¬ 
manding respect from all others : he was a good scholar, 
a traveller, a great reader, of an exceeding steady and 
eveii spirit, not easily moved to passion, and standing 
unshaken in his principles, when once fixed upon, of a 
profound judgment, full of majesty and authority in his 
judicatures, so that it was a vain thing to offer to brave 
him out, and yet in his ordinary conversation, and among 
friends, of such pleasantness of behaviour, and such feli¬ 
city and fecundity of harmless wit, as hardly can be paral¬ 
leled : but above all he was seasoned with religion, close 
in closet duties, solemn and substantial in family wor¬ 
ship, a diligent and constant attender upon all publick 
ordinances, taking notes of the sermons he heaid exact¬ 
ly, and improving them accordingly; in short, approving 
himself in the v\ hole course of his life in faithfulness, 
wisdom, and inoffensiveness before God and man. Af¬ 
ter his death they were at some loss the next election 
whom to put in his place, but for some reasons Mr. 
Francis Newman was pitched upon, one that had lived 
at New Haven, and been as it were brought up under 
Mr. Eaton. He was a serious, holy, Christian man, and 
shewed more worth than w as thought to be in him when 
he was so called to place; but he continued not long, 
little above two years before he also put off his earthly 
tabernacle, and went to rest. These things one after 
another brought the colony very low, especially in con¬ 
junction with the removal of sundry useful men to Eng¬ 
land, amongst whom was Mr. William Hooke, the faith- 


OP NEW ENGLANB. 


3 Si 

ful colleague of Mr. Davenport, in the ministry of the 
gospel at New Haven, who about this time went over to 
England ; as also the death of Mr. Samuel Eaton, eldest 
son to the governour, who died sometime before his 
father, a man of great hope ; yet in the midst of their 
sorrows the hands of Mr. William Leet, who was next 
chosen governour, were strengthened to hold up the 
walls of this building for sundry years, even to the disso¬ 
lution of the colony, and its conjunction with Connecti¬ 
cut ; of both which colonies, so united, he was the late 
governour, and his praise is in the gates; but also was 
not long after called to his rest, about the year 1680. 

There remains now only to give an account of the dis¬ 
solution, but now mentioned, of New Haven colony, if 
it may be so called. There had been an appearance of 
unquietness in the minds of sundry upon the account of 
enfranchisement, and sundry civil privileges thence flow¬ 
ing, which they thought too shortly tethered up in the 
foundation of the government. This spirit began to ap¬ 
pear after Mr. Eaton’s death, and not considerably be¬ 
fore, yet things were kept in a tolerable stay by the pru¬ 
dence and vigilancy of their magistracy until Connecti¬ 
cut, after the king’s restoration, had procured a patent 
from his majesty for that side of the country, which, 
considering the situation of New Haven colony, and the 
intermixture of towns with those formerly belonging to 
Connecticut, could not conveniently be drawn without 
inclusion thereof, and was accordingly done. But when 
the colonies came to treat together about union, there 
was for a time some misunderstanding between them ; 
New Haven thought Connecticut was too hasty in en¬ 
tertaining some parcels out of several towns in a divided 
way from the rest, who were more forward to embrace 
the alteration than their neighbours could be; on the 
other hand Connecticut was apt to think New Haven 
was too slow and backward to entertain a motion, so 
much to their own and the general advantage of the 
country. These with^other like considerations produc¬ 
ed some less pleasant passages in letters and treaties; 


GENERAL HISTORY 


but after New Haven had taken time, (which sure they 
might well be allowed to do,) something like Jephtha’s 
daughter in bewailing her virginity, viz. to breathe upon 
and look round about them, as to the consequences of so 
great a mutation, wherein they that had for twenty years 
time stood and been on all hands owned as a body poli¬ 
tick, with entire power and jurisdiction \vithin them¬ 
selves, should now be divested of all at once, and be swal¬ 
lowed up in another body, wherein they could not ascer¬ 
tain themselves that things should be carried so much 
to their satisfaction as they had been while the staff was 
in their own hands; these things, being at leisure thought 
upon, could not but affect them ; but spirits began to set¬ 
tle at length, and so in the issue to come up to a closure, 
which hath in time by the blessing of God, who delights 
in thfe union of his people, grown up to that measure of 
comfortableness as that the former days, and troublesome 
birth pangs, sometime felt, are no more remembered, 
while every one is sitting under his own vine and his 
fig tree with peace and tranquillity. 

Those who were employed in laying the foundation of 
New Haven colony, though famed for much wisdom, 
experience, and judgment, yet did not they foresee all 
inconveniences that might arise from such a frame of gov¬ 
ernment, so differing from the other colonies in the con¬ 
stitution thereof, manifest in their declining that prudent 
and equal temperament of all interests in their adminis¬ 
tration of justice, with them managed by the sole author¬ 
ity of the rulers, without the concurrence of a jury, the 
benefit of which had been so long confirmed bv the ex¬ 
perience of some ages in our own nation ; for where the 
whole determining, as well both matter of fact as matter 
of law, with the sentence and execution thereof, depends 
on the sole authority of the judges, what can be more 
done for the establishing of an arbitrary power, which is 
much complained of elsewhere in the world. 

It can never be safe to leave so large a compass for 
the power of rulers, which is apt to overflow the strictest 
bounds and limits that can be set. The motions of those 


or NEW ENGLAND. 


333 


engines, which are carried through many pullies, must 
needs be more steady, equal, deliberate, and uniform. 
The best man’s passions (which at no time work the 
righteousness of God) are too often apt to mix themselves 
with their definitive sentences, if not wholly to overrule 
them, therefore hath the wisdom of all ages found out 
some way to balance sovereign and absolute power, 
which else would move very extravagantly, if not de¬ 
structively as to the good of the whole. The want of 
which, as some wise men think, was that which made 
the Israelites complain so much of the heaviness of Sol¬ 
omon’s yoke, with whom it was no more than go and 
fall upon him ; and the people had too much reason to 
fear that his successor, that had not the tithe of his father’s 
wisdom, might yet double or increase the weight of his 
father’s hand in point of severity. It cannot but be more 
safe for any people not to have sentences pass, or take 
place, without the consent of neighbours and peers, as is 
well known in England, commended for the most equal 
and best tempered government of any in the whole world. 
Too much rigour and severity in church administrations 
is attended also with as great inconveniences as the other; 
for though negligence and remissness in all publick ad¬ 
ministrations tends to the ruin of a church or state, like 
a ship or vessel, whose tackling is loosed, so a* they can¬ 
not strengthen the mast, and where the law will easily 
take the prey ; yet on the other hand when things are by 
an undue severity, or an unjustifiable ctxptGetx, strained to 
the height, it haz trds the breaking all in pieces. Witness 
the experience of late attempts in those that, not content 
with the wisdom of their predecessors, have endeavour¬ 
ed the new moulding of societies, after a more exact 
mode, (as at Frankfort, Amsterdam, and elsewhere ) but 
have generally shipwrecked their designs upon this un¬ 
discerned rock. 

A great errour was likewise committed by these gen¬ 
tlemen that founded New Haven colony, in that, having 
been most of them inhabitants and traffickers in the great 
city of London, the famous mart of the whole world in a 


GENERAL HISTORY 


S34* 

manner, they contrived the frame of their chief towns as 
if trade and merchandize had been as inseparably annex¬ 
ed to them as the shadow is to the body, in the shining 
of the sun ; in expectation whereof, and hope of drawing 
the whole stream thereof to themselves, they laid out 
too much of their stocks and estates in building of fair 
and stately houses, wherein they at the first outdid the 
rest of the country, which had been much better reserv¬ 
ed till afterwards, when they could have found the mat¬ 
ter feasible ; therein forgetting the counsel of the wise 
man, first to prepare their matters in the field, or abroad, 
before they go about to erect their fabricks. Who 
ever built a tower and wine press before he planted 
his vineyard, or proved the soil to be commodious for 
that purpose, that did not thereby leave behind some 
monument of his errour and mistake? Thus the lot is 
cast into the lap, but the disposing thereof is from the 
Lord. Riches is not always to men of understanding, 
(of which there seemed less want in the aforesaid gentle¬ 
men than elsewhere,) but time and chance happens to 
them all. It is the providence of the Ah nighty that 
rules the world, and not the wisdom and contrivements 
of the sons of men; he pulleth down one and raiseth up 
another. However the grace and blessing of God emi¬ 
nently appeared towards that people, who were brought 
up to a different course of life, yet did they willingly sub¬ 
mit themselves to the pleasure of him that governs the 
world, when his providence put them upon another kind 
of employment than formerly they had been accustomed 
unto, and wherein they have been very successful, and 
in a manner outdone others, that by their education had 
much more advantage to attain the greatest skill therein. 

As to the planting of Rhode Island, Providence, and 
the places adjoining, near the Narraganset bay, in the 
years 1637 and 1638 : 

The persons who were dismissed out of the colony of 
the Massachusetts, especially from Boston, or disfran¬ 
chised therein for their tumultuous and seditious car¬ 
riages, tending to the subversion both of church and 


«F NEW ENGLANB, 


335 

state, being advised of an island beyond Cape Cod, and 
near adjoining to, or in the Narraganset bay, called 
Aquidneyk, made means to purchase it for themselves, 
and those that should see cause to remove their families 
thither upon occasion of the troubles they met with at 
Boston. There were several of them men of estate and 
quality, who engaged in the business, and had peaceable 
possession of the island by lawful purchase as well as free 
consent of the natives, that inhabited it before. And so 
having transplanted themselves, within a few years by 
the commodiousness of the soil, with other advantages, 
that attended the planters, they soon raised two flourish¬ 
ing' plantations upon the island; and not long after, the 
bounds of the said island proving too narrow, those that 
were willing to join with them in their way of living and 
government made purchase of some of those lands that 
lie upon the main, where Mr, Williams and his friends 
had made some beginnings of a plantation before, anno 
1634 and 1635, calling it by the name of Providence, by 
whom also was procured another neck of land not far off, 
in like manner, called by them Warwick. 

Their civil government was by way of combination at 
first, until they had opportunity afterwards to purchase a 
patent for themselves. The laws by which they were 
governed were those of England, unless in some particu¬ 
lars, which those laws could not reach, in which cases 
they made some orders and constitutions of their own. 

CHAP. XLIII. 

JEccl siastical affairs , with other occurrences , at Provi¬ 
dence and Rhode Island to the year 1643. Intercourse 
between them and the Massachusetts . 

As to matters of religion it was hard to give an ex¬ 
act account to the wor d of their proceedings therein, by 
any who have not been conversant with them from the 
beginning of their plantations; yet this is commonly 
said, by all that ever had any occasion to be among 
them, that they always agreed in this principle, that na 


386 


GENERAL HISTORV 


man or company of men ought to be molested, by the 
civil power, upon the account of religion, or for any 
opinion receiv 'd or practised in any matter of that na¬ 
ture ; accounting it no small part of their happiness that 
they may therein be left to their own liberty, as if they 
were in those things, sine jure , and not liable to give any 
account of what they practise or profess in the matters 
either of doctrine or worship ; by which means it hath 
come to pass that the inhabitants are of many different 
persuasions, as Quakers, Anabaptists, Familists, Seekers. 
But what tendency that liberty hath had by so long expe¬ 
rience towards the promoting of the power of godliness, 
and purity of religion, they are best able to judge that 
have had occasion to be most conversant amongst them. 

Mrs. Hutchinson persisting in her opinions, notwith¬ 
standing all the means which had been used both in the 
court and in the church to reclaim her, she was at last or¬ 
dered to remove out of the jurisdiction of the Massachu¬ 
setts ; whereupon, on the 28th of March, 1638, she went 
by water to her farm at Mount Wollaston, with intent 
(as was supposed) there to take water with her brother 
Wheelwright, his wife and family, to go to Pascataqua; 
but there she changed her mind, and went by land to 
Providence, and so to Aquidneyk, or Rhode Island, with 
her husband, who, with the rest of that persuasion, had 
purchased the island of the Indians: Plymouth men 
having first refused to grant them liberty to make a plan¬ 
tation within their jurisdiction, as they had desired. 
Amongst those, who at that time removed from about 
Boston, divers inclined to rigid separation, and favoured 
Anabaptism, and they removed to Providence, purpos¬ 
ing to join with Mr. Williams and those of his company. 
But others, who were the greater number, passed over 
to the said island, on the account of Mrs Hutchinson, so 
as that side of the country by this occasion began to be 
well peopled; they all agreeing fully in one principle, 
not to trouble one another on the account of religion, al¬ 
though in other principal and fundamental points of civil 
power there was no small difference between them. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


837 

Those who took up their station at the island, like 
men that are wandered out of the right way, and know 
not where to stop, daily invented and broached new er- 
rours, which they disseminated in their new plantation : 
and since that time they have flourished well in that soil, 
as to outward things. 

Nicholas Eason, a tanner, that removed thither from 
Newbury, taught that gifts and graces were the Anti¬ 
christ, mentioned in the Thessalonians, and that which 
withheld, &c. was the preaching of the law; and that 
every one of the elect has the Holy Ghost, and also the 
Devil, indwelling in him. One Hearne maintained there 
likewise, that Adam was not created in true holiness, &c. 
for then he could not have lost it. 

At Providence also the Devil was not idle ; for where¬ 
as at their first coming thither Mr. Williams had made 
an order, that no man should be molested for his con¬ 
science ; men’s wives, children, and servants, in that 
place, claimed liberty thereby to go to all religious meet¬ 
ings, although never so often, and on the week day, or 
never so private; and, therefore, because one Verrin re¬ 
fused to let his wife go to Mr. Williams, so often as she 
was called for, they required to have him censured. But 
there stood up one Arnold, of their own company, (who, 
though he was bewildered in his notions, about some re¬ 
ligious points, yet was minded not to go against the very 
light of nature, and dictates of right reason, no more 
than the express word of God,) and withstood it, telling 
them, that when he consented to that order, he never in¬ 
tended it should extend to the breach of any ordinance 
of God, such as the subjection of wives to their hus¬ 
bands, and gave divers solid reasons against it. Then 
one Green (who had married the wife of one Beggerly, 
who was yet living, and not divorced) answered, that it 
they should restrain their wives, &c. all the women in 
the country would cry out of them, &c. Arnold answer¬ 
ed him thus: Did you pretend to leave the Massachusetts 
because you would not offend God to please men, and 
would you now break an ordinance and commandment 
43 


338 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of God to please women ? Some of the company were 
of opinion, that if Verrin would not suffer his wife to 
have her liberty, the church should dispose her to some 
other man, that would use her better. Arnold then told 
them it was not the woman’s desire to go so aside from 
home, but only Mr. Williams and others would have 
them so do. In conclusion, when they would have cen¬ 
sured Verrin, Arnold told them it was against their own 
order, for Verrin did what he did for his conscience. 
These being the principles they acted by, it is the less 
wonder that they wandered so far from the truth, since 
they were separated from their friends in the Massachu¬ 
setts ; and things grew still worse and worse by the in¬ 
crease of their number. For a near relation of Mrs. 
Hutchinson’s, the wife of one Scott, being infested with 
Anabaptistry, and going the last year to live at Provi¬ 
dence, Mr. Williams w as imboldened by her to make 
open profession thereof, and accordingly was rebaptized 
bv one Holeman, (a mean fellow, that went from about 
Salem;) then Mr. Williams rebaptized him, and some 
ten more. They also denied the baptism of infants, and 
the having of magistrates, &c. But soon after one of 
their company, of a like capricious brain, started this ob¬ 
jection, which none of them could answer, viz. if they re¬ 
nounced their former baptism, as well or because it was 
antichristian in its administration, then what right had 
Holeman to baptize Mr. Williams ; which so gravelled 
them all, both the baptizers and the baptized, that they 
turned Seekers, and so continued ever after. 

At Rhode Island also Mrs. Hutchinson exercised pub- 
lickly, and she and her party (save three or four families) 
would have no magistrates; and soon after sent an ad¬ 
monition to the church of Boston ; but the elders would 
not read it publickly, because she was excommunicated. 

By these examples all men may see how dangerous it 
is to slight the ordinances of God, and the censures of 
his church ; for it was apparent, by these their actings, 
that God had given them up to strange delusions. Those 
of the island likewise had entertained two men, whom 


OP NEW ENGLANB. 


339 


the church of Roxbury had excommunicated, and one 
of them did exercise publickly there; for which the 
church of Boston called in question such as were yet 
their members; and Mr. Coddington being present, and 
not freely acknowledging his sin, (although he confessed 
himself in some fault,) was solemnly admonished; yet, 
for aught ever appeared, went on in the same course. 

This is further to be observed concerning the delu¬ 
sions, which this people were taken with. Mrs. Hutchin¬ 
son and some of her adherents happened to be at prayer 
when the great earthquake was all over the country, and 
the house being shaken thereby, they were persuaded, 
(and boasted of it,) that the Holy Ghost did shake it in 
coming down upon them, as He did upon the apostles. 
Thus are people apt to be lifted up in their own imagi¬ 
nations. Being thus left to themselves, they grew very 
tumultuous, as any thing seemed to stand in the way of 
what they aimed to bring about; therefore, putting Mr. 
Coddington and three other magistrates out of their 
places, they chose Mr. William Hutchinson only for 
their ruler, a man of a mild temper, yet not of the strong¬ 
est parts, and guided wholly by his wife, who had been 
the beginner of all the former troubles, and intended still 
to drive on the same trade, as she did afterwards to her 
life’s end. But not having as yet cast off all shew and 
form of religion, they gathered a church, but in a very 
disordered way, taking in some excommunicate persons, 
and others which were members of the church of Bos¬ 
ton, but not dismissed, which was afterwards increased 
something in number, but never put into much better 
order; yet had they afterwards one Mr. Clarke for their 
minister, who had been bred to learning. 

As for Providence, Mr. Williams soon after grew sick 
of his second baptism, as was said, and though he was a 
few months before in all haste rebaptized, yet now not 
being able to derive the authority of it from the apostles, 
otherwise than by the ministers of the church of Eng¬ 
land, (whom he judged to be all antichristian,) he con¬ 
ceived God would raise up some apostolical power; there- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


840 

fore he bent himself that way, expecting (as was suppos¬ 
ed) to become an apostle ; and having a "little before re¬ 
fused communion with all, save his own wife, he would 
now preach, if not pray, with all comers; whereupon 
some of his followers left him and returned to their for¬ 
mer place. 

The church of Boston had all this time with patience 
waited to see whether those, that belonged to their church 
at the island, would not bethink themselves; and to that 
end, the 24th of March,- 1659, sent three messengers, 
viz. Capt. Edward Gibbons, Mr. Hibbins, and Mr. John 
Oliver, with letters to Mr. Coddington, and the rest of 
their members there, to understand their minds in divers 
points of religion, formerly maintained by all, or divers 
of them, and to require them to give an account to the 
church of their unw arrantable practices in communicat¬ 
ing with excommunicate persons, &c. When they came 
they found those of them that dwelt at Newport had join¬ 
ed themselves to a church newly constituted there, and 
thereupon refused to hear them, as messengers of the 
church, or to receive their church’s letters ; whereupon, 
at their return, the elders and most of the church would 
have cast them out, as refusing to hear the church, but 
all not being agreed it was deferred. 

Things proceeding after this sort, other accidents fell 
in, about the same time, that strangely concurred to 
strengthen them in their ways; as persons given up to a 
reprobate sense are apt to take encouragement from that, 
which in reality is but a fuller demonstration of the judg¬ 
ment of God they are left unto. 

In the year 1640 there came divers from Christopher’s 
this way, pretending to religion, amongst whom were one 
Mr. Hales and one Mr. Collins, that were bred up schol¬ 
ars, and being full of zeal had applied themselves to 
preaching, and had thereby brought over many of the 
said Christopher’s'people to embrace the religion held 
forth by them, and on the account thereof to remove 
from thence into these parts, being prosecuted and re¬ 
trained of their liberty there. They met with a bad 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


341 


market lor the commodities, i. e. opinions they brought 
from thence, which, it mty be, cooled but their zeal to the 
true religion and love to the place whither they were 
come. But to let that pass, they at the first arrived at 
New Haven, and from thence dispersed themselves, 
some here, some there; some went to Ireland ; but Mr. 
Collins (who had been an hopeful professor and preach¬ 
er also privately, at Gloucester in England, till he came 
to be seduced there, being carried about with one of the 
female sex,and of familistieal principles,) was entertained 
first at Hartford, to teach a school. But Mr. Hales (very 
well conceited of himself and censorious of others) went 
to Rhode Island, where he soon fell into acquaintance 
with Mrs. Hutchinson, and became her disciple. His 
friend Collins, having heard of Mrs. Hutchinson’s opin¬ 
ions, wrote to him to beware thereof; but Mr. Hales 
made him such a return as strangely bewitched the 
schoolmaster, so as the very next morning, leaving his 
school, he hasted to Rhode Island, to wait at the feet of 
the she-Gamaliel there; for coming thither, as Paul 
speaks of the Galatians, he was so bewitched with their 
notions, as he resolved to live and die with them, which 
indeed he did, not long after, by a sad providence. But 
in the first place he was so taken with the family, and 
they with him, as he soon matched himself with one of 
the daughters of Mrs. Hutchinson, presently after engag¬ 
ing in her quarrel and defence of her religion. 

The church of Boston was not willing to give them 
over yet, but resolved to write to them once again, which 
accordingly was done, and the letters drawn up by Mr. 
Cotton; wherein he fully repeated all former proceedings 
both of the church and of the court, and justified both, 
and condemned their errours, and disturbance to the 
peace here, and also Mr. Wheelwright’s sermons, with 
their remonstrance, (which formerly had by many been 
justified and commended,) and shewed how the church 
had been wronged by them. But all wrought no change 
in any of them ; for every year they broached new er¬ 
rours, the issue of their depraved minds, more misshapen 


GENERAL HISTORY 


342 

than those monsters, which were credibly reported to be 
born of the bodies of some of them. 

Divers of them had imbibed some other opinions from 
their neighbours of Providence ; at last turning profess¬ 
ed Anabaptists, and denying all magistrates among Chris¬ 
tians, maintaining also, that there were no churches since 
those founded by the apostles and evangelists, nor could 
any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals administered 
but by such ; and that the church was to want all these, 
all the time that she continued* in the wilderness, as yet 
she was. Mrs. Hutchinson’s son Francis, a member of 
Boston church, and this Mr. Collins, her son in law, 
came to Boston soon after, and were there sent for to 
come before the council, but they refused to eome, ex¬ 
cept they were brought; so the officers led them. And 
when they were come, (divers of the ministers being 
present,) Mr. Collins was questioned for a letter, which 
he sent to one of the Massachusetts colony, wherein he 
charged all the ministers and churches there to be anti- 
christian, with many other reproachful speeches, terming 
the King also, king of Babylon, seeking to possess the 
people there with evil thoughts of the government and 
of the churches. He acknowledged the letter, and what 
he had written, yet sought fb evade by confessing there 
was a true magistracy in the world, and that Christians 
must be subject to it. He maintained also, that there 
were no Gentile churches, (as he termed them,) since the 
apostles’ time, and that there was none now could ordain 
ministers, &c. Francis Hutchinson did agree with him 
in some of these, but not resolutely in all. But he had 
reviled the church of Boston, calling it a strumpet. 
They were both committed to prison. - One of the con¬ 
stables of Boston, being required to take Francis Hutch¬ 
inson into his custody till the afternoon, scrupled whether 
he might or no, being offended with the governour for 
proceeding with a member of the church in the court, 
before he had been dealt with in the church; but being 
himself like to fall into the same condemnation for his re¬ 
fusal, he was convinced of his errour, and gave satisfac- 


©F NEW BNGLAN1. 


848 


tion. Mr. Collins and the said Francis Hutchinson were 
fined, the one an hundred the other fifty pounds, and to 
lie in prison till they gave security. Their fines were set 
the higher, because their family had cost the country 
some hundreds of pounds before ; but they were soon 
after released, and their own bonds taken for their fines, 
which were abated, the one to forty the other to twenty 
pounds. 

Other troubles arose in the said island by reason of 
Nicholas Eason, forementioned, a man very bold and in¬ 
solent, though ignorant, who used to teach at Newport, 
where Mr. Coddington, their governour, lived. He main¬ 
tained that man had no power nor will in himself, but as 
he is acted by God; and seeing that God filled all things, 
nothing could be, or move, but by him, and so must 
needs be the author of sin, &c. and that a Christian is 
united to the essence of God. Being shewed what blas¬ 
phemous consequences would follow therefrom, they 
seemed to abhor the consequences, but still defended 
their propositions, which discovered their ignorance; not 
apprehending how God could make a creature, and that 
no part of his essence, as we see by familiar instances : 
the light is in the air, and in every part of it, yet it is not 
air, but a thing distinct from it. Mr. Coddington, Mr. 
Coggshall, (a great professor formerly in England,) and 
some others, joined with this Nicholas Eason in those de¬ 
lusions ; but their minister, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Lent- 
hall, and Mr. Harding, with some others, dissented, and 
publickly opposed, whereby it grew to such heat of con¬ 
tention, that it made a schism amongst them. 

Those of Providence in the mean time (beingall Ana¬ 
baptists) were divided in judgment: some were only 
against baptism of infants, others' denied all magistracy 
and churches; of which Samuel Gorton (that had made 
so much disturbance at the island before, as brought him 
under the lash for the same, as is mentioned elsewhere) 
was their instructer and captain. These, being too strong 
for the other party, provoked them so by injuries, as they 
came armed into tile field, each against the other; but 


S44? GENERAL HISTORY 

Mr. Williams pacified them for the present. This oc¬ 
casioned those of the weaker part to write a letter (under 
all their hands) to the governour and magistrates of the 
Massachusetts, complaining of the wrongs they suffer¬ 
ed, desiring aid, or (if not that yet) counsel from them. 
They answered them, that they could not levy any war, 
&c. without the general court: for counsel, they told 
them, that except they did submit themselves to some 
jurisdiction, (either Plymouth or theirs,)they had no call 
or warrant to interpose in their contentions ; but if they 
were once subject to either of their jurisdictions, they 
should then have a call to protect them. After this an¬ 
swer, they heard no more of them for a time. 

In the beginning of the year 1642, Mr. Aspin wall, that 
had been censured by the court for joining with these, 
and having his hand to the remonstrance about Mr. 
Wheelwright, being licensed by the general court to 
come and tender his submission, was, on the 27th of 
March that year, reconciled to the church of Boston. 
He made a very free and full acknowledgment of his er- 
rour and seducement, and that with much detestation of 
his sin. The like he did afterwards before the magis¬ 
trates, who were appointed by the court to take his sub¬ 
mission ; and upon their certificate thereof, the sentence 
of banishment, passed against him with the rest, was 
taken off. 

At a general court in September, 1642, four of Provi¬ 
dence, who could not consent with Gorton and his com¬ 
pany, and were continually molested and injured by 
them, came and offered themselves and their lands to 
the Massachusetts, and were accepted under their gov¬ 
ernment and protection. This was done partly to rescue 
those men from unjust violence, and partly to draw in 
the rest in those parts, (either under\themselves or Ply¬ 
mouth,) who now lived under no government, but grew 
very offensive; and the place was like to be of use to 
them, if there should be occasion of sending out against 
any of the Indians of the Narragansets, and like wise for 
an outlet into the Narraganset bay. And seeing it came 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


MS 

without their seeking, and would be no charge to them, 
they thought it not wisdom to let such an opportunity 
slip. 

As for Mrs. Hutchinson, a woman of an unquiet and 
restless spirit, she met with something at Rhode Island 
that disturbed her spirit, and therefore, in or about the 
year 1642, either out of dislike of the people or place, 
she, with her family, and some others, removed to some 
place under the Dutch, beyond all the English planta¬ 
tions, where she had not continued long before she was 
cut oft'by the Indians thereabouts. For in the year 1643 
the Indians, taking occasion to quarrel with the Dutch, 
set upon the English, who dwelt under their jurisdiction. 
The Indians came to her house in a way of friendly 
neighbourhood, as they had been accustomed to do, and 
taking the opportunity of their inability to resist, or defend 
themselves, they killed her and her son in law, Mr. Col¬ 
lins, with her son Francis, and the rest of her family, 
with divers others that belonged to Mr. Throgmorton’s 
and Mr. Cornhill’s families, sixteen in all, viz. all that 
were at home ; and then putting their cattle into their 
houses burnt them also. But by a good providence of 
God, there was a boat came in there at that, instant, to 
which some of the women and children fled, and so were 
saved. But two of the boatmen going up to the houses, 
were shot down and killed also; as if it had been matter 
of great danger to come nigh the tomb of these children 
of Korah. They that forsake God may expect that God 
will forsake them in time of their greatest need. 

Those people had cast off all ordinances and churches, 
and now at last their own people ; and for larger accom¬ 
modations, had subjected themselves to the Dutch, and 
dwelt scatteringly, near a mile asunder. And some that 
escaped, and had removed only for want (as they said) 
of hay for their cattle, (which increased much,) now 
coming again to Rhode Island, they wanted cattle for 
their grass, with which that island doth much abound, 
more than the rest of the country. 

Those Indians having killed and driven away all the 
44 


GENERAL HISTORY 


346 

English upon the main, as far as Stamford, (for so far the 
Dutch had gained possession by the English,) they pass¬ 
ed over to Long Island, and there assaulted the lady 
Moodey in her house divers times, so that if there had 
not been forty men to have guarded her, she might have 
perished by their hands likewise. For she had not long 
before removed from Salem, upon the account of Ana- 
baptism, and seated herself towards the westernmost 
part of that island, under the command likewise of the 
Dutch. 

About these times, a door of liberty being opened by 
the parliament in London, familistical opinions began to 
swarm in many plantations of the English abroad in other 
parts, to the disturbance of the civil government where 
they came. 

In the year 1643 the governour of the Massachusetts 
received letters from Philip Bell, Esq. governour of the 
Barbados, complaining of the distracted condition of 
that island, in regard of divers sects of familists sprung 
up there, and their turbulent practices, which had forced 
him to proceed against some of them by banishment, and 
others of mean quality by whipping, &c. earnestly de¬ 
siring him to send them some godly ministers and other 
good people, that the island might be planted with men 
of better principles. The governour imparted this letter 
to the court, and to the ministers; but considering what 
little good was like to be done upon persons led away 
with those notions, and what little encouragement there 
was like to be in such a plantation as that was, none were 
forward to hearken to the motion, and answer was re¬ 
turned accordingly. It may appear by this intimation, 
that New England is not the only place that hath made 
use of the civil power to prevent the spreading of errone¬ 
ous principles, that are like otherwise so much to disturb 
the civil peace. And it was on that account that they 
suffered under authority, and not for their opinions ; for 
if men that have drunk in any erroneous principles, would 
also make use of so much prudence as not to publish 
them in a tumultuous manner, and to the reproach of the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


847 

religion and worship established in the place where they 
live, they would not have occasion to complain of the 
severity of the civil laws. 

About the year 1641 the Anabaptists increased much 
in the Massachusetts colony of New England. Now be¬ 
cause they had found, by sad experience, that those of 
that persuasion did also usually maintain the unlawful¬ 
ness either of any civil magistrates, or that the exercising 
of their power in matters of the first table was unlawful, 
they drew up an order to banish those who did publick- 
ly oppose the truth in that point; which notwithstanding 
divers that have questioned the lawfulness of baptizing 
infants, yet have lived in the country ever since, without 
any disturbance, and might continue so to do; but when 
men cannot be content to enjoy their own liberty of opin¬ 
ion, or soberly defend it, without reproaching the con¬ 
trary practice of others, they do justly, in the account of 
all the civil governments that have been in the world, de¬ 
serve to suffer; which is all that can be said of any in 
that place. There was one named Painter, that had lived 
at divers places in the Massachusetts, and at New Haven, 
and had been scandalous, and burdensome to them all, 
by his idleness and troublesome behaviour. This fellow 
in the year 1644 was suddenly turned Anabaptist, and 
having a child born would not suffer his wife to- carry it to 
be baptized. He was complained of for this to the court, 
and enjoined by them to suffer his child to be baptized, 
(which it seems his wife, a Christian woman, desired;) 
but he still continuing not only to refuse that, but also to 
reproach their baptism as antichristian ; he was for this 
afterwards brought to the court, where he openly profess¬ 
ed as much, and for the same, having nothing but his 
person to satisfy the law, he was sentenced to be whip¬ 
ped ; and endured his punishment without any seeming 
sense of pain, through the obstinacy of his mind. He 
boastingly said, when it was over, that God had marvel¬ 
lously assisted him ; whereupon two or three honest men, 
that vvere his neighbours, affirmed before all the compa¬ 
ny, that he was of very loose behaviour at home, given 


$4® 


GENERAL HISTORY 


much to lying and idleness, &c. Nor was there any oc¬ 
casion for him,or any other in like case, to talk of God’s 
assistance; for many notorious malefactors, and one about 
that time at the court had shewn the like silence, when 
their punishment was inflicted upon them. It may be, 
that some others that at that time came down from Prov¬ 
idence and Rhode Island, and entering into the assem¬ 
blies in some places in the Massachusetts, would in time 
of singing keep on their hats, as it were to brave it out 
with them, and so occasion disturbance, and breach of 
the peace. If any such have by that means been brought 
to suffer corporal punishment, they will certainly in the 
account of all indifferent and prudent people have cause 
to find no fault with any thing but their own obstinacy 
and folly. 

Mr. Roger Williams, of whom there is large mention 
before, having suffered not a little on this score, taking 
upon himself a kind of voluntary exile, did now take the 
opportunity of passing over into England, to promote 
some designs of his own, or of his friends about Provi¬ 
dence ; and did in the year !64i return again to New 
England, bringing with him a letter, under the hands of 
several honourable and worthy personages, (to whom he 
was either known before, or had now made himself 
known unto,) wherein they express their compassion to¬ 
ward him, which he might have found from his neigh¬ 
bours here, long before, if the way had not been obstruct¬ 
ed by himself. The copy of the said letter, to prevent 
mistakes or misreports, here followeth. 

To the right worshipful the Governour and assistants, and 

the lest oj our worthy friends in the plantation of the 

Massachusetts Buy. 

OUR MUCH HONOURED FRIENDS, 

I aking notice (some of us of longtime) of Mr. Roger 
Williams his good affections and conscience, and of his 
sufferings 1 y our common enemy, and oppressors of 
God’s people, the prelates ; as also of his great industry 
and travels, in his printed Indian labours in your parts. 


«F NEW ENGLAND, 


349 


(the like whereof we have not seen extant from any part 
of America,) and in which respect it hath pleased both 
houses of parliament to grant unto him, and friends with 
him, a free and absolute charter of civil government for 
those parts of his abode : and withal sorrowfully resent¬ 
ing, that amongst good men (our friends) driven to the 
ends of the world, exercised with the trials of a wilder¬ 
ness, and who mutually give good testimony each of 
other, (as we observe you do of him, and he abundantly 
of you.) there should be such a distance ; we thought it 
fit (upon divers considerations) to profess our great de¬ 
sires of both your utmost endeavours of nearer closing, 
a id of ready expressing those good affections (which we 
perceive ) ou bear each to other) in the actual perform¬ 
ance of all friendly offices ; the rather because of those 
bad neighbours vou are like to find too near you in Vir¬ 
ginia, and the unfriendly visits from the west of England 
and from Ireland ; that howsoever it may please the Most 
High to shake our foundations, yet the report of your 
peaceable and prosperous plantations may be some re¬ 
freshings to your true and faithful friends, 


NORTHUMBERLAND, 
ROBERT HARLEY, 
JOHN GURDON, 

COR. HOLLAND, 

JOHN BLACKLI3TOW, 
ISAAC PENNINGTON, 


MILES CORBET, 

P. WHARTON, 

THO. BARRINGTON, 
WILLIAM MASHAM, 
OLIVER ST. JOHN, 
GILBERT PICKERING. 


Upon the receipt of the said letter the governour and 
magistrates of the Massachusetts found, upon examina¬ 
tion of their hearts, they saw no reason to condemn 
themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. Wil¬ 
liams ; but for any offices of Christian love, and duties of 
humanity, they were very willing to maintain a mutual 
correspondency with him. But as to his dangerous prin¬ 
ciples of separation, unless he can be brought to lay them 
down, they see no reason why to concede to him, or any 
so persuaded, free liberty of ingress and egress, lest any 
of their people should be drawn away with his erroneous 
opinions. 


350 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Ke had so much interest sometimes with the people 
of Rhode Island, as well as Providence, as to be chosen 
their governour, (whether before or since his obtaining 
the charter, specified in the letter above, is not much ma¬ 
terial,) but for the most part he hath contented himself 
with a private and retired life; nor will his outward es¬ 
tate admit of any other ; on which account he hath many 
times been an object of charity to divers persons of the 
Massachusetts, that way disposed. But as to the differ¬ 
ing sorts of religion found at Rhode Island; those of the 
persuasion of the Quakers, as they have had great resort 
to the place of late years, so are they at present the pre¬ 
vailing party there, or lately were so. They have been 
strenuously opposed in the ir damnable opinions by Mr. 
Roger Williams, who, though himself had vented divers 
strange notions about separation, yet apprehending the 
danger of the Quakers’ principles, which do overthrow 
the very fundamentals of Christian religion, he stoutly 
engaged with sundry of their chief leaders in a publick 
dispute, since published by himself, anno 1677. But 
forasmuch as it will be very difficult in an historical way 
to give a particular and distinct account of all the affairs 
of that colony, without much reflection upon the persons, 
or relations yet surviving, of some that were much con¬ 
cerned therein, no more shall be added; only intimating 
the fear of their neighbours round about them, that the 
Spanish saying of the English nation may not unfitly be 
applied to them of Rhode Island, “ bona terra, mala gens.” 

CHAP. XLIV. 

Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences , at Pascata - 
qua and the places adjacent . Contests between Mr • 

Cleeves and Mr. Vmes about the bounds of Lyonia. 

Mr. Wheelwright, as was declared before, be¬ 
ing sentenced to depart out of the jurisdiction of the 
Massachusetts, was not so ill grounded in the truth as to 
be carried away with any dangerous errours of the Anti- 
nomian doctrine, therefore, refusing to go along with the 


OF NEW ENGLAND# 


351 


rest of that sect, removed, with some few that adhered to 
him, to Pascataqua, and seated themselves upon some 
of the upper branches or falls of that river, and called the 
plaoe Exeter; looking at it altogether without the bounds 
of the Massachusetts, In this place they gathered a 
church, and walked together in an orderly Christian way, 
till it appeared, by the stretching the line of the Massa¬ 
chusetts more northward, that the place where he first 
settled was yet within the liberties of the Massachusetts, 
which, as is judged, occasioned his removal, soon after, 
from thence into the Province of Maine, to a plantation 
since by the inhabitants called Wells. 

Capt Underhill, after those stirs at Boston, had taken 
a voyage to England, and returning again to New Eng¬ 
land, in the year 1638, was intended to have removed 
after Mr. Wheelwright, for whose sake he h id not long* 
before incurred the displeasure of the court of the Massa¬ 
chusetts. In order thereunto petitioning for three hun¬ 
dred acres of land, formerly promised him by the court, 
he was by occasion thereof questioned for some speeches 
uttered by him in the ship, as he returned lately from 
England, viz. that they at Boston were zealous, as the 
scribes and pharisees were, and as Paul was before his 
conversion; which he denying, they were proved to his 
face, by a sober woman, whom he had seduced in the 
ship, and drawn to his opinion ; but she was afterward 
better informed in the truth. Among other passages, he 
told her how he came by his assurance, saying, that hav¬ 
ing long lain under a spirit of bondage, and continued in 
a legal way near five years, he could get no assurance, 
till at length, as he was taking a pipe of the good crea¬ 
ture tobacco, the Spirit fell home upon his heart, an ab¬ 
solute promise of free grace, with such assurance and 
jo.y, as he never doubted since of his good estate, neither 
should he, whatsoever sin he should fall into ; (a good 
preparative for such motions as he familiarly used to 
make to some of that sex.) He would neither confess 
nor deny the words, but objected against the validity of 
a single testimony, and withal said he was still of the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


352 

same opinion he had been of, about the petition or re¬ 
monstrance, and that his retractation was only as to the 
manner, and not the matter. Whereupon his said re¬ 
tractation (which he had lately delivered to the governour, 
to be presented to the court) was read, wherein he pro- 
fesseth how that the Lord had brought him to see his 
sin in condemning the court, and passing the bounds of 
modesty and submission, which is required in private 
persons, &c. and in what trouble of spirit he had been in 
for it, &c. Upon this the court committed him for abus¬ 
ing them with a shew of retractation, when there was no 
such thing intended by him. The next day he was call¬ 
ed again and banished. The Lord’s day after, he made 
a speech in the assembly, shewing that as the Lord was 
pleased to convert Paul as he was persecuting, &c. so he 
might manifest himself to him as he was making moderate 
use of the good creature, called tobacco. He professed 
withal that he knew not wherein he had deserved the 
sentence of the court, and that he was sure Christ was 
his, &c. 

The elders reproved him for his speech, and Mr. Cot¬ 
ton told him that he did break a rule, publickly to con¬ 
demn the court, unless he had privately convinced the 
magistrates, or some of them; and told him also, that al¬ 
though God doth often lay a man under a spirit of bon¬ 
dage, while he is walking in sin, as Paul was, yet he 
never sends such a spirit of comfort but in an ordinance, 
as he did to the same Paul by Ananias, and therefore ad¬ 
vised him well to examine the revelation and joy which 
he pretended to. 

The nextLord’s day thisCapt. Underhill, having been 
privately dealt with upon suspicion of incontinency with 
a neighbour’s wife, and not hearkening to it, was ques¬ 
tioned for it before the church, and put under admoni¬ 
tion. The woman was young and beautiful withal, of a 
jovial spirit and behaviour, and it was known that he did 
daily frequent her house, and was divers times found 
there alone with her, the door being locked on the inside. 
He confessed it was ill, because it had an appearance of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


353 


evil in it, but his excuse was, that the woman was in 
great trouble of mind, and some temptations, and that he 
resorted to her to comfort her, and that when the door 
was found locked upon them, they were in private prayefr 
together; but this practice was clearly condemned also by 
the elders, affirming that it had not been of good report 
for any of them to have done the like, and that they 
ought, in such case, to have called in some brethren or 
sisters, and not to have locked the door. They also de¬ 
clared that once he procured them to go unto her, telling 
them that she was in great trouble of mind ; but taking 
her, (upon the sudden it seems,) they found no such mat¬ 
ter. 

However it seems the church, not having sufficient 
matter of conviction, and proof of what he was suspected 
as guilty of, left him only, under an admonition, and he, 
like a prophane person, as was sometime said of Cain, 
that he went from the presence of the Lord, and dwelt 
on the east of Eden, so this gentleman went to the east¬ 
ward, and made a great bluster among the inhabitants of 
Exeter and Dover, and ambitiously affected the govern¬ 
ment amongst them. 

Those of Dover had about this time gotten one Mr. 
Burdet to be their minister. This Bordet, upon a pre¬ 
tended quarrel with the bishops and ceremonies of the 
church of England, had, about the year 1634, left Yar¬ 
mouth, in England, and coming over into New England 
was brought to Salem, where he was received a member 
of their church, and was employed to preach amongst 
them for a year or more, being an able scholar, and of 
plausible parts and carriage. But finding the discipline 
of the church as much too strict for his loose conscience, 
as tht other was in pretence too large, he left his brethren 
at Salem, out of love to his friends at Pascataqua, where 
he continued for some time in good esteem (at least in 
appearance) with Mr. Wiggans, that had the power of a 
governour thereabouts, until he declared himself of what 
sort he was; for the tree is not known but by its fruits. 

The general court of the Massachusetts had left it with 
45 


354 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the governour to write a letter to Mr. Wiggans, and the 
said Burdet, and others of the plantations on the upper 
part of Pascataqua, to this effect—that whereas there had 
been good correspondence between them formerly, they 
could not but be sensible of their entertaining and coun¬ 
tenancing, &c. some whom they had cast out, &c. and 
that their purpose was to survey their utmost limits, and 
make use of them. 

Mr. Burdet returned a scornful answer, and would not 
give the governour his title, &c. This was very ill tak¬ 
en, because he was one of their civil body, and sworn to 
their government, as well as a member of the church of 
Salem ; so as the governour was purposed to summon 
him to appear at their court and answer for his contempt. 
But advising with Mr. Dudley, the deputy, about it, he 
was dissuaded from that course, as not willing to give 
him any opportunity thereby to ingratiate himself fur¬ 
ther with some that were their professed enemies in 
England, with whom they knew he had intelligence; 
judging also that by such courses he would become 
thoroughlv known to those of Pascataqua. Whereupon 
the governour wrote to Mr. Edward Hilton, declaring his 
ill dealing, to whom he also sent a copy of Burdet’s let¬ 
ter, advising them that they take heed how they put 
themselves into his power, &c. but rather to give those 
of die Massachusetts a proof of their respect to them. 
He intimated likewise how ill it would relish w ith their 
court and people if they there should advance Capt. Un¬ 
derhill, who had lately been thrust out for abusing the 
authority of the Massachusetts, first by a seditious re¬ 
monstrance, and then by feigning a retractation, as well 
as for his corrupt opinions, &c. and for casting reproach 
upon their churches ; signify ing withal that he was 
charged with foul incontinency. For beside the suspicion 
forementioned, he w ? as likewise challenged by a sober 
young woman to have solicited her chastity, under pre¬ 
tence of Christian love, and to have owned to her that he 
had had his will of the woman in question, (a cooper’s 
wife,) and all out of the strength of love, as he pretended, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


355 


&c. and that the church had sent unto him to come and 
give satisfaction, with a license under the hands of the 
governour and council, but he refused to come, excus¬ 
ing himself by letters to the elders, that the license was 
not sufficient, and that he had no rule to come, unless 
his sentence of banishment were released. But Pascat- 
aqua men it seems had chosen him their governour, be¬ 
fore this letter came to their hands; for it is like it was in¬ 
tercepted and opened by the forementioned persons, who 
were most concerned in the contents thereof, and they 
were so enraged thereby, as they wrote presently to 
England against them, discovering not only what they 
knew, but what they falsely imagined of their resisting 
any authority that should come out of England against 
them. But how much soever they were moved upon 
the said letter, no advantage could be taken against him 
or them that sent it, being so drawn up, as Mr. Hilton 
might without offence have shewn it to either of them. 
But Capt. Underhill thereupon wrote a letter to Mr. Cot¬ 
ton, full of threatening and high words, and another to 
the governour of a contrary strain, and in very fair terms, 
entreating there might be an obliteration of all that was 
past, and a bearing with human infirmities, disavowing 
all purposes of revenge. 

But those of Exeter, in the mean time, were taken up 
with things of another nature; for having gathered a 
church, as was intimated before, they wrote a letter 
about the middle of December, 1638. to the church of 
Boston, to desire Mr. Wheelwright’s dismission to them 
for an officer or minister ; but because it was not desired 
by himself, the elders did not propound it to the church. 
But soon after, upon his own letter, they granted a d s- 
mission to him, a v, d to some others also, (upon their re¬ 
quest,) who desired to be dismissed thithei. 

Things proceeding aher this rate, they of the Massa¬ 
chusetts looked upon it as very unneighbouriy for the 
inhabitants of Pascataqua to encourage and promote 
tho^e whom they had thrust out; and not long after they 
themselves were very sensible of their errour, in neglect- 


356 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ing the counsel and advice of the vine and fig-tree, and 
putting the ir trust under the shadow of a bramble. For 
they soon found that Mr. Burdet, whom they had for¬ 
merly received for governour in the room of Mr. Wig- 
gans, set in there by the lords, (as hath been said,) being 
laid aside, and Capt. Underhill by them called to that 
place, they had not much advantaged themselves, save 
only in that the latter was not so subtle or malicious, and 
therefore not so capable to do them mischief. But Mr. 
Burdet, either out of necessity or design, (some foul prac¬ 
tices of his being discovered,) removed hot long after to 
a plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, on the northeast 
side of Pascataqua river, and within the Province of 
Maine, where we shall leave him for a little time, driving 
on the same trade, (or a worse,) which occasioned his 
removal out of the country in the issue. 

Capt. Underhill, being now quietly possessed of the 
government, how fair soever he pretended to the gover¬ 
nour of the Bay, could not so dissemble it with others ; 
for at the same time he wrote a letter to a young gentle¬ 
man, that sojourned in the said governour’s house, 
wherein he reviled the governour, with reproachful terms 
and imprecations of revenge upon him, and the whole 
colony; which, being shewn to the governour and coun¬ 
cil, was afterwaid sent to Mr. Hilton, (though too late to 
prevent his exaltation,) and did not a little nettle the new 
governour of Dover, to have his wickedness laid open, 
and his call to answer for his offences before the church 
of Boston, withal procuring him safe conduct for three 
months, from the general court, then sitting, in the year 
1639. But instead of coming, he procured a new church 
at that place, called by them Dover, of some few of the 
looser sort of persons, who had called one Mr. Hanserd 
Knollis; whom Dr. Bastwick once not untruly styled, 
with a little variation of the letters of his name, Absurdo 
Knowless. This Mr. Knollis had lately come out of Lng- 
land, in :he year 1638, and was rejected by the Massa¬ 
chusetts for holding some of the formentioned Antino- 
fpjan tenets; and, repairing to Pascataqua, was chosen to 


©F NEW ENGLAND. 


357 


be the minister within Capt. Underhill’s territories, who 
soon after suborned him to write letters to the church of 
Boston in his commendation, wherein he was styled the 
right worshipful their honourable governour, all which 
notwithstanding, the church of Boston proceeded with 
him. And in the mean time the general court wrote to 
all the chief inhabitants of Pascataqua, and sent them a 
copy of his letters, (wherein he professeth himself to be 
an instrument of God for their ruin,) to know w hether it 
were with their privity and consent that he sent them 
such a defiance, &c. and whether they would maintain 
him in such practices against them. 

Those of the plantations returned answer, that they 
disclaimed all such miscarriages, and offered to call him 
to an account, whenever they would send any to inform 
against him. They at the river’s mouth disclaimed like¬ 
wise, and shewed their indignation against him for his 
insolencies, and their readiness to join in any fair course 
for their satisfaction; only they desired them to have 
some compassion on him, and not to send any force 
against him. 

After this Capt. Underhill’s courage became very 
much abated, for the chiefest of the river fell from hitn, 
and the rest little regarded him, so as he wrote letters of 
retractation to divers, and (according to his wonted poli¬ 
cy) wrote a letter to the deputy, and the court, (not men¬ 
tioning the governour,) wherein he sent the copies of 
some of the governour’s letters to Pascataqua, supposing 
that something would appear in them, either to extenu¬ 
ate his own fault, or to lay some fault upon the gover- 
nour ; but he failed in both, for the governour was able 
to make out what he had written. 

Mr. Knoilis coming over into New England amongst 
some familistical opinionists, upon that account was de¬ 
nied residence in the Massachusetts, and was also by Mr. 
Burdet (the preacher and governour at that time at Pas¬ 
cataqua) inhibited from preaching there; but he being 
in a short time removed to Agamenticus, as was said be¬ 
fore, the people having chosen Underhill their gover- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


358 

nour, (that they might be like priest like people,) chose 
him their pastor, who, to ingratiate himself with said 
Underhill, the governour. there, wrote a letter into Eng¬ 
land, to his friends in London, wherein he bitterly in¬ 
veighed against the government of the Massachusetts, 
making it worse than the high commission, and that 
there was not so much as a face of religion in the coun¬ 
try : but a copy of the said letter being sent over, (of the 
which he had notice from the governour,) he was ex¬ 
ceedingly perplexed about it, being indeed convinced in 
his conscience of the great wrong which he had done 
them. He wrote to the governour desiring a safe con¬ 
duct, that he might come into the Bay to give satisfac¬ 
tion, saying that he could have no rest in his spirit till he 
had so done. This being granted him, under the hand 
of the governour, with consent of the council, he came, 
and there at Boston, upon a lecture day, (most of the 
magistrates and ministers being then assembled,) he 
made a very free and open confession of his offence, with 
much aggravation against himself, so as the assembly 
were all as well satisfied as could be expected, upon a 
verbal confession of such an offence. He wrote also a 
letter to his said friends in England to the same effect, 
which he left with the governour to be sent to them. 
Capt. Underhill also, about the same time, being struck 
with horrour and remorse for his many and great offences, 
both against the church and against the country, he could 
have no rest till at last he had also obtained safe conduct 
to come and give satisfaction ; and accordingly at the lec¬ 
ture at Boston, (it being then court time,) he made a pub- 
lick confession, both of his living in adultery with the 
said woman, (of which he was before suspected,) and of 
attempting the like with another woman, and also of the 
injury he had done to the Massachusetts, and acknowl¬ 
edged also the justice of the court in proceeding against 
him, &c. Yet all his confessions were mixed with such 
excuses and extenuations, that they gave no satisfaction 
as to the truth of his repentance : but, however, his of¬ 
fences being so foul and scandalous, the church present- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


359 


ly cast him out. He seemed at the first to submit to the 
censure, and was for the time he staid at Boston, (four or 
five days,) much dejected ; but returning home he gave 
not the proof of a broken heart, as he gave hope of at 
Boston ; for to ingratiate himself with some gentlemen 
at the river’s mouth, that had much dependence upon 
the commissioners in England, he sent thirteen men 
armed to Exeter to fetch one Fish out of the officer’s 
hands for speaking against the king; and when the 
church and people of Dover desired him to forbear com¬ 
ing to the court, till they had considered of his case, and 
had promised so to do, yet hearing that they were con¬ 
sulting to remove him from his government, (which he 
had before proffered to lay down, but when it came to 
be done in good earnest he could not bear it,) came and 
took his place, and grew passionate, and would not stay 
to receive his dismission, nor seem to accept it when it 
was sent after him ; yet they proceeded, and chose one 
Mr. Roberts, to be president of the court, and returned 
back Fish, to Exeter. 

Besides this, in the open court he committed one of 
his fellow magistrates, for rising up and saying he would 
not sit with an adulterer, &c. But the chief matter lor 
which they proceeded against him was, that when he 
himself was the first mover of them to break off their 
agreement with the Massachusetts, he had written to 
their governour to lay it upon the people, especially up¬ 
on some among them. Soon after this he went again to 
Boston to tender satisfaction; but not being satisfied 
about his repentance, they would not admit him to pub- 
lick speech, and so he returned home again ; but half a 
year after, viz. in September, 1640, he was brought to a 
true and thorough remorse of conscience for his foul sins, 
and did openly, in a great assembly at Boston, on the 
lecture day, and in the court time, and in a ruthful habit, 
(being accustomed to take great pride in his bravery and 
neatness,) standing upon a form, lay open, with many 
deep sighs, and abundance of tears, his wicked course of 
life, his adultery and hy pocrisy, his prosecution of people 


380 


GENERAL HISTORY 


there, and especially his pride, as the root of all, (which 
Caused God to give him over to his other sinful courses,) 
and contempt of the magistrates ; justifying God, and the 
court, and the church, in all that had been inflicted on 
him, and declaring also what power Satan had over him 
since his casting out of the church, and how his pre¬ 
sumptuous laying hold of a mercy and pardon, before 
God gave it.did then fail him, when the terrours of God 
came upon him, so as he could have no rest, nor see any 
issue, which had put him divers times upon a resolution 
of destroying himself, had not the Lord prevented him, 
even when his sword was drawn to have done the execu-' 
tion &c. so with other expressions arguing much brok¬ 
enness of heart, and looking like one worn out with sor¬ 
row, he earnestly and humbly besought the church to 
have compassion on him, and deliver him out of the 
hands of Satan. Indeed it was a spectacle which caused 
many weeping eyes, though also it afforded matter of re¬ 
joicing to behold the power of the Lord Jesus in his own 
ordinances, when they are dispensed in his own way, 
holding forth the authority of his sceptre, in the simplici¬ 
ty of the gospel. Upon this manifestation of his re¬ 
pentance the sentence of excommunication was taken off 
in the church, and of his banishment, by the court, and 
he was also set free from the punishment of his adultery ; 
for the law against it being made since the fact commit¬ 
ted by him, it could not touch his life. 

This story is the more particularly related for the sat¬ 
isfaction of all that may ever after hear of such practices, 
what they may expect from a sort of men that cry down 
sanctification, and inherent righteousness, under a pre¬ 
tence of magnifying free grace. And indeed they of the 
Antinomian persuasion had need fortifythemselves with 
arguments to keep off the force of the moral law, that 
have so little ability or grace to observe and keep the 
same. But it was to be feared this was but one stray 
sheep that returned amongst ninety nine that have been 
entangled in the same snare of temptation, of whose re¬ 
pentance there was little heard. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


381 


In the same summer, scil. i640, there arrived there one 
Mr. Thomas Gorges, a kinsman to Sir Ferdinando, a 
young gentleman of the inns of court. He was sober and 
well disposed, and careful in the prosecution of his 
charge, (whic h was to govern the Province of Maine, or 
New Somersetshire.) to take advice of the magistrates in 
the Bay how to manage his affairs. When he came to 
Agamenticus he found all out of order, both as to the 
personal as well as political state of that province. For 
as to the state of the proprietor, (whatever vast sum of 
expense was then or is since pretended,) it was all em¬ 
bezzled, with all the househould stuff, save an old pot* 
and a pair of cob irons and tongs, as the gentleman him¬ 
self did express to a friend at his return. And as for the 
government, Mr. Burdet that ruled,- or rather misruled 
all, had let loose the reins to his lust, so as he was grown 
very notorious for his pride and adultery ; taking no no¬ 
tice of any law, unless that which might be improved to 
establish iniquity. But the neighbours, now finding that 
Mr. Gorges was well inclined to reform things, they com¬ 
plained of him, and produced such foul matters against 
him, that he was laid hold on, and bound to appear at 
their court at Saco. But ne had dealt so with some 
other of the commissioners, such as Mr. Vines, the for¬ 
mer agent, and two more, that when the court came, they 
there stood for him ; but Mr. Gorges having the greater 
part on his side, and the jury finding him guilty of adul¬ 
tery, with much labour and difficulty he was laid under 
a fine of thirty pounds. He appealed unto England, but 
Mr. Gorges would not admit of any appeal; but seized 
some of his cattle. Upon this Mr. Burdet went into 
England, but when he came there he found the state of 
things so changed, as his hopes were soon blasted ; for 
falling in with one party he was taken by the other, and 
committed to prison, where we shall leave him, not hav¬ 
ing any occasion to call for him again in the pursuit of 
this history. 

The upper part of Pascataqua,all this time, passed un¬ 
der such a vicissitude of changes, as it were designed t© 
46 


36 £ 


GENERAL HISTORY 


become a stage cf great disturbance and trouble ; for be¬ 
ing cleared of Mr, Burdet, by his removal to Agamenti- 
cus, it was soon after ridden by another churchman, 
who, though he pretended to more of sobriety and re¬ 
ligion, yet was not of much better conduct. His name 
was Larkham ; one that had been a minister at Northam, 
near Barnstable in England, and coining to New Eng¬ 
land, but not favouring their discipline, he removed to 
this part of Pascataqua, and being of good parts, and 
gifted to speak well in a pulpit, the people of Dover were 
much taken with him, and not being able to maintain two 
ministers, they resolved to cast off Mr, Knollisand em¬ 
brace Mr. Larkham ; whereupon Mr. Knollis, making 
a virtue of necessity, for the present gave place. And 
the other soon after he was chosen discovered himself by 
receiving into the church all that offered themselves, 
though never so notoriously scandalous and ignorant, so 
they would promise amendment; and soon after fell in¬ 
to contention with the people, taking upon him to rule 
all, even the magistrates themselves, (such as they were,) 
so as there soon grew very sharp contention between 
him and Mr. Knollis, who, either yet retained, or else on 
that occasion reassumed his pastoral office ; whereupon 
they were neither able quietly to divide into two church¬ 
es, nor peaceably live together in one ; the more religious 
sort still adhering to Mr. Knollis, the first pastor. At 
the last, the contention proceeded so far that Mr. Knollis 
and his company, without any more ado, excommuni¬ 
cated Mr. Larkham, in the name if not of the major 
part, yet of the melior part. And he again laid violent 
hands on Mr. Knollis, and taking the hat from his head, 
pretending it was not paid for; but he was so civil as to 
send it him again. In this heat it began to grow to a tu¬ 
mult, and some of the magistrates joined with Mr. Lark¬ 
ham, and assembled a company to fetch Capt. Underhill, 
(another of their magistrates and their captain,) to their 
court. And he also gathered some of the neighbours 
together, to defend themselves, and see the peace kept: 
so they marched forth towards Mr. Larkham ; one car- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


368 


rying a bible, one an halbert, for an ensign, and Mr. 
Kuollis with them, armed with a pistol. When Mr. 
Larkham saw them thus provided, they of his part pro¬ 
ceeded no further, but sent down to Mr. Williams, gov- 
ernour of that called Strawberry bank, towards the mouth 
of the river, who came up with a company of armed 
men, and beset Mr. Kuollis his house, where then Capt. 
Underhill was, and kept a guard upon him night and 
day, till they had opportunity to call a court; and when 
that was assembled, Mr. Williams sitting as judge, they 
found Capt. Underhill and his company guilty of a riot, 
and set great fines upon them, ordering him and some 
others to depart out of the plantation; 

The cause of this eager prosecution was because Capt. 
Underhill had procured a good part of the inhabitants to 
offer themselves again to the government of the Massa¬ 
chusetts ; and being then prosecuted, they sent a petition 
to them for aid. The governour and council considered 
of their petition, and gave a commission to Mr. Brad- 
street, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Dalton, to go thither and 
endeavour to reconcile them,and if they couid not, then 
to inquire how things stood, and certify them in the Bay, 
&c. They met accordingly, and finding both sides to be 
in the fault, they at the length brought matters to a peace¬ 
able end ; so as Mr. Larkham was released of his excom¬ 
munication, and Capt. Underhill and the rest from their 
censures. 

And by reason of these agitations, Mr. Knollis was 
discovered to be tardy in the same guilt with others of 
the Antinomian sect, viz. to have solicited the charity 
of two maids, his servants, and to have used wanton dal¬ 
liance with them; which he acknowledged before the 
church there, and so being dismissed, he removed from 
Pascataqua. This sin of his was the more notorious, in 
that it was first discovered the same night after he had 
been exhorting the people, by reason and scripture, to 
proceed against Capt. Underhill for his adultery. So apt 
are men to be blinded in their own case, and forbid others 
to steal, while themselves are committing sacrilege. This 


364 


GENERAL HISTORY 


example, added to the former, makes it the more observ¬ 
able, that God doth many times justly give up those that 
cry down any evidence by sanctification, to such filthy 
ways, that they should find no sanctification in themselves, 
to evidence a justified estate by. 

The two ministers employed in this service, with 
another they took along with them, (intended for the min¬ 
ister of Agamenticus,) in goi g from Pascataqua to 
Agamenticus, (within but six miles distant from the 
other,) lost their way, and wandered two days and one 
night, without food or fire, in the snow and wet. But God 
heard their prayers, wherein they earnestly pressed him 
for the honour of his great name ; but when they were 
even quite spent he brought them to the sea side, near 
the place whither they were bound. 

Tne next year after, Mr. Larkham suddenly departed 
from his place at Dover, against his own promise, as 
well as the persuasion of his people, (for every heart 
knows best its own grief and guilt,) to prevent the 
shame of a scandalous evil, (of like nature with that fore- 
mentioned of Sir, Knollis,) which otherwise would una¬ 
voidably have fallen upon him. In the mean time leav¬ 
ing the people to provide for themselves as well as they 
could for a supply, which not long after they obtained, 
by one Mr. Maud, whom they enjoyed many years for 
their minister, who was a good man, and of a serious 
spirit, and of a peaceable and quiet disposition. He contin¬ 
ued with them to his death; after whom they procured 
Mr. Reynor, from Plymouth. About the year 1654, he 
was called to the pastoral office at Dover, which he dis¬ 
charged with good satisfaction and faithfulness all his 
days. 

About this time the people of the lower part of Pas- 
cataqua, toward the mouth of the river, having invited 
Mr. James Parker of Weymouth, well esteemed of for 
godliness and scholarship, obtained him for a winter, in 
the year 1642; in which time he gave such proof of his 
ministry, that they earnestly desired that he might be set¬ 
tled as a minister amongst them, and signified so much 


I 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 8 65 

to the magistrates and ministers of the Bay, under forty 
of their hands ; but he having a call to remove elsewhere, 
either for want of due encouragement, or suitable en¬ 
deavours of the people, they were destitute of a settled 
minister for many years after. But the light of the gos¬ 
pel, by the ministry thereof, did then begin to dawn, 
which afterwards did arise with more brightness and 
power upon them. 

In September, 1641, Capt. Underhill not able longer 
to subsist at Pascataqua, upon the occasions foremen- 
tioned, and being reconciled to the court of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, and church of Boston, returned thither with his 
family to seek some way of subsistence; where having 
no employment that would maintain him, and having 
good offers made him by the Dutch governour, (he 
speaking the Dutch tongue very well, and his wife a 
Dutch woman,) he removed thither. The church of Bos¬ 
ton furnished him out, and provided a pinnace to trans¬ 
port him; advising him rather to setde at Stamford, 
where was a town of the English, and in church estate, 
and near the Dutch; to the which he hearkened. At first 
the people there offered him employment and mainte- 
na ce, according to their ability ; but upon one account 
or other he changed his mind afterward and went to the 
Dutch, who gave him good encouragement, having at 
that time great need of him, by reason of their war with 
the Indians, wherein he did them good service, having 
with one hundred and twenty men, Dutch and English, 
killed one hundred and fifty Indians on Long Island,and 
three hundred on the main land. 

Mr. Wheelwright afterwards, in the year 1643, had re¬ 
moved from Exeter to Wells, near Cape Porpoise, where 
he was pastor of a church ; but being sensible of the great 
inconveniency he was in, while excluded from the socie¬ 
ty of the ministers, as well as other friends, bv the sen¬ 
tence of banishment, which he still continued under, he 
wrote a letter to the governour at Boston, entreating the 
favour of the court that he might have leave to come 
into the Bay, upon some special occasions; which was 

/ 


366 


GENERAL HISTORY 


readily granted him ; whereupon he came and spake 
with divers of the ministers, and gave them such satis¬ 
faction, as they intended to intercede with the court for 
the release of his banishment. The contents of his letter 
were to this purpose:—“Upon the long and mature con¬ 
sideration of things, I perceive that the main difference 
between yourselves and some of the reverend elders and 
me in point of justification, and the evidencing thereof, is 
not of that nature as was then presented to me in tfie 
false glass of Satan’s temptations, and my own distem¬ 
pered passions, which makes me unfeignediy sorry that 
I had such an hand in those sharp and vehement conten¬ 
tions, raised thereabouts, to the great disturbance of the 
churches of Christ. It is the grief of mv soul that I used 
such vehement, censorious speeches in the application of 
my sermon, or in any other writing, whereby I reflected 
any dishonour upon your worships, the reverend elders, 
or any of contrary judgment to myself. I repent me that 
I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt judgments, 
to the countenancing and encouraging of them in any of 
their c rrours, or evil practices, though I intended no such 
thing ; and that in the synod I used such unsafe and ob¬ 
scure expressions,falling from me as a man dazzled with 
the buffetings of Satan ; and that I did appeal from mis¬ 
apprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done 
very sinfully, and do humbly crave pardon of your hon¬ 
oured selves. It it shall appear to me, by scripture light, 
that in any carriage, word, or writing, I have walked 
contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of God, to 
give satisfaction. Thus, hoping that you will pardon my 
boldness, I humbly take my leave of your worships, 
committing you to the good providence of the Almighty, 
and ever remain your worships’ in all service to be com¬ 
manded in the Lord. 

J. WHEELWRIGHT- 

Wells, 1th, 10 th, 1643.” 

Upon this letter the court was very well inclined to re¬ 
lease his banishment, and thereupon ordered that he 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


367 

might have safe conduct to come to the court, &c. 
Hereof the governour certified him by letter, and receiv¬ 
ed this following answer from him. - 

“ R. W. 

I have received your letters, wherein you signify to me 
that you have imparted my letter to the honoured court, 
and that it finds good acceptance; for which I rejoice with 
ail thankfulness, as also for liberty of safe conduct granted 
by the court, and in case I desire letters for that end. I 
should very willingly (upon letters obtained) express by 
word of mouth, openly in court, that which I did by writ¬ 
ing, might I, without offence, express my true intent and 
meaning more fully to this effect. That notwithstanding 
my failings, (for which I crave pardon,) yet I cannot, with 
a good conscience, condemn myself for such capital 
crimes, dangerous revelations, and gross errours, as have 
been charged upon me ; the concurrence of which, (as I 
take it,) make up the substance of the cause of all my suf¬ 
ferings. I do not see but in so mixt a cause I am bound to 
use (may it be permitted) my just defence, so far as I ap¬ 
prehend myself to be innocent, and to make my confes¬ 
sion, where I am convinced of any delinquency ; other¬ 
wise I shall seemingly, and in appearance, fall under guilt 
of many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth 
acquit me. If I seem to make suit to the court for relax¬ 
ation to be granted as an act of mercy, upon my sole con¬ 
fession, I must offend my conscience ; if by an act of 
justice, upon my apology, and lawful defence, I fear 
here I shall offend your worships. I leave all things to 
your wise and holy consideration, hoping you will par¬ 
don my simplicity and plainness, which I am forced un¬ 
to by the power of an overruling conscience. I rest your 
worship’s in the Lord. 

J. WHEELWRIGHT. 

Wells, March 1, 1643.” 

To which the governour replied to this effect, viz. 
that though his liberty might be obtained without his 
personal appearance, yet that was doubtful; nor did he 


363 


GENERAL HISTORY 


conceive that a wise and moderate apology would preju¬ 
dice the acceptance of a free and ingenuous confession; 
seeing the latter would justify the sentence of the court, 
which looked only at his action ; and yet by the former 
he might maintain the liberty of his conscience, in clear¬ 
ing his intentions from those ill deserving crimes, which 
the court apprehended by his actions. Ai d withal, (be¬ 
cause there might want opportunity of conveyance be¬ 
fore the court,)he sent him enclosed a safe conduct, &c. 
But the next court released his banishment, without his 
appearance; and so if they had overdone in passing the 
sentence, it might in part help to balance it, that they 
were so ready to grant him a release. Soon after this he 
removed his dwelling, and being invited to the pastoral 
office in the church of Hampton, after Mr. Batchelor’s 
deposition, he accepted of the call, and tarried with them 
till his removal to England, not long after, where he tar¬ 
ried many years, till upon the turn of times he came hack 
to New England again; after which he was called to 
Salisbury, where he accepted of the pastoral office, in 
which he continued to the day of his death, which hap¬ 
pened about the year 1681. 

As for the more eastern parts of the Province of 
Maine, towards Pemaquid, one Mr. Rigbee, a wealthy 
gentleman in England, and counsellor at law, and one of 
the Long parliament, having purchased the Plough Pa¬ 
tent at Sagadehock, called Ligonia, gave a commission 
to one Mr. Cleaves, as his deputy to govern the people 
there, and sent him over to New England in the year 
1643. The ship landed at Boston, and Mr. Cleaves, 
considering how distasteful this would be to the gover¬ 
nors of Sir Feidinando Gorges, who challenged juris¬ 
diction in a great part of Ligonia, petitioned the general 
court ot the Massachusetts to write to them on his behalf; 
but the court thought fit rather to leave it to the gover¬ 
nor to write in his own name, which accordingly he 
did. But when Mr. Cleaves came to set his commission 
afoot, and called a court at Casco, Mr. Richard Vines 
and other commissioners of Sir Ferdinando Gorges op- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


posed it, and called another court at Saco, the same time; 
whereupon the inhabitants were divided. Those of Cas¬ 
co, See. wrote to Mr. Vines that they would stand to the 
judgment of the magistrates of the Bay, till it were de¬ 
cided in England to which government they should be¬ 
long; and sent this letter by one.Tucker. Mr. Vines 
imprisoned him, and the next day took his bond for his 
appearance at Saco, and his good behaviour. Upon this 
Mr. Cleaves and the rest, about thirty persons, wrote to 
the governour of the Bay for assistance against Mr. 
Vines, and tendered themselves to the consociation of 
the United Colonies. The governour returned answer 
that he must first advise with the commissioners of the 
other colonies, although they could not well be admitted 
upon some articles of the confederation, that Mr. Cleaves 
did not come up unto. This contention continued still 
undetermined between Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines and 
Mr. Josselin, one of the commissioners also of Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges. Both parties wrote letters to the gov¬ 
ernour and council of the Massachusetts, complaining of 
injuries from each other; Mr. Cleaves desiring aid 
against open force, threatened by the other part. They 
of the Massachusetts Bay returned answer to them sev¬ 
erally to this effect, to persuade them both to continue in 
peace, and to forbear all violent courses, until some Lon¬ 
don ships should arrive here, bv which it was expected 
that order would come from the commissioners of foreign 
plantations, to settle their differences. These letters 
prevailed so far with them, that they agreed to refer the 
cause to the determination cf the court of assistants at 
Boston, which was to be held the 3d of June next. For 
Mr. Rigbee came Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Tucker; for the 
Province of Maine came Mr. Josselin and Mr. Roberts. 
The court appointed them a day for hearing of their 
cause,and caused a special jury to be empannelled: Mr. 
Cleaves was plaintiff, and delivered in a declaration in 
writing; the defendants (though they had a copy there¬ 
of before) pleaded to it by word only. Some of the mag¬ 
istrates advised not to intermeddle with it, seeing it was 
47 


GENERAL HISTORY 


syo 

not within their jurisdiction, and that the agents had no 
commission to bind the interest of the gentlemen in 
England. Others, and the most, thought fit to give them 
a trial, both for that it was an usual practice in Europe 
for two parties that are at odds to make a third judge be¬ 
twixt them, and though the principal parties could not 
be bound by any sentence of their court, (for having no 
jurisdiction they had no coaction, and therefore whatever 
they should conclude were but advice,) yet it might set¬ 
tle peace for the present, &c. But the suit going on, up¬ 
on a full hearing, both parties failed in their proof. The 
plaintiff could not prove the place in question to be with¬ 
in his patent, nor could derive a good title of the patent 
itself to Mr. Rigbee, (there being six or eight patentees, 
and the assignment only from two of them.) Also the 
defendant had no patent of the province, but only a copy 
thereof, attested by witnesses, which is not pleadable in 
law; which so perplexed the jury as that they could find 
for neither, but gave in a non liquet. And because the 
parties would have it tried by a jury, the magistrates for¬ 
bore to deal any further in it, only they persuaded the 
parties to live in peace, See. till the matter might be de¬ 
termined by authority out of England. And so the mat¬ 
ter rested for the present, and for a long time after; the 
successours or assigns of either party keeping possession 
and making improvement of what they had occupied be¬ 
fore, according to mutual agreement between themselves, 
either implicitly or explicitly declared ; until Mr. Rig- 
bee or his agents and assigns flung up all their title to any 
part of the premises, as an unprofitable concern, as is 
commonly said. What Sir Ferdinando Gorges’s heirs or 
assigns have done unto or gained by what was ever chal¬ 
lenged by any of them, may be declared 'afterwards. 

CHAP. XLV. 

The general affairs of Neu> England , from 1641 to 1646. 

In the beginning of this lustre, scil. June 2, 1641, Mr. 
Bellingham was chosen governour,and Mr.Endicot deputy 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


87i 


governour; the first carried it but by six votes, if so many 
could regularly be made out. It was long before either 
of these gentlemen were accepted into the chief place of 
the government, yet had they this advantage superadded, 
that they were in after times oftener called thereunto, or 
rather continued therein, after the death of Mr. Winthrop 
and Mr. Dudley, longer than any of their predecessors. 
In the end of this year, 1641, upon the supposal that 
great revolutions were now at hand, two of the ministers 
of the Massachusetts, with Mr. Hibbins, were sent over 
to England, viz. Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters. The first 
had given the greatest encouragement of any man else 
for invitation of his friends to come over to New Eng¬ 
land, yet was it observed true of him, which some note 
of Peter, the hermit, who sounded an alarum and march 
to all other Christians, to the Holy Land, but a retreat 
to himself; and indeed he returned not with the dove, 
which came with an olive branch in her mouth. As for 
the other, it had been well if he had never gone, or soon 
after to have returned ; and might have been warned by 
Funccius his example, disce meo exemplo , &c. or rather 
to have taken St. Paul’s counsel, to abide in the calling, 
wherein he was called, whereby he might have prevented 
a sad sentence, that afterward befell him, as a bird that 
wanders from her nest. About this time also the Mas- 
chusetts began to look more circumspectly into their 
bounds, than before time they had leisure to do, both 
westward and northward. For at Connecticut river it 
did appear that Springfield fell within their limits, which, 
by a mistake, had been hitherto taken for a member of 
Hartford jurisdiction ; so the loss fell upon them that 
were not content with an equal allotment; for the busi¬ 
ness had else never been so narrowly looked into, as is 
said, if injury had not been offered to some that were there 
planted, and supposed to be under their jurisdiction. 
On the other side, toward Pascataqua, some gentlemen, 
that had a long time tried the pleasure of being lords, 
to have none to rule over them, but finding they were 
not able to manage or carry on what they had taken iri 


378 


GENERAL HISTORY 


hand, were pretty willing to be eased of the burthen, and 
therefore petitioned the Massachusetts, by several hands 
subscribed, and some of their patentees, in the name of 
the rest, to accept of them into their government; which 
they did, not so much out of ambition of the power, as 
compassion to the poor inhabitants, who had been almost 
wearied out with dissensions among themselves, both in 
their civil as well as church affairs, if not in danger to be 
ruined thereby. The lords and gentlemen, which had 
these two patents, finding no means to govern the people 
there, nor restrain them from spoiling their timber, 
agreed to assign all their interest of jurisdiction to the 
Massachusetts, reserving the land to themselves, as is 
said by them who took notice of things that passed in 
those times. So that on Sept. 24, 1641, the inhabitants 
on the south side of Pascataqua, both at Dover and 
Strawberry Bank, (since Portsmouth,) were declared to 
belong to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and in pursu¬ 
ance thereof a committee was chosen to order matters 
accordingly. A village this year was granted at Billeri¬ 
ca ; another the next year on Ipswich river, called since 
Topsfield. 

On the 18 th of May, 1642 , the government of the 
Massachusetts fell again into the hands of that honoura¬ 
ble gentleman, Mr. Winthrop, the deputy’s place re¬ 
maining with Mr. Endicot; at which election, also, Mr. 
Samuel Symonds, a gentleman of an ancient and wor¬ 
shipful family, from Yeldham, in Essex, was added to 
the number of the assistants. At this court, a body of 
laws, that had been a long time under debate, were now 
established; reserving a liberty in some lesser offences to 
alter the penalty according to circumstances, about which 
there wms much agitation in the general "court. By this 
time the college at Cambridge was brought to some per¬ 
fection, and feoffees were this year appointed, viz. all the 
magistrates or the colony, and the elders of the six next 
adjoining churches; a needful provision for the taking 
care of the sons of the prophets, oyer whom we know of 


«F NEW ENGLAND. 37*3 

old they were set that were able, both as prophets to 
teach, and judges to rule and govern. 

May the 10th, 1643, Mr. Winthrop was again chosen 
governour, and Mr. Endicot deputy governour. This 
year the practice of Dover, and the other inhabitants, en¬ 
couraged those of Exeter to follow their example, who 
were in like manner, upon their petition, received under 
the government, of the Massachusetts, and accordingly 
declared to belong thereto. 

May 29, 1644, Mr. Endicot was a second time chos¬ 
en governour, and Mr. Winthrop deputy governour, and 
Mr. Dudley, the first major general, was chosen at this 
election. This year the Anabaptists began to grow 
troublesome in the Massachusetts, which irritated the 
zeal of some principal persons in the country to sharpen 
the edge of authority against them, the court being by 
this occasion put on to make laws against them, as is in¬ 
timated before, but with what success is hard to say ; all 
men being naturally inclined to pity them that suffer, 
how much soever they are incensed against offenders in 
general. But natural conscience, and the reverence of a 
Deity, that is deeply engraven on the hearts of all, makes 
men more apt to favour them that suffer for religion, 
(true or false,) on which consideration some are ready to 
think that corrosives and sharp medicines do but draw 
evil and malignant humours to the ill affected part, and 
therefore they say of all arguments against corrupt opin¬ 
ions those are the least proper, and most ineffectual, that 
conclude in ferio ; the worst mode and figure for a re¬ 
ligious topick. Though men had need take heed on 
what account they take sanctuary in the holy place of con¬ 
science, which is God’s throne ; for, as one saith, God, 
who is a God of truth, hath appointed no city of refuge 
for presumptuous sinners, such as are the father of lies, 
and murtherer of souls, or any of his instruments. Joab 
must be taken from the horns of the altar. However, it 
were well if all those, who cannot comply with the re¬ 
ligion of the state and place where they live, yet had so 
much manners as not to justle against it, nor openly 


874 


GENERAL HISTORY 


practise that that is inconsistent therewith, as if they 
would bid a kind of defiance thereunto. Moses would 
not do that in Egypt, upon the account of religious wor¬ 
ship, that might seem a matter of abomination, to them 
that were lords of the place; especially where the differ¬ 
ence is not in the circumstantial but.in the essential 
parts of religion, as that of the Quakers and Anabaptists. 
Therefore the repressing of those kind of persons put the 
government upon inquiry into the nature and intent of 
the patent, and the power invested in the general court 
thereby, whether legislative and jurisdictive, or directive 
and consultative; and upon consultation had, with the wis¬ 
est, most learned and judicious in the place, it was, by an 
unanimous consent, determined in the affirmative, in re¬ 
spect of all those several kinds of power, wherein the 
general court rested satisfied. 

The next year Mr. Dudley took his turn again at the 
helm of the government, being chosen thereunto, May 
14, 1645, to whom was joined Mr. Winthrop as deputy; 
who, while he lived, was almost always either governour 
or next him that supplied that place. But this year he 
met with much opposition from his neighbours of Hing- 
ham, who were borne out therein, as was usually done, 
by one of the magistrates, that in some things seemed 
much prejudiced against him; the particulars may be 
declared afterwards, or in another way. 

As the country had hitherto begun to flourish in most 
English manufactures, so liberty was this year granted 
to make iron; for which purpose a work was set up at 
Lynn, upon a very commodious stream, which was very 
much, promoted, and strenuously carried on, for some 
considerable time ; but at length, whether/afor aut for - 
ceps, ant arsy ignara fefellit , instead of drawing out bars 
of iron, for the country’s use, there was hammered out 
nothing but contention and lawsuits, which was but a 
bad return for the undertakers ; however it gave the oc¬ 
casion to others to acquaint themselves with that skill, to 
the great advantage of the colonies, who have since that 
time found out many convenient places where very good 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


T/5 

iron, not much inferiour to that of Bilboa,. may be pro¬ 
duced ; as at this day is seen in a village near Topsfield, 
seven or eight miles west from Ipswich. 

In the following years troublesome occurrents have 
fallen out, occasioned by the civil wars in England ; 
whence it came to pass that sundry shipmasters, upon 
pretence of a commission from the parliament, seized 
some ships in the harbour of Boston, without the license 
or privity of the court there, taking them to belong to 
some of the king’s party, which, in the language of those 
times, was interpreted enemies to the parliament. These 
things done on the sudden, by a prevailing party, could 
not be helped; for ofttimes might overcomes right, ac¬ 
cording to the proverb, else there were some upon the 
place that could have adventured much to have secured 
the harbour. 


CHAP. XLVI. 

Various occurrents in New England , from 1641 to 1646. 

At this time the people of New England were as¬ 
saulted with difficulties about their subsistence, with other 
various accidents, concerning the limits of the civil pow¬ 
er, conspiracy of the Indians, uniting of the colonies, 
with several more troubles, both intestine and foreign. 
For the great turn of affairs, that happened at this time, 
putting a stop to the wonted way of their subsistence in 
New England, occasioned many, through want of faith 
and patience to wait upon God and observe his provi¬ 
dence, to run themselves into divers straits and diffi¬ 
culties ; as not being able to see a way of livelihood any 
longer in the wilderness, not considering the words of 
the Psalmist, “Trust in the Lord and do good ; so shalt 
thou dwell in the land,and verily thou shalt be fed.” For 
many began now to inquire after the southern parts, be¬ 
ing much taken with the supposed advantages, and easy 
way of living, in Virginia, and the Caribbee islands, es¬ 
pecially the isle of Providence, which at this time was in 
great request; as if there were any place of the earth 


GENERAL HISTORY 


376 

where that part of the curse should not take place, “ In 
the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat thy bread.” But the 
ease and plenty of those countries was so taking with 
many, as they sold their estates there in New England, 
to transplant themselves and families to that Spanish isl¬ 
and ; the chief of whom was a gentleman of good es¬ 
teem in the country, one of the patentees, a man of great 
activity, and one of the first beginners in the promoting 
the plantation of the Massachusetts. He was labouring 
much in this new design ; for his estate being somewhat 
low for want of prudent managing, he offered his service 
to the lords that had the interest in the said isle, (to whom 
he was well known,) and was by them accepted for their 
next governour, and thereupon laboured much to draw 
on others to join with him in this (as it was judged) un¬ 
warrantable course. For though it was thought very 
needful to further the plantation of Protestant churches 
in the West Indies, and all were willing to endeavour it, 
yet it was looked upon as very unsuitable for those that 
had but new begun to people another part of America, 
(more agreeable to the temper and condition of English¬ 
men,) and with the disparagement of that place, wherein 
they could not but take notice of many signal providences 
of God, tending to the establishment thereof. But men 
that were engaged in the design would not be taken off 
by such considerations as were laid before them by the 
wisest of the place where they were, viz. not only to dis¬ 
courage the hearts of their brethren, whom they had at 
the first occasioned to remove into the wilderness, but to 
expose themselves to the danger of a potent enemy, (the 
Spaniard,) and a new climate, they had no experience of, 
and to be under the command of those which should be 
set over them by others. These motives prevailed with 
some to alter their resolution, yet others persisted strong¬ 
ly therein, not taking notice of sundry remarkable provi¬ 
dences that crossed their first attempts. 

The gentlemen of the Massachusetts were credibly in¬ 
formed how the lord Say had laboured, by discouraging 
their plantation, to divert men from coming to them, and 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


377 

so to draw them to the West Indies, and how, finding 
that wise men were unwilling to come under such gov- 
ernours as were not chosen by themselves, &c. they had 
condescended to divers articles suited to that form, al¬ 
though they had formerly declared for an aristocracy, 
and an hereditary magistracy, to be settled upon some 
great persons, &c. Mr. Winthrop, the usual governour 
of the Massachusetts, had written to the lord Say about 
the reports aforesaid, and shewed his lordship how evi¬ 
dent it was that God had chosen that country to plant his 
people in, and that it would be displeasing unto him to 
hinder that work, and persuade such as were still inclined 
(if not by their presence, yet by their assistance) to pro¬ 
mote it, to desist, by insinuating into their minds that 
there was no possibility of subsistence there ; and told 
him that God would never have sent so many of his peo¬ 
ple thither,if he had not seen the place sufficient to main¬ 
tain them, or that he intended to make it such. His 
lordship returned answer that he could not deny much of 
what was written, nor the evidence of God’s owning his 
people in the country of New England, but alleged it 
was a place appointed only for a present refuge, and that 
a better place being now found out, they ought all to re¬ 
move thither. But it is not good judging of things at 
so great a distance, and to depend upon uncertain reports 
in things of so great moment. Their lordships that were 
so highly persuaded of the West Indies, and their plan¬ 
tation at Providence there, were soon after convinced, 
by the loss of the island to the Spaniards, and 60,000 
pounds charge they had been at, that they had raised 
their hopes but on a sandy foundation. And the gentle¬ 
man forementioned, Mr. J. H. who with the disparage¬ 
ment of New England had maintained his hopes of a full 
supply from the Spanish Providence, was that year awak¬ 
ened, by a solemn providence of Heaven, to consider bet¬ 
ter of his ways; for his barn, with all his corn and hay, 
was in the year 1640 consumed by fire, through the care¬ 
lessness of his servants; and himself and family being, in 
48 


U7S 


GENERAL HISTORY 


spite of all his endeavours for Providence, detained in 
New England another season. 

But the next year, news was brought to New England 
that a church being gathered at Providence the pastor, 
one Mr. Sherwood, with another minister, were sent 
home prisoners into England, by one Carter, the deputy 
governour, (a merciful providence of God to them, 
whereby they escaped being made prisoners by the Span¬ 
iards, soon after;) and letters came also from the rest of 
the church to New England, complaining of the perse¬ 
cution of their magistrates and others, and desiring help 
from them. Many that were before resolved, and pre¬ 
paring for the island, were the more encouraged, and 
drew on others, that did not so well approve of the de¬ 
sign before, to hasten away thither, which might caution 
others, (considering the issue,) not to build too much up¬ 
on Providences, without a surer rule from the word or 
revealed will of God ; for, immediately after, Mr. Wil¬ 
liam Peirse, (that had been very serviceable in transport¬ 
ing passengers to New England,) with two vessels, 
(wherein were much goods, and some families,) bound 
for tile island of Providence, were unhappily disappoint¬ 
ed of their entertainments, by the Spaniards, that had 
newly retaken the place ; so as the said Mr. Peirse, pass¬ 
ing towards the island, was shut in within command of 
the fort, before he discerned the danger; but then sud¬ 
denly was slain, with another active man, (that was for¬ 
ward in carrying on the business,) before they could tack 
about; being then forced to return to the despised coun¬ 
try of New England, with shame and sorrow; having 
some encouragement left in their minds from the last 
chapter in Genesis, which the master read in the morn¬ 
ing, “ Behold I die, but God will surely visit you,” &c. 
for it is said, that as they touched at: Christopher’s, and 
hearing that there was some probability the island might 
be taken by the Spanish fleet, (which was then abroad,) 
he would have persuaded the passengers to return back, 
but they would not hearken in time to good advice, and 
that then Mr. Peirse should reply, Then I am a dead 


OF NEW ENGLAND. S79 

man; as if he had received the sentence of death in him¬ 
self, as ofttimes cometh to pass. 

This solemn accident brought some of them at last to 
see their errour, and acknowledge it to their friends at 
their return, Sept. 3, 1641. They were very loath to 
return back, and would have been set ashore any where 
in the warm country of the West Indies, but the seamen 
would not be overruled so to do. 

A vessel that returned at that time from the isle of Sa¬ 
bles made a better voyage, bringing 400 pair of seahorse 
teeth, with divers tun of oil, besides much other goods of 
like sort, which they left behind, worth 1500 pounds. 
And others also, in those times, did with more advan¬ 
tage improve the islands of the West Indies in a way of 
traffick, still keeping their residence in New England. 

But now the plantation at the Spanish island being laid 
aside, those that were disaffected to New England, not 
discerning at the present a way of subsistence, nor having 
patience and confidence in the Almighty to wait upon 
him, till a door of hope were opened by his wisdom and 
goodness, took their flight elsewhere. Whether they have 
thereby mended themselves, considering the hazards 
they ha,ve run, in making out their way, themselves are 
best able to judge. The affairs of the world are carried 
in a moveable wheel, wherein it is oft found that what 
is highest in one season is laid quite underneath soon af¬ 
ter. 

The gentleman forementioned (so strongly bent to re¬ 
move) did at last himself go over into England, leaving 
his children behind, without taking due care for their 
governing and education, whereby there were divers of 
them (being under age) shamefully abused and defiled by 
wicked persons, to such an high degree as the wisest in 
the country were at a loss to design any punishment, 
short of death, suitable to the nature of their offences. 
For, as was observed of old, children left to themselves, 
bring her that bare them to shame. Thus was this fam¬ 
ily strangely, though secretly polluted, though it brake 
not out till he had left the country, which he had been 


38.0 


GENERAL HISTORY 


contriving to do divers years before, against the advice of 
his best friends. 

But besides these afflictive dispensations about their 
subsistence ; as in the former lustre, the people of New 
England were exercised with ecclesiastical troubles, so 
in this, with many difficulties in their civil affairs. 

The general court, held in the 10th month, 1641, was 
not without uncomfortable agitations, and contentions, 
principally occasioned in a case wherein the deputy gov- 
ernour was concerned about a mortgage of land ; there¬ 
by was all business retarded, and an occasion of grief to 
godly minds, and of reproach to the court. There are 
dead flies in the apothecary’s best ointment. But such 
intirmides, like dark shades in portraitures, and acupict 
embroideries, do not take away from the beauty of the 
whole piece in the issue. However, according to the old 
observation, that good laws take their original from bad 
manners, on that condition an wholesome law was made 
for recording all deeds of conveyance, whether absolute 
or conditional, that so neither creditors might be defraud¬ 
ed, nor courts troubled with vexatious suits, and endless 
contentions, about sales and mortgages. Righteousness 
exalteth a nation, and maketh them honourable, even in 
the sight of very heathen, as was manifest at this time 
amongst the Indians, in their observation of the proceed¬ 
ings of the English. For in the year 1642, thuse of New 
Haven, intending a plantation at Delaware, sent some to 
purchase a large portion of land from the Indians there. 
But when they refused to deal with them, it so fell out 
that a Pequot sachem, who had fled his country in the 
time of the wars with them, and seated himself there up¬ 
on that river, was accidentally present at that time, and 
taking notice of the English, and their desire, persuaded 
the other sachem to deal with them, and told him that 
howsoever they had killed his countrymen, and driven 
him out, yet they were honest men, and had just cause 
to do what they did, for the Pequots he owned had done 
them wrong, and refused to give them reasonable satis¬ 
faction, winch was demanded. Whereupon the sachem 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 381 

entertained them, and let them have what land they de¬ 
sired. 

In the year 1642, the isles of Shoals being found to 
fall within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and hav¬ 
ing submitted to the government thereof, were provoked 
to revolt from them, by one Mr. Gibson, a scholar, whom 
they had entertained in the nature of a minister, and he 
exercised that function after the manner of the church of 
England. He had been sent to Richmond island, that 
belonged to Mr. Trelany, but not liking to abide there 
he removed to Pascataqua, Strawberry Bank, and so at 
last came to an employment amongst the fishermen at 
the Shoals. While he officiated there he was incensed by 
some speeches in a sermon of Mr. Larkham’s, the min¬ 
ister of Dover, wherein he inveighed against such hire¬ 
lings. Mr. Gibson, in way of retaliation, or rather re¬ 
venge, sent him an open letter, wherein he scandalized 
the government of the Massachusetts, and opposed their 
title to those parts; but being called in question by 
them, whose authority he had contemned at a distance, 
he submitted himself to an acknowledgement of his of¬ 
fence, and was discharged, (in regard he was a stranger,) 
without either fee or fine. 

In the same year, 1642, one Darbyfield, an Irishman, 
with some others, travelled to an high mountain, called 
the White Hills, an hundred miles, or near upon, to the 
west of Saco. It is the highest hill in these parts of 
America. They passed through many of the lower and 
rainy clouds as they ascended up to the top thereof, but 
some that were there afterwards, saw clouds above them. 
There is a plain of sixty feet square on the top, a very 
steep precipice on the west side, and all the country 
round about them seemed like a level, and much beneath 
them. There was a great expectation of some precious 
things to be found, either on the top or in the ascent, by 
the glistering of some white stones. Something was 
found like crystal, but nothing of value. It appeared to 
them that made the most diligent observation of the 
country round about, that many great rivers of New Eng- 


38 £ 


©ENTERAL HISTORY 


land rise out of that mountain, as Saco, Kennebeck, to 
the north and east, Connecticut, to the south, as they con¬ 
ceived ; as cosmographers observe that four great riv¬ 
ers arise out of the mountains of Helvetia, accounted the 
highest land in Europe. In each of those rivers they re¬ 
port, at the first issue, there is water enough to drive a 
mill. 

In the same year fell out a new occasion of starting the 
old question about the negative vote in the magistrates; 
for the country, and all the courts thereof, (general and 
particular,) in a manner, were filled with much trouble, 
about something that strayed from a poor man’s posses¬ 
sion in the year 1636 ; but in this year were revived so 
many controversies, about the true title thereof, as en¬ 
gaged all the wisdom and religion in the country to put 
an end thereunto. The poor man’s cause is lake to en¬ 
gage the multitude with a kind of compassion, against 
which, as well as against the bribes of the rich, the law 
of God doth caution judges. It proved almost as long 
and chargeable as Arrestum Parliamenti Thoiosanni , in 
the case of Martin Guerra, to find who was the right 
owner of the thing in controversy. It is much to see the 
restless and unreasonable striving in the spirit of man, 
that a lesser court, that hath power to determine an ac¬ 
tion of an hundred or a thousand pounds, could not put 
an issue to a matter of so small a value. It proceeded 
so far at the last, (through some prejudice taken up 
against the defendant,) that the very foundations of the 
whole authority of the country were in danger to be 
blown up thereby; a report being taken up by the com¬ 
mon people of the country that the negative vote of the 
magistrates (who did in that, as they should in all cases, 
look more to the nature of the evidence than any preoc- 
cupating notion or prejudice to or against the plaintiff or 
defendant) had hindered the course of justice. On that 
occasion it was strongly moved that the said negative 
vote might be taken away ; for by the patent no matter 
should pass in the general court without the concurrence 
of six of the magistrate-s at the least, with the governour 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


388 


or deputy, which in this case could not be found ; there¬ 
fore was it the more on this account solicitously en¬ 
deavoured that the power of the negative vote in the 
general court might be taken away. And it was so impet¬ 
uously now carried on, that there was scarce any possi¬ 
bility to resist the torrent of common fame, jealousy, 
****| and prejudice of minds, so as at the last, for peace 
sake, and quieting the minds of the people in the present 
exigence of the said business, the magistrates yielded to 
a private reference, as to some circumstances of the ac¬ 
tion ; and the defendant was persuaded to return the 
poor woman her charges, i. e. what he had received up¬ 
on the account of a former action, viz. three pounds, as 
part of twenty pounds, that was granted by the jury; 
which was done rather out of charity, and respect to the 
publick good, than out of conviction of duty in point of 
justice, as wise men always apprehended the case. But 
for the negative vote, it will more naturally fell to be 
spoken to afterwards. 

July 28, 1642, a Dutch ship arrived at Boston, laden 
with salt from the West Indies, which she sold therefor 
plank and pipe staves, (as good encouragement to pro¬ 
mote the trafficks of the country, then newly set on foot.) 
She brought two Spanish merchants, who, being taken 
at sea, while they went in a frigate from Domingo, to find 
an English ship which they had freighted home, and was 
(by their agreement) stolen out of the harbour, where 
she was long imbarred, they*> hired this Dutchman to 
bring them thither, where they had appointed this ship 
to come, (not daring to go into England, or Spain, &c.) 
They stayed about a month and after, but their ship came 
not; so they went away again. It was heard afterward 
that their ship had been beating upon the coast fourteen 
days, but being put back still by northwest winds she 
bore up and went for England, and arrived at South¬ 
hampton. The parliament made use of the treasure 
which God diverted from New England, that their hearts 
might not be taken with her wealth, and that it might not 
cause the Spaniard to have an evil eve upon them. 

f Ms. illegible. Ed. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


884 

Many difficulties falling in together about those times 
in New England, put divers that were discontented be¬ 
fore, into such an unsettled frame of spirit, that conclud¬ 
ing there would be no subsistence for them and their 
children there, they counted it their wisdom to shift for 
themselves in time, and retire to places of safety before 
the storm came; but most of them by that means did but 
the sooner fall into the misery they hoped to fly from. 
Amongst others Mr. J. H. forementioned, with four or 
five other persons of note, returning that year for Eng¬ 
land, against the advice of their friends, and thinking 
their passage was like to be short and prosperous, gave 
too much liberty to their own spirits to speak evil both 
of the people and place they left behind them ; possibly 
their spirits might be too much elevated by their present 
success to expect great matters in the country whither 
they were going, as if they had been already in posses¬ 
sion thereof. But when they were upon the coast of 
England, the wind came up just against them, and toss¬ 
ed them up and down so long, that they had not only 
spent all their provisions, hut at the last were by tempest¬ 
uous winds in danger of being dashed in pieces on the 
rocks, which put them into a serious inquiry, not only 
into the grounds of their removal, but into the frame of 
their spirits in the way; by their reflecting on which they 
saw cause to humble themselves before God for their 
miscarriage therein, and like Jonah to see their greater- 
rour in running from the presence of the Lord to Tar- 
shish ; where they found afterwards, many of them, that 
their hopes were disappointed, as was reported by some, 
who knew what entertainment divers of them found 
there. 

Those who first removed into the country, upon due 
grounds, were (implicitly at least) engaged to support 
each other in whatever exigents should fall out, and 
therefore should not have been too forward to have re¬ 
moved, without the free consent of the rest of their 
friends, with whom they were so confederated. It will 
be hard to lay down such rules as shall necessarily bind 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


3 85 


all particular persons to a strict observation of them, 
without some allowance; but this may be observed here, 
that there having so much of God appeared in carrying 
on that plantation of New England from the first, those 
that were lawfully called to engage therein had need 
have had as clear a call from God before they had desert¬ 
ed the same. The church of God is not now confined 
to a family or nation, as in former ages, but is, in these 
days of the gospel, dispersed over the whole world ; and 
every part of the same have in every age had their par¬ 
ticular work and service to attend, and may therein ob¬ 
serve the pillar and cloud of God’s presence going be¬ 
fore them, to find out a resting place for them, as they 
in New England have now for fifty years together had 
experience of; in all which time God hath so ordered his 
dispensations toward his people there, that they have found 
as comfortable a way of subsistence, by their diligence 
and industry, as their friends have done in other places. 

Besides the forementioned occurrents, which exercis¬ 
ed the minds of the principal inhabitants there, in the 
year 1642, there was another troublesome business that 
then fell out, occasioned by a small treatise, brought 
into the court of election that year, directly levelled 
against the institution of the standing council, which 
the author pretended to be a sinful innovation, and there¬ 
fore ought to be reformed. Upon the first discovery 
thereof, the governour moved to have the contents there¬ 
of examined, and then, (if there appeared a cause,) to have 
the author inquired after. The greatest part of the gen¬ 
eral court, (consisting of deputies,) being well persuaded 
of the honest intentions of the compiler thereof, (as tend¬ 
ing to favour the liberty of the people,) would not con¬ 
sent thereunto, but desired rather to inquire how it came 
into the court. It was at the last yielded to be read in 
the court, and it was found to have been made by one 
of the assistants, and by him to be delivered to a princi¬ 
pal man among the deputies, to be tendered to the court, 
if he should approve of it; but upon one account or other 
that gentleman did not acquaint the court with it, butde- 
49 


m 


GENERAL HISTORY 


livered it to one of the freemen, farther to consider of, 
with whom it remained about half a year, and then was it 
(contrary to the first intention of the author) delivered to 
one of the principal members of the said council. A 
worse hand it could not have fallen into as to the design 
aimed at; for by him, and the rest of the council, it was 
complained of, as an attempt to undermine one of the 
fundamental orders of the government. An answer was 
also drawn up to it, and read at the next sessions of the 
court, wherein all the harsher and unpleasing passages 
were laid open, with all the aggravations that an able pen 
could possibly fasten upon them. Some observations 
were likewise made thereof by Mr. Norris, the minister 
of Salem, of like nature, (which were also, with some 
difficulty, at the same time read in the court,) who not 
suspecting the author, handled him more sharply than 
otherwise perhaps he would have done, according as he 
judged the merit of the matter required. 

The governour (who according to the first institution 
of the said council was to be president thereof, for the 
time being,) moved a second time that the matter of the 
book might be considered ; but the whole court would 
not admit thereof, except the author were first acquitted 
from any censure concerning the said treatise, though 
some passages of the same, that were looked upon as 
very offensive and unwarrantable, were mentioned to in- 
duce them thereunto. But at the last, the author’s in¬ 
demnity from any censure being first voted, the matter of 
it was inquired into, and divers expressions therein were 
much blamed by many, as that the said council was first, 
instituted unwarily to satisfy the desire of Mr. Vane, &c. 
whereas it was well known to many in the court, (as 
themselves affirmed,) that it was upon the advice and so¬ 
licitation of the ministers, and alter much deliberation 
from court to court, established. Some also conceived 
that Mr. Cotton had sufficiently proved, from scripture 
and from reason, that the chief magistrates ought to be 
for life, as those of this standing council were (when first 
chosen) to be, and therefore any passages that did reflect 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


387 


upon such a constitution, with reproachful expressions, 
were the worse taken, by those that were called to be of 
that order. In the conclusion, a motion was made to 
take the advice of the ministers of the country, concern¬ 
ing the soundness of the propositions and arguments al¬ 
leged for its confirmation ; accordingly it was agreed by 
the whole court that there should be a meeting of all the 
ministers at Ipswich, on the 18th of October, the same 
year, to consider thereof. And being there met, and 
taking into their consideration that which was committed 
to them by the general court, though they were different 
in their judgments about it, yet at length they ail agreed 
upon this answer: 

First, that the propositions laid down, in the general, 
were granted, (with a distinction in the first,) which were 
these: 

1. First, that a Christian people (rightly and religious¬ 
ly constituted) have no power, office, administration, or 
authority, but such as is commanded and ordained of 
God. This was granted with this limitation; that all 
lawful powers are ordained, &c. either expressly or by 
consequence, by particular examples or by general rules. 

2. That those powers, offices, &c. ordained of God, 
&c. being given, dispensed, and erected in such a Chris¬ 
tian society, (by his general providence,) proportioned 
to his rule by their state and condition, established by 
his power, carried on and accompanied with his presence 
and blessing, ought not to be by them changed or altered 
but upon such grounds, for such ends, in such manner, 
and so far only, as the mind of God may be manifest 
therein. 

3. The mind of God is never manifested concerning 
the change or alteration of any civil ordinance, erected 
or established by him, Ike. so long as ail the cases, coun¬ 
sels, services, and occasion thereof may be duly and ful¬ 
ly ended or ordered, executed and performed, without 
any change or alteration of government. 

Secondly, for the application of the aforesaid proposi¬ 
tions to the standing council, and the arguments enforc- 


388 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ing the satfie. They distinguished between a standing 
council invested with a kind of transient authority, 
beyond other magistrates^ or else any kind of standing 
council, distinct from magistracy. The former they 
seemed implicitly to disallow. The latter they approv¬ 
ed as necessary for them, not disproportionable for their 
estate, nor of any dangerous consequence, for disunion 
among the magistrates, or factions among the people, 
(which were the arguments used by the author against 
the said council.) Some passages also they wished had 
been spared, and other things they found omitted, which 
if supplied might have cleared other passages, which 
seemed to reflect upon the gentlemen that were of the 
present standing coVmcii, which yet they thought not to 
be of that moment but that, (the uprightness of his in¬ 
tentions considered, and the liberty given for advice,) ac¬ 
cording to the rules of religion, peace, and prudence, 
they might be passed by. 

Lastly, they declared their present thoughts about the 
moulding and perfecting of a council, in four rules. 

1. That all the magistrates by their calling and office, 
together with the care of judicature, are to consult for' 
the provision, protection, and universal welfare of the 
people. 

2. That some select men, taken out from among the 
assistants, or other freemen being called thereunto, be in 
special to attend, by way of council, for the provision, 
protection, and welfare of the people. 

3. This council, or members of it as such, to have no 
power of judicature. 

4. In cases of instant danger to the people, in the in¬ 
terim, before a general court can be called, (which were 
meer to be done with all speed,) whatsoever shall be 
consented unto and concluded by this council, or the 
major part of them, together with the consent of the 
magistrates, or the major part of them, may stand good 
and firm till the general court. 

In the end, after much agitation in the court and coun¬ 
try about the business, by the wisdom and faithfulness of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


389 


some of the ministers, the author of the aforesaid treatise 
was brought to see his errour, which he did ingenuously 
acknowledge, and so was reconciled to those that were 
offended thereat; but some others that had engaged in 
that cause, (possibly upon some particular prejudice,) 
manifested too much stiffness to be brought thereunto. 

By this it appears how difficult it is, if possible, for 
any order or constitution amongst men to be so warily 
stated but some will be found nibbling thereat, and pre¬ 
tend matter of reason and moment to object against it, 
and when all is done are forced to sit down with silence 
and submission, which they might have done before, 
without troubling themselves or others. 

It is well known, by the experience of all places and 
people, that some are necessarily called to preside and 
take the charge and oversight of the whole series of af¬ 
fairs distinct from their office, that are to intend matters 
of judicature. According to the diversity of gifts man¬ 
kind is furnished withal, many are found to excel in the 
faculties of some particular science and profession that 
are not of like ability, in point of prudence, to counsel 
and advise in managing the general affairs of a people or 
place. And it will be equally hard to find a competent 
number of any order to have the same degrees of wisdom 
and prudence; in case therefore that any notable differ¬ 
ence do appear, what inconvenience will be found in ad¬ 
vancing some of the same order to an higher degree 
both of honour and trust. David of old had among his 
captains and worthies some that were advanced above 
the rest; and some also that were not advanced among 
the first three, were notwithstanding placed in an order 
above the rest of the thirty. And in the Persian mon¬ 
archy, we read of three that were set over the rest of the 
governours of the whole number of the provinces. 

But this business of the book against the* standing 
council was no sooner ended, but another controversy 
was revived about the negative vote, upon occasion of 
the forementioned controversy, which at this time, in the 
year 1643, was by the restless importunity of some, that 


390 


GENERAL HISTORY 


liked to labour in the fire, called over again; and this 
caused the same question to be moved afresh, about the 
magistrates’ negative vote in the general court. The 
deputies were very earnest to have it taken avvav. 
Whereupon one of the magistrates wrote a small treatise, 
wherein he laid down the original of it from the patent, 
and the establishing of it by order of the general court, 
in the year 1634; shewing thereby how it was funda¬ 
mental to the government, which if it were taken away 
would be a mere democracy. He shewed also the ne¬ 
cessity and usefulness of it, from scripture, reason, and 
common practice, &c. Yet this would not satisfy, but 
the deputies were earnest to have it taken away; and 
yet it was apparent, (as some of the deputies themselves 
confessed,) the most did not understand it. But where 
men’s affections are once engaged upon any design, 
whether reason persuade to it or not, it is usually with 
great earnestness pressed on. Those that were at this 
time inclined that way were much strengthened in their 
purpose by a discourse that fell into their hands, (drawn 
up by one of the magistrates, as was conceived ;) sup¬ 
posing they had now enough clearly to carry the cause, 
and avoid the danger of all arguments and reasons laid 
down in the former treatise, and therefore pressed ear¬ 
nestly to have the matter presently determined. But the 
magistrates told them the matter was of great concern¬ 
ment, even to the very frame of their government, and 
that it had been established upon serious consultation 
and consent of all the ministers, and had been continued 
without any apparent mischief and inconvenience now 
these fourteen years ; therefore it would not be safe nor 
convenient to alter on such a sudden, and without the 
advice of the ministers of the country, offering withal 
that if upon such advice and consideration it should ap¬ 
pear to be inconvenient, and not warranted by the patent 
and by the said order, &c. they should be ready to join 
with them in the taking it away. Upon these proposi¬ 
tions their heat was moderated, and an order drawn up 
that every member of the court should take advice; and 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


391 


that it should be no offence for any either publickly or 
privately with modesty to declare their opinion in the 
case ; and that the ministers should be desired to give 
their advice, before the next meeting of the court. It was 
the magistrates’ only care to gain this, that so the people’s 
minds might be the more easily quieted ; for they knew 
the ministers would hear reason, and that so there might 
be liberty to reply to the said answer of one of the magis¬ 
trates, (very long and tedious, but not with that strength 
of reason, as was by some apprehended,) which accord¬ 
ingly was done soon after the court, and published to 
good satisfaction. One of the ministers also wrote a 
small treatise, wherein he both scholastically and relig¬ 
iously handled the question, laying down the several 
forms of government, both simple and mixed, and the 
true form of the Massachusetts government, and the un¬ 
avoidable change of the government into a democracy, if 
the negative vote were taken away. 

Thus the deputies, and the people also, having the 
heat of their spirits allayed by time, and their judgments 
better informed by what they had learned about it, let the 
cause fall, and the gentleman who had written the an¬ 
swer to the first defence, &c. appeared no further in it for 
that time ; and it was conceived that there would have 
been a final end put to that controversy by an order made 
in the next court, March 25, 1644, when there was a 
motion of the deputies that the court should sit apart in 
their consultations, the magistrates by themselves, and 
the deputies by themselves, and what the one agreed 
upon they should send to the other, and if both agreed 
then to pass, &c. But the controversy could not be so 
easily determined, so it was laid aside for that time ; but 
afterward it was agreed that in case the major part of the 
deputies, and also of the magistrates, did not unite in the 
same conclusion, in any matter of judicature, that then 
the whole court being met together, the vote of the major 
part should put an issue to the case; which establishment 
continued for a long time after. 

But at the next court of election there arose a ques- 


893 


GENERAL HISTORY 


tion of another nature, about the extent of the standing 
council; whether all the magistrates were not by the 
patent to be reputed of the council of the country. 

Those of the county of Essex, having at the former 
court procured that the deputies of their shires should 
meet before the court, to prepare business, they did ac¬ 
cordingly, and propounded divers things, which they 
agitated and consulted among themselves, without com¬ 
municating of them to the other shires, (who conceived 
they had been only such things as concerned the good 
of the whole,) but when they came to be put to the court, 
it appeared that their chief intent was only to advantage 
their own shire ; as by drawing the government courts 
and a good part of the country’s stock thither, because 
the present governour, Mr. Endicot, lived there. En¬ 
deavours were also used for procuring four, of those 
parts, to be joined in commission with the magistrates; 
and for this end they had made so strong a party among 
the deputies of the smaller towns, (being most of them 
of mean estate, and that had small understanding in mat¬ 
ters of state,) as they easily carried all those things among 
the deputies ; but when the bills came to the magistrates, 
they discerned the plot, and that the things were hurtful 
to the common good, and therefore refused to pass them ; 
and a committee of both parts of the court being appoint¬ 
ed, to consider of the reasons on both sides, those of the 
magistrates prevailed. Another motion was then made 
for having three of the deputies joined in commission 
with seven of the magistrates, to order all the affairs of 
the country, in the vacancy of the general court. The 
magistrates returned this answer thereunto, that such a 
commission tended to the overthrow of the foundation of 
the government, and of the freemen’s liberty, and 
therefore desired the deputies to consider of a way how 
this danger might be avoided, and the liberty of the 
freemen preserved inviolable ; else they could not com¬ 
fortably proev^d in other affairs. Upon this all the dep¬ 
uties came to confer with the magistrates, who then de¬ 
clared their exceptions against the said proposal, 1. That 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


393 


this court should create general officers, which the free¬ 
men had referred to the court of election. 2. That they 
should put out all the rest of the magistrates, besides the 
seven, from that power and trust which the freemen had 
committed to them. 3. That they ought not to accept 
that power, by commission from the general court, that 
belonged to them by the patent, and by their election. 
The deputies had very little to answer to this, yet they 
alleged a precedent or two, where the general court had 
ordered some of the magistrates, and some others, to be 
a council of war ; and that having varied from the pa¬ 
tent in some other things, they were not bound to it in 
this; but they chiefly stood upon this, that the gover- 
nour and magistrates had no power out of court but 
what was given them by the general court. To which 
the magistrates replied, that such examples as were 
against rules, or common right, were errours, and no 
precedents, and that the said council was for one partic¬ 
ular case only, and not of general extent; and that those 
things wherein they had varied from the patent did not 
touch the foundation of the government; and lastly, that 
the governour and assistants had power of government 
before they had any written daws or had kept any court; 
and to make a man a governour over a people gives him 
(by consequence) power to govern the people, otherwise 
there were no power to order or punish in any case that 
there were no positive law declared in. It was at last 
consented to, that the present court had authority to order 
and direct the power of these magistrates for time, place, 
persons, &c. for the common good, but not wholly to 
deprive them of it, their office continuing; so as these 
being chosen by the people, according to patent, to gov¬ 
ern the people, (a chief part whereof consists in counsel,) 
they are the standing council of the country ; and in the 
vacancy of the general court may act in all the affairs 
thereof, without any commission. Upon this the depu¬ 
ties withdrew, and after a few hours tendered a commis¬ 
sion for war only, and none of the magistrates to be left 
out. But the magistrates refused to accept of any com- 
50 


394 


GENERAL HISTORY 


mission ; but they would consent the same should pass 
by order, so as the free power of the magistrates were 
declared in it, or to a commission of association to add 
three or nine to the magistrates, or to advise with the 
ministers, &c. But this not being admitted, they moved 
that the magistrates would consent that nothing might be 
done till the court met again, (which was before adjourn¬ 
ed to October.) To this was answered, that if occasion 
required,they must act, according to the power and trust 
committed to them. To which their speaker (daringly 
enough) replied, you will not be obeyed. Two days af¬ 
ter, the present court was broke up, before any thing 
more was done about the premises ; but upon some in¬ 
tervening occurrents, about the Indians, it was called to 
meet again the next month ; at which time a debate fell 
in concerning a commission to be prepared for the major 
general. It was agreed upon and sealed ; and in it he 
was referred to receive his instructions from the council 
of the country; but who were this council was not 
agreed. Whereupon the magistrates (ail save two) sign¬ 
ed a declaration in maintenance of their authority, and 
to clear aspersions cast upon them, as if they intended 
to bring in an arbitrary government, &c. And this they 
sent in first to the deputies, with intimation that they in¬ 
tended to publish it. The deputies sent to desire the 
publishing of it might be forborne, and that a committee 
might be chosen to state the difference between them, 
which was done, and the difference brought under this 
question : 

Whether the magistrates are by patent and election of 
the people the standing council of the country, in the va¬ 
cancy of the general court, and have power accordingly 
to act in all things subject unto government, according 
to the rules of the said patent, and laws of the jurisdic¬ 
tion ; and when any necessary occasions call for action 
from authority, in cases wherein there is no particular ex¬ 
press law provided, there to be guided by the word of 
God, till the general court give particular rules in such 
cases ? 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 39§ 

This difference being thus stated, the deputies drew 
up this order following, and sent it to the magistrates : 
Whereas, there is a difference between the governourand 
assistants, and the deputies of this court, concerning the 
power of the magistrates, in the vacancy of the general 
court; we thereupon, [salvo jure,) for the peace and 
safety of the colony, do consent that the governour and 
assistants shall take order for the welfare of the people, 
in all sudden cases which may happen within the juris¬ 
diction, until the next session of this court, when we de¬ 
sire this question may be determined. 

This they accepted, (with the salvo jure,) but they re¬ 
fused another, which they had sent before in these words: 
We do authorize those three, which are of the standing 
council, to proceed, &c. 

Upon this agreement they consented that their decla¬ 
ration should remain with the secretary, and not to be 
published without the consent of the major part of the 
magistrates, which they intended not to do, except they 
were necessitated thereunto, by the deputies’ misreport 
of their proceedings; and indeed some of the magis¬ 
trates did decline the publication thereof, upon this ap¬ 
prehension, that it would cause a pubiick breach through 
the country ; and if it should come to that, the people 
would fall into factions, and the non members would 
certainly take part with the magistrates, (they should not 
be able to avoid that,) and it would make them and their 
cause, though never so just, obnoxious to the common 
sort of freemen, the issue whereof must needs be very 
doubtful. 

In the end of October following, the general court as¬ 
sembled again, and all the ministers were sent for to re¬ 
concile the difference between the magistrates and the 
deputies ; and when they w r ere come, they put the ques¬ 
tion to them, as it was stated the last session. After they 
had received the question they withdrew for consultation 
about it, and the next day were ready to attend the court 
with their answer. The deputies sent four of their num¬ 
ber as a committee to hear their answer, which was af- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


39 $ 

firmative on the magistrates’ behalf, in the very words of 
the question, not one dissenting. 

Upon the return of this answer the deputies prepared 
other questions to be propounded likewise to the minis¬ 
ters, and sent them first to the magistrates to take a view 
of them. The magistrates also prepared four questions, 
and sent them to the deputies. 

The magistrates’ questions, with the ministers’ an¬ 
swer, were, 

1. Whether the deputies in the general court have ju¬ 
dicial and magistratical authority ? 

2. Whether the general court, consisting of magis¬ 
trates and deputies, as a general court, have judicial and 
magistratical authority ? 

3. Whether they may warrantably prescribe certain 
penalties to offences, which may probably admit varia¬ 
ble degrees of guilt ? 

4. Whether a judge be bound to pronounce such sen¬ 
tence as a positive law prescribes, in case it be apparent¬ 
ly above or beneath the merit of the offence ? 

The ministers’ answer. 

1. The patent in express words giveth full power and 
authority, as to the governour and assistants, so to the 
freemen also assembled in general court. 

2. Whereas there is a threefold power of magistrati¬ 
cal authority, viz. legislative, judicial, and consultative 
or directive of the publick affairs of the country, for 
provision and protection, &c. The first of these is ex¬ 
pressly given to the freemen, jointly with the governour 
and assistants. The third is also granted by the patent 

* as the other. But for the second, the power of judica¬ 
ture, if we speak of the constant and usual administra¬ 
tion thereof, we do not find that it is granted to the free¬ 
men or deputies in the general court, either by the pa¬ 
tent or the election of the people, or by any law of the 
country; but if we speak of the occasional administration 
thereof, we find power of judicature administrate by the 
freemen, jointly with the governour and assistants, upon 
a double occasion, 1. In case of defect or delinquency of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


397 


a magistrate, the whole court (consisting of magistrates 
and deputies) may remove him, 2. If by the law of the 
country there lie any appeal to the general court, or any 
special cause be referred to their judgment, it will neces¬ 
sarily infer that in such cases, by such laws, the freemen, 
jointly with the governour and assistants, have power of 
judicature, touching the appellant’s cause of appeal; and 
for those reserved cases, what is spoken of the power of 
freemen by patent, the same may be said of the deputies, 
so far forth as the power of the freemen is delegated to 
them by order of law. 

3, 4. As to the third and fourth questions, they 
answer: 

1. Certain penalties may and ought to be prescribed 
to capital crimes, although they may admit variable de¬ 
grees of guilt; as in case of prepensed malice and sud¬ 
den provocation there is prescribed the same punishment 
of death in both, though murder upon prepensed malice 
be of far greater guilt than upon sudden provocation. 
Numb. xxxv. 16—18, with 20, 21. AJso in crimes of 
less guilt, as theft; though some theft may be of greater 
guilt than other, (as for some man to steal who hath less 
need is of greater guilt than for another who hath more 
need,) the Lord prescribed the same measure of restitu¬ 
tion to both. 

2. In case that variable circumstances of an offence do 
so much vary the degrees of guilt, as that the offence is 
raised to an higher nature, there that must be varied to 
an higher answerable proportion. The striking of a 
neighbour may be punished with some pecuniary mulct, 
when the striking of a father may be punished with death ; 
so any sin committed with an high hand, as the gather¬ 
ing of sticks on the Sabbath day, may be punished with 
death, when a lesser punishment may serve for gather¬ 
ing sticks privately and in some need. 

3. In case circumstances do so vary a sin, as that many 
sins are complicated and wrapped up in it, the penalty is 
to be varied, according to the penalties of those various 
sins. A single lie may be punished with a less mulct 


598 


GENERAL HISTORY 


than that which is told before the judgment seat, or else¬ 
where to the damage of any person, whether in his good 
name, by slander, or in his estate, by detriment in his 
commerce; in which case a lie, aggravated by such cir¬ 
cumstances, is to be punished with respect both to a lie, 
and to a slander, and to the detriment another sustaineth 
thereby. 

4. In case the circumstances which vary the degrees 
of guilt concern only the person of the offender, as 
whether it be the first offence or customary, or whether 
he were enticed thereto or whether he were the enticer, 
whether he were the principal or the accessary, whether 
he were unadvised or witting and willing, &c. there it 
were meet the penalty should be expressed, (supposed five 
shillings or, as the case may be, five stripes,) and the 
highest degree twenty shillings or twenty stripes, more 
or less; within which compass, or latitude, it may be free 
to a magistrate to aggravate or mitigate the penalty, &c. 
yet even here also care would be taken that a magistrate 
attend in his sentence, as much as may be,- to a certain 
rule in these circumstances; lest some persons, whose 
sins be alike circumstanced with others, if their punish¬ 
ments be not equal, may think themselves more unequal¬ 
ly dealt withal than others. 

5. In those cases wherein the judge is persuaded in 
conscience that a crime deserveth a greater punishment 
than the law infiicteth, he may lawfully pronounce sen¬ 
tence according to the prescript penalty, &c. because he 
hath no power committed to him by law to go higher; 
but where the law may seem, to the conscience of the 
judge, to inflict a greater penalty than the offence deserv¬ 
eth, it is his part to suspend his sentence, till by confer¬ 
ence with the lawgivers he find liberty either to inflict the 
sentence or to mitigate it. 

6. The penalties of great crimes may sometimes be 
mitigated, by such as are in chief power, out of respect 
to the publick good service, which the delinquent hath 
done to the state in former times, as Solomon did to 
Abiathar, I Kings ii. 26, 27. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 399 

Questions propounded to the ministers by the depu¬ 
ties. 

Quest. 1. Whether the governour and assistants have 
any power by patent to dispense justice, in the vacancy 
of the general court, without some law or order of the 
same to declare the rule ? 

Ans. They answer negatively ; and further they cau¬ 
tion it meet the rule should be express for the regulating 
all particulars, as far as may be, and where such cannot 
be had, to be supplied by general rules. 

Quest. 2. Whether any general court hath not power 
by patent, in particular cases, to choose any commission¬ 
ers, (either assistants or fieemen,) exempting all others, 
and to give them commission to set forth their power and 
places ? By any ‘ particular case’ they mean in all things, 
and in the choice of all officers, that the country stands in 
need of, between election and election; not taking away 
the people’s liberty in elections, nor turning out any offi¬ 
cer so elected by them, without shewing any cause. 

Ans. 1. If the terms 1 ail things’ imply or intend all 
cases of constant judicature and counsel, we answer nega¬ 
tively, &c. because then it would follow that the magis¬ 
trates might be excluded from all cases of constant ju¬ 
dicature and counsel, which is their proper and principal 
work, whereby also the end of the people’s election would 
be frustrated. 

2. But if these terms ‘ all things’ imply or intend cases 
(whether occasional or others) belonging neither to con¬ 
stant judicature nor counsel, we answer affirmatively, 
&c. which yet we understand with this distinction, viz. 
that if the affairs, committed to such officers and com¬ 
missioners, be of general concernment, we conceive the 
freemen, according to patent, are to choose them, the 
general court to set forth their powers and places. 
Whereas we give cases of constant judicature and coun¬ 
sel to the magistrates we thus interpret the word ‘ coun¬ 
sel.’ Counsel consists of care and action. In respect of 
care the magistrates are not limited. In respect of ac¬ 
tion they are to be limited by the general court, or by the 
supreme council. 


400 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Finally, it is our humble request that in case any dif¬ 
ference grow in the general court, between magistrates 
and deputies, either in these or any other cases, which 
cannot presently be issued with mutual peace, that both 
parties will please to defer the same to further delibera¬ 
tion, for the honour of God and of the court. 

Upon other propositions, made by the deputies, the 
ministers gave this further answer, viz. 

That the general court, consisting of magistrates and 
deputies, is the chief civil power of this country, and may 
act in all things belonging to such a power, both con¬ 
cerning counsel, and in consulting about the weighty af¬ 
fairs of the country, and concerning making of laws, and 
concerning judicature, in orderly impeaching and sen¬ 
tencing any officers, even the highest, according to law; 
likewise in receiving appeals, whether touching civil or 
criminal cases, wherein appeals are or shall be allowed 
by the general court, (provided'that all such appeals 
proceed orderly from inferiour courts to the court of as¬ 
sistants, and from thence to the general court, or if the 
case there first depending in the court of assistants then 
to proceed from thence to the general court,) in all such 
cases as are appealable : [ u as in cases evidently against 
law, or in cases wherein the subject is sentenced to ban¬ 
ishment, or loss of limb, or life, without any express law, 
or in cases weighty and difficult, (not admitting small 
matters, the pursuit whereof would be more burdensome 
to the court and country than behoofful to the appellant, 
nor needlessly interrupting the ordinary course of justice, 
in the court of assistants, or other inferiour courts ;) pro¬ 
vided, also, that if it do appear that the appeal proceed 
not out of regard of right, but from delay of justice, and 
out of contention, that a due and just punishment be by 
law ordained and inflicted on such appellant;”] that no 
magistrate have power to vary from the penalty of any 
law, &c. without consulting with the general court. 

Quest. 3. Whether the titles of governour, deputy, 
and assistants do necessarily imply magistratical author¬ 
ity in the patent ? 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


401 


Ans. The ministers’ answer was affirmative. 

Quest. 4. Whether the magistrates’ power be not giv¬ 
en by the patent to the people* or general court, and by 
them to the governour and assistants? 

Ans. The magistrates’ power is given to the gover¬ 
nour, &c. by the patent; to the people is given, by the 
same patent, to design the persons to those places of 
government; and to the general court power is given to 
make laws, as the rules of their administration. 

These resolutions of the ministers were after put to 
vote, and were all allowed to be received, except the last 
clause, in answer to the second question. 

Most of the deputies were now well satisfied concern¬ 
ing the authority of the magistrates, &c. but some few 
leading men (who had drawn on the rest) were still fixed 
upon their own opinions; so hard it is to draw men 
(though wise and godly) from the love of the fruit of 
their own inventions. 

Mr. Winthrop, at this time deputy governour, having 
formerly, and from time to time, opposed the deputies’ 
claim of judicial authority, and the prescribing of set 
penalties in cases which may admit variable degrees of 
guilt, occasioned some to suspect that he, and some other 
of the magistrates, did affect an arbitrary government. 
He now wrote a small treatise of that point, shewing what 
arbitrary government was, and that the government (in 
the state it now stood) was not arbitrary, neither in the 
ground and foundation of it, nor in the exercise and ad¬ 
ministration thereof, which tended much to the satisfac¬ 
tion of them that desired distinctly to understand the na¬ 
ture of these things. 

CHAP. XLVII. 

Troubles occasioned to the Massachusetts inhabitants by 
one Samuel Gorton , and his company , all cf them noto¬ 
rious familists . 

Two Indian sachems having submitted themselves 
to the government of the Massachusetts, for fear of the 
51 


%02 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Narragansets, their more potent neighbours, and that 
they might be protected from the injuries of some vaga¬ 
bond English, (as they are caHed in Sir Ferdinando Gor¬ 
ges’ History of New England, page 38,) were after that 
submission of theirs many ways molested by the said 
English, which occasioned much trouble to themselves, 
as well as to the Massachusetts, and the other English 
plantations round about them. This disturbance hap¬ 
pened in the year 1643. The evil consequences of which 
continued some years, and occasioned as w ell the death 
of Miantonimo, the great sachem of the Narragansets, 
as the ruin of their own estates. 

The ringleader of those English at Providence was 
one Samuel Gorton, (as saith Mr. Cotton, in the Bloody 
Tenet Washed, page 5 and 6,) a citizen of London, a 
man of an haughty spirit, and very heretical principles, a 
prodigious minter of exorbitant novelties, even the very 
dregs of familism. He arrived first at Boston, in the year 
1636, and continued a while there, till a reverend minis¬ 
ter of London (Mr. Walker) sent over directions to some 
friends to demand an hundred pound debt of him, 
which he having borrowed of a citizen, the citizen be¬ 
queathed it to some good use, whereof Mr, Walker was 
called to some trust. But when Gorton departed out of 
this jurisdiction to Plymouth, and there beginning to 
spread some of his opinions, to the disturbance of the 
church, and fearing disturbance to himself, and because 
he could not procure sufficient bail for his good abearing 
in the place, he came to Rhode Island, and there, raising 
some seditious opposition against the magistrates, he 
met with publick correction. From thence therefore he 
went to Providence, the place where Mr. Roger Wil¬ 
liams and his friends had sat down, and there abusing the 
poor Indians by taking away their lands, and some Eng¬ 
lish there that had submitted to the Massachusetts, they 
complained to the Massachusetts, (to whom they had 
submitted themselves,) of that and other injuries, which 
they had suffered. The court of the Massachusetts sent 
over to Gorton and his company to come down, and 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


408 


shew what right they had to those lands, which they had 
taken from those Indians, their subjects. But Gorton 
and his company, instead of coming or sending any to 
clear their right, sent two books, written by some of 
themselves, full of vile heresies and malignant blasphe¬ 
mies, against Christ, and against his churches, his minis¬ 
ters, ordinances, and magistrates; yet withal offered,that 
if they would send their agents over unto them they 
would clear their right to the lands, which they took from 
the Indians. , The court therefore sent over some with 
commission to treat with them, and because Gorton had 
threatened the former messengers with the offer of some 
violence, they sent as many armed men with these as 
might secure their agents from injury ; and incase they 
refused to shew the right and equity of their cause, then 
to bring some of the principal of them by strong hand to 
clear it here. When hither they were come, Gorton de¬ 
sired to speak his mind freely, which being granted he 
held it forth, as the mind of himself and his company, 
that Christ was incarnate when Adam was made after 
God’s image, for God had but one image, and that im¬ 
age was Christ, and this making of Adam in that image 
was the exinanition of Christ. But when it was object¬ 
ed, that that exinanition of Christ was unto life in Adam, 
but Christ was to suffer exinanition unto death, he an¬ 
swered, that Christ died when the image of God died ; 
and the image of God died in Adam’s fall. But when 
it was further objected, that Christ’s death was the pur¬ 
chase and price of our redemption, but the fall of Adam 
was not the price of our redemption, but the cause of 
our condemnation, he stopped, having nothing to reply, 
and yet would not revoke his hellish blasphemy. This 
being all the satisfaction was like to be had of this Gorton 
and his companions, after ail their insolencies and inju¬ 
ries, they were detained for a time about Boston, at sev¬ 
eral towns, whither they were sent, and where they had 
more civil entertainment than they deserved, all the time 
of their continuance there; yet were very forward in any 
publick assembly, where they came, to be venting of 


404 


GENERAL HISTORY 


their familistical notions. But after some months detain¬ 
ment, authority finding no way to imprint any good in¬ 
struction upon their minds, they were dismissed to their 
own homes, as is declared afterwards, where they always 
continued secret and malicious enemies to the United 
Colonies, like Hadad, the Edomite, that abhorred Israel 
to the last, which enmity of theirs principally appeared 
in their encouraging the Narragansets to rise in rebellion 
against them. 

The ground of the quarrel between Gorton’s company 
and the two sachems, that had submitted to the Massa¬ 
chusetts, was briefly this: Saconoroco and Pumham, two 
sachems near Providence, having under them two or 
three hundred men, finding themselves overborne by 
Miantonimo, the sachem of Narraganset, and Gorton 
with his company having so far prevailed with Mianton¬ 
imo as he forced one of them to join with him in setting 
his hand or mark to a writing, whereby a part of his land 
was sold to them, for which Miantonimo received, but 
the other sachem would not receive that which was for 
his part, alleging that he did not intend to sell his land, 
though, for fear of Miantonimo, he had put his mark to 
the writing, thereupon those two sachems came to the 
governour of the Massachusetts, and by Benedict Ar¬ 
nold, their interpreter, did desire they would receive 
them under their government, and withal brought a small 
present of wampam, about ten fathom. The governour 
gave them encouragement, but referred them to the 
court, and received their present, intending to return it 
to them again, if the court should not accord to them. 
The governour acquainted another of the magistrates 
with this matter, and both agreed to write to Gorton and 
his company, to let them know what the sachems had 
complained of, and how they had tendered themselves to 
come under their jurisdiction, and therefore if they had 
any thing to allege against it, they should come or send 
to their next court, &c. They sent also to Miantonimo 
to signify the same to him. Whereupon, in the beginning 
of the court, Miantonimo came to Boston, and being de- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


40 5 


manded in open court, before divers of his own men, 
and Cutshamakin, a sachem near Boston, with other In¬ 
dians, whether he had any interest in the other two sa¬ 
chems, as his subjects, he could not prove any; and Cut¬ 
shamakin also, in his presence, affirmed that he had no 
interest in them, but that they were as free sachems as 
himself, only, because that he was a great sachem, they 
had sometimes sent him some presents and aided him in 
his wars against the Pequots ; and Benedict Arnold, the 
interpreter, partly upon his own knowledge, and partly 
upon the relation of divers Indians of those parts, told 
them the Indians did usually pay their deer skins to those 
two sachems, and not to Miantonimo, (which deer skins 
are a tribute usually paid to their chief sachem,) which 
Miantonimo could not contradict. Whereupon it was 
referred to the governour and some other magistrates and 
deputies to send for the two sachems after the court, and 
to treat with them about their receiving them into their 
jurisdiction. But before this, Gorton and his company, 
instead of coming to the court at Boston, sent a writing 
of four sheets of paper, full of reproaches against the 
magistrates, ministers, and churches, and stuffed like¬ 
wise with absurd familistical stuff, and wherein they jus¬ 
tified the purchase of the sachems’ lands, and professed 
to maintain it to the death. They sent word to them af¬ 
terward, as Benedict Arnold reported to them, that if 
they sent any men against them they w ere ready to meet 
them, being assured of victory from God, &c. Where¬ 
upon the court sent two deputies to them, to know 
whether they would own that writing, which was sub¬ 
scribed by them all, being about twelve in number. Up- 
pon conference they did own the said writing, and justi¬ 
fied it. 

The governour also sending for the two sachems, af¬ 
ter the court, they both of them came to Boston, at the 
time appointed ; and a form of submission being drawn 
up, (which by Benedict Arnold, their neighbour and in¬ 
terpreter, who spake their language very readily, they 


406 


GENERAL HISTORY 


were made to understand particularly,) they signed it 
openly, which was as followeth : 

“ This writing is to testify that we, Pumham, sachem 
of Showamock, and Saconoroco, sachem of Patuxet, 
have, and by these presents do, voluntarily, and without 
any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, 
put ourselves, our subjects, lands, and estates under the 
government and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be 
governed and protected by them, according to their just 
laws and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of 
understanding them; and we do promise for ourselves, 
and our subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and 
faithful to the said government, and aiding to the main¬ 
tenance thereof, to our best ability, and from time to 
time to give speedy notice of any conspiracies, attempt, 
or evil intention of any, which we shall know or hear of, 
against the same ; and we do promise to be willing from 
time to time to be instructed in the knowledge and wor¬ 
ship of God.” And in witness hereof they set their marks, 
in the presence of the ministers and many others. And 
being told by the court that they did not receive them as 
confederates but as subjects,they answered, they were so 
little in respect of them that they could expect no other. 

These two sachems and their subjects being thus re¬ 
ceived under their jurisdiction, they counted themselves 
injustice bound not to suffer them to be abused, as they 
complained they were, as did some of the English like¬ 
wise about Patuxet, that had submitted themselves be¬ 
fore this time to the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts; 
which was the ground of their sending to fetch Gorton 
and his company by force, to give an account of their in¬ 
jurious proceedings aforesaid. And when they were 
come, and not being able to allege any thing rational for 
their defence, seven of them were sentenced to be dis¬ 
persed into so many several towns, and there kept to 
work for their living, and to wear irons upon one leg, and 
not to depart the, limits of the towns, nor by word or 
writing maintain any of their blasphemous and wicked 
errours, upon pain of death. This sentence to continue 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


407 


during the pleasure of the court. There were three more 
taken with them in the house, but because they had not 
their hands to the letters, they were dismissed; two of 
them upon a small ransom, (as captives taken in war,) 
and the third freely, for that he was but in his master’s 
house, he. A fourth, being found to be an ignorant 
young man, was only enjoined to abide in Watertown, 
upon pain of the court’s displeasure. About a week af¬ 
ter this sentence was past on them, they sent men to take 
away so many of their cattle as might defray their 
charges, both of the soldiers and the court. Many days 
being spent about them, the whole of the charges, taking 
in their maintenance in prison, was adjudged to amount 
to one hundred and sixty pounds. Besides these, there 
were three who escaped out of the house, where they 
were taken ; these being sent for to come in, two of them 
did so; and one of them, because his hand also was not 
to the letter, was freely discharged; the other was sent 
home, upon his own bond to appear at the next court, 
only some of his cattle were taken likewise towards the 
charges. There was a fourth who had his hand to Gor¬ 
ton’s first letter, but he died before their soldiers went. 
They were detained under the sentence aforesaid, but 
finding that they could not keep them from seducing 
others, nor yet bring them to any sight of their folly and 
wickedness, the general court, in March, 1643, sent them 
away with this caution, that they should not come into 
any place where the said court had jurisdiction, upon 
pain of death. 

In the beginning of the year 1643 Cutshamakin and 
Masconomo, sachems about Boston and Ipswich, were 
received under the protection of the Massachusetts, with 
many other Indians, upon the same terms that Pumham 
and Saconoroco were, being first made to understand 
the articles of agreement, and the ten commandments, 
which they solemnly promised to observe, which gave 
some ground of encouragement to hope that the time 
was at hand that these heathens should embrace the 
Christian faith; but their progress that way was not of 


4 08 


GENERAL HISTORY 


long continuance, like them that followed Christ tor 
loaves. The sachems also about Watchusets, being en¬ 
couraged by the kindness shewed to Pumham, offered to 
submit to their government; but it was thought to pro¬ 
ceed more from fear of some other enemies than any love 
to the Christian religion. But it seemed that as yet was 
not come the day of Christ’s power, for then his people 
shall be willing. 

CHAP. XLVIII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England from the year 1641 
to 1646. 

In the year 1641 one Mr. Blinman, a minister in 
Wales, came over into New England, with some friends 
of his, and being invited to Green’s Harbour, near Ply¬ 
mouth, they removed thither, and seated themselves 
amongst the old planters; but after a little time they 
agreed no better than the piece of new cloth in the old 
garment, making a rent so bad that it could never be 
made up again ; so they were advised to part, and Mr. 
Blinman came*with his company mid sat down at Cape 
Ann, which at a general court, in the same year, was es¬ 
tablished to be a plantation, and called Gloucester. 

In the latter end of the same year, some of the inhabit¬ 
ants of Charlestown having settled a village within the 
bounds of their town, called it Woburn. They gathered 
a church there, and on the 22d of November, 1642, Mr. 
Carter was ordained pastor thereof. There was some 
little difference about the manner of his ordination; for 
in regard they had no other officer in their church be¬ 
sides, nor any of their members that thought themselves 
fit to solemnize such an ordinauce, they were advised by 
some to desire the elders of other churches to perform 
it, by imposing hands on the said Mr. Carter; but 
others, supposing it might be an occasion of introducing 
the dependency of churches, &c. and so of a presbytery, 
were not so free to admit thereof, and therefore it was 
performed by one of their own members, though not so 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


409 


well to the satisfaction of some of the magistrates and 
ministers then present; and since that time it hath been 
more frequent in such cases to desire the elders of neigh¬ 
bouring churches, by virtue of communion of churches, 
to ordain such as are by the churches and people chosen 
to be their officers, where there are no elders before. 

In the year 1644 there was a town erected at Nantask- 
et; and at this time there being near twenty houses built, 
and having obtained a minister, it was by the general 
court named Hull. 

In the year 1642, there being an assembly of divines 
called by the parliament to sit at Westminster, to con¬ 
sider and advise about church government, divers lords 
of the upper house, and some members of the house of 
commons, with some ministers, who stood for the inde¬ 
pendency of churches, sent letters into New England, to 
Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and 
Mr. Davenport of New Haven, to call them, or some of 
them, (if all could not,) to assist in the said synod. 

Upon this some of the magistrates and ministers as 
were at hand met together, and were most of them of 
opinion that it was a call of God, yet took respite of con¬ 
cluding till they might hear from Connecticut and New 
Haven. Upon the return of the messenger that was sent 
to those towns it appeared that Mr. Hooker liked not the 
business, nor thought it any sufficient call for them to go 
a thousand leagues to confer with a few persons that dif¬ 
fered from the rest in matter of church government. 
Mr. Davenport thought otherwise of it; but the breth¬ 
ren of his church having set time apart to understand the 
mind of God in the case, came to this conclusion, that in 
regard they had but one officer, they could not see their 
way clear to spare him for so long a time as such a jour¬ 
ney required. 

Mr. Cotton apprehended strongly a call of God in it, 
and was inclinable to have undertaken a journey, (not¬ 
withstanding his natural averseness to a sea voyage,) if 
others had attended the same ; but soon after, upon the 
receipt of other letters, the difficulty came to an end. 

52 



410 


GENERAL HISTORY 


In the same year one Mr. Bennet, a gentleman of Vir¬ 
ginia, arrived at Boston, bringing letters with him from 
sundry well disposed people there, to the ministers of 
New England, bewailing their sad condition for Want of 
the means of salvation, and earnestly entreating a supply 
of faithful ministers, whom upon experience of their gifts 
and godliness they might call to office. Upon these let¬ 
ters, (which were openly read at Boston, on a lecture 
day,) the ministers there met, agreed to set a day apart to 
seek God in the thing, and agreed upon three, which 
might most easily be spared, viz. Mr. Phillips of Water- 
town, Mr. Thompson of Braintree, and Mr. Miller of Row- 
ley, (these churches having each of them two ministers,) 
which the general court approved of, and ordered that the 
governour should commend them, by his letters, to the 
governour and council of Virginia. But Mr. Phillips 
not being willing to go, Mr. Knowles, his fellow labour¬ 
er, and Mr. Thompson were sent away, with the consent 
of their churches, and departed on their way, on the 7th 
of October, 1642, to meet the vessel that should trans¬ 
port them at Narraganset; but Mr. Miller, because of 
his bodily weakness, did not accept the call. Both the 
churches were willing to dismiss their ministers to that 
work, and the court likewise did allow and further it, 
for the advancement of the kingdom of the Lord Jesus, 
not fearing to part with such desirable persons, because 
they looked at it as seed sown, that might bring in a 
plentiful harvest. They did also account it as an hon¬ 
our, which God put upon his churches there, that other 
parts of the world should send to them for help in that 
kind; for about the same time letters were brought to 
them from Barbadoes, and other islands in those parts, 
entreating a supply also of ministers. 

They that were sent to Virginia were long wind 
bound at Rhode Island, and met with many other difficul¬ 
ties, so as they made it eleven weeks of a dangerous pas¬ 
sage before they arrived there, but had this advantage in 
the way,that they took a third minister along with them, 
viz. Mr. James, (formerly the pastor of the church at 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


Charlestown,) from New Haven. They found loving 
and liberal entertainment in the country, and were be¬ 
stowed in . several places, by the care of some honest 
minded persons, that much desired their company, rather 
than by any care of the governours. And though the diffi¬ 
culties and dangers they were continually exercised with 
in their way thither put them upon some question, 
whether their call were of God or not, yet were they 
much encouraged by the success of their ministry, 
through the blessing of God, in that place. Mr. Thomp¬ 
son, a man of a melancholy temper and crazy body, 
wrote word back to his friends that he fotind his health 
so repaired, and his spirit so enlarged, that he had not 
been in the like condition since he first left England. 
But it fared with them, as it had done before with the 
apostles in the primitive times, that the people magnified 
them, and their hearts seemed to be much inflamed with 
an earnest desire after the gospel, though the civil rulers 
of the country did not allow of their publick preaching, 
because they did not conform to the orders of the church 
of England; however the people resorted to them, in 
private houses, as much as before. At their return, 
(which was the next summer,) by the letters they brought 
with them, it appears that God had greatly blessed their 
ministry, for the time while they were there, which was 
not long; for the rulers of the country did in a sense 
drive them out, having made an order that all such as 
would not conform to the discipline of the English church 
should depart the country by such a day, which a sad 
massacre of the English (by the Indians, that had con¬ 
spired against them) intervening had prevented. 

For a ship coming from Virginia the 3d of May, 1644, 
certified of a great slaughter made upon the English, by 
the natives there, whereby three hundred, at the least, 
were suddenly cut off. An Indian taken amongst them,., 
had confessed that all the Indians for six hundred miles 
were confederate together to root all strangers out of the 
country. It was very observable that the massacre came 
upon them soon after they had driven away the ministers 


413 


(GENERAL HISTORY 


sent from New England, A great mortality also did ac¬ 
company the said massacre, so as divers sober persons 
removed from thence, and many of the rest were forced 
to give glory unto God, in acknowledging that this evil 
was sent upon them for rejecting the gospel; and those 
faithful ministers of Christ that were sent amongst them. 

About this time some difference happened in New 
England about the way of raising the maintenance of the 
ministers, in regard that many churches (through the de¬ 
fect of money and other considerations) proceeded there¬ 
in rather by way of taxation than by contribution. This 
new way of easement was offensive to some in the coun¬ 
try, Who, it seems, COUld love none but evctyyeXtov ctSetirctvov. 

Amongst others it was very grievous to one Briscoe, a 
tanner of Watertown, (not of the temper of that tanner 
that entertained the apostle Peter;) for this man publish¬ 
ed a book underhand against the way of maintenance, 
(wherein himself and those that were no members were 
taxed to maintain the ministers of the place they belong¬ 
ed unto,) fuller of teeth to bite, and reproach the minis¬ 
ters of the country, than arguments to convince the read¬ 
ers. He was convened before the court to answer for 
his reproachful speeches, which he was forced publickly 
to acknowledge his errour in ; but for his arguments they 
were not worth the answering ; for he that shall deny 
the exerting of the civil power to provide for the com¬ 
fortable subsistence of them that preach the gospel, fuste 
potius erudiendus quam argumento , as they say of them 
that are wont negare principia , if it be the duty of magis¬ 
trates to provide that the gospel is to be preached in their 
territories, it is doubtless a duty incumbent on the same 
power to provide that they may live thereby. Let him 
that is taught communicate to him that teacheth, in all 
good things, saith the apostle. As for the quota pars it 
cannot be less, (whether decima , or duodecimo, or vicessi - 
ma,) than that he may live thereon. 

About this time contentions in Hampton were grown 
to a very great height; the whole town being divided 
into two factions, one with Mr. Batcheiour, the late pas- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


413 


tor, the other with Mr. Dalton, the teacher of the church. 
They were managed with a great deal more passion on 
both sides, as some said, than reason, or discretion, 
which made it long before they were composed. 

At a general court, March, 1645, two petitions were 
preferred, one for suspending (if not abolishing) a law 
made against Anabaptists, the former year, the other was 
for easing a law of like nature, made in Mrs. Hutchin¬ 
son’s time, forbidding the entertaining of any strangers, 
without license of two magistrates, which was not easily 
obtained in those days. Austin long since complained 
that the church in his time was overburdened w T ith too 
many canons, and ceremonious impositions. Many 
Christian states have as much reason to complain of too 
many laws, (unless they were better observed,) especial¬ 
ly such as are made to obviate a particular evil, which 
ofttimes proves no small disadvantage to the general 
good. 

It was always the apprehension of the wisest rulers in 
New England that it had been better for the country to 
have left more liberty in the hands of the magistrates, 
and not to have tied them up so strictly to the observa¬ 
tion of particular laws, that many times are very preju¬ 
dicial to honest men, which cannot well be helped, 
against laws, whilst they are in force. Some at this time 
were much afraid of the increase of Anabaptism, which, 
by a kind of antiperistasis, is observed the more to in¬ 
crease thereby; there being little observable in them, 
that make profession of that and other novel errours, but 
the glory of their suffering for something, that with this 
sort of people goes for truth. 

This was the reason why the greater part prevailed for 
the strict observation of the foresaid laws, although per- 
adventure, on some accounts, a little moderation, as to 
some particular cases, might have done very well, if not 
much better. 

One Capt. Partridge arrived at Boston in October, 
1645, who was observed in the ship, as he came, to have 
broached and zealously maintained several points of 


414 


GESTERAL HISTORY 


familism and Antinomianism; for which he was called 
before the magistrates and charged with the said opin¬ 
ions, but he refused to give any answer. But before he 
departed he was willing to confer with Mr. Cotton, 
which accordingly he did, and Mr. Cotton reported to 
the magistrates that he found him corrupt in his judg¬ 
ment, but ignorant of those points which he had main¬ 
tained, so as he perceived he had been but lately taken 
with them, and that upon argument he was come off 
from the most of them, and he had good hope to reclaim 
him wholly. But some of the magistrates requiring a 
present renouncing of all under his hand, he was unwil¬ 
ling to that before he were clearly convinced of his er- 
rour in them. It was moved by some that he might 
have liberty to tarry till the spring, because of the near 
approach of the winter; but the greater number in the 
court overruled, and voted the contrary, so as he was 
forced to depart before winter, and so he removed to 
Rhode Island. This strictness was offensive to some, 
and approved by others ; and surely where there is hope 
of reducing any from the errour of his way, and from 
the snare of the Devil, the rule of love (besides that of 
hospitality to strangers) doth seem to require more mod¬ 
eration and indulgence toward human infirmity, where 
there appears not obstinacy against the clear truth. 

This year twenty families (most of them of the church 
of Braintree) petitioned the court for liberty to begin a 
plantation where Gorton and his company had erected 
two or three houses at Showamet, some part of Pum- 
harn’s land, but it was challenged by Mr. Brown of 
Plymouth, as belonging to their jurisdiction. This he 
did without any order from their court or council, (as 
they declared afterward,) but only out of respect to some 
private end of his own. It might have been of some 
advantage to the interest of the English on the frontiers 
jof the Narraganset country; but ofttimes regard to par¬ 
ticular profit proves prejudicial to the general good. For 
if there had been a plantation erected there, by those of 
Braintree, it might have been as a bulwark against the 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


415 


corruption in faith and manners prevailing in that part of 
New England, about Providence; but it is to be feared 
those parts of the country, like the miry places and 
marshes, spoken of in Ezek. xlvii. 11, are not as yet to 
be healed, but to be given to salt. 

Many books coming out of England in the year 1645, 
some in defence of Anabaptrsm and other errours, and 
for liberty of conscience, as a shelter for a general tolera¬ 
tion of all opinions, &c. others in maintenance of the 
Presbyterial government, (agreed upon by the assembly 
of divines at Westminster,) against the Congregational 
way, which was practised in New England, the minis¬ 
ters of the churches, through all the United Colonies, 
agreed upon a meeting at Cambridge, where they con¬ 
ferred their counsels, and examined the writings which 
some of them had prepared in answer to the said books, 
which, being agreed upon and perfected, were sent over 
into England to be printed, viz. Mr. Hooker’s Survey in 
answer to Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Mather’s, Mr. Allen’s, 
and Mr. Shepard’s discourses about the same subject; 
though all did not undergo the same destiny, habent enim 
sua fata libelli; for Mr. Hooker’s book, which he had so 
elaborately penned, was lost in the New Haven ship, 
that perished about that time in the main ocean. The 
author did not long survive after it, nor could ever be 
persuaded to let another copy be sent over in his life 
time ; but after his death a copy was sent over, (whether 
so perfect an one as the original shall not now be dis¬ 
cussed,) and was printed in the year 1648, which put 
such a stop to the Presbyterial career, for the present, 
that it brought that cause to a stand, till the antagonista 
there took a time to rally up his broken arguments for the 
defence of that cause, in something an angry, not to say 
hasty and disorderly posture, to make good the Presby¬ 
terial platform, as sometimes Shammah did, with more 
manly force, the field of the Lentiles. Those of that per- 
suasion that began to muster together in New England, 
in the year 1643, were at the first sight easily routed by 
an assembly that met together on that account in the year 
1643. 


416 


general history 


September 19, 1644, two churches were appointed to 
be gathered, the one at Haverhill, the other at Andover, 
(both upon Merrimack river.) They had given notice 
thereof to the magistrates and ministers of the neighbour¬ 
ing churches, as the manner is with them in New Eng¬ 
land. The meeting of the assembly was to be at that time 
at Rowley, (the forementioned plantations, being then 
but newly erected, were not capable to entertain them 
that were like to be gathered together on that occasion.) 
But when they were assembled, most of those who were 
to join together in church fellowship at that time refus¬ 
ed to make the confession of their faith and repentance, 
because, as was said, they declared it openly before 
in other churches, upon their admission into them. 
Whereupon, the messengers of the churches not being 
satisfied, the assembly brake up, before they had accom¬ 
plished what they intended. But in October, 1645, 
messengers of churches met together again on the same 
account, when such satisfaction was given, that Mr. John 
Ward was ordained pastor of the church of Haverhill, on 
the north side of the said Merrimack, and Mr. John 
Woodbridge was ordained pastor of the church of An¬ 
dover, on the south side of the same. 

On the 5th day of November following there was a 
church gathered at Reading, six miles to the west of 
Lynn, and Mr. Henry Green was ordained pastor there¬ 
of. Thus the people of New England having rest, their 
churches were multiplied and edified, walking in the fear 
of God and comfort of the Holy Ghost, as was said of 
old concerning the primitive times. 

And at the general court in the year 1645 it was or¬ 
dered, that divers farmers belonging to Ipswich and Sa¬ 
lem, (but so far distant from either town that they could 
not duly repair to the publick worship there,) should 
erect a village, and have liberty to gather a church. 
This was much opposed by those of the town of Ipswich, 
pleading their interest in the land, &c. But it was an¬ 
swered, that when the land was granted to the towns it 
was not intended only for the benefit of the near inhabit- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


417 

ants, or for the maintenance of the officers of that one 
church only, but of all the inhabitants, and of any other 
church which should be there gathered; and a principal 
motive which led the court to grant them, and other 
towns, such vast bounds was, that (when the towns should 
be increased by their children and servants, &c.) they 
might have place to erect villages, where they might be 
planted, and so the land come to be improved to the 
more common benefit. 

Many years after, that village was raised to a town¬ 
ship, and called Topsfield, and a church being there 
gathered, Mr. Thomas Gilbert was the first pastor that 
was ordained there, which was many years after. 

A troublesome business fell out the same year at 
Hingham, which was the cause of much disturbance, 
both to the town and church there, the occasion of which 
was this: The captain’s place being void in that town, they 
chose one Eatnes (that had been the lieutenant, with good 
approbation, seven or eight years) into that office, and 
presented him to the standing council, in the year 1644, 
to be established therein ; but before it was accomplished 
the greater part of the town took some light occasion of 
offence against him, and chose one Allen into the place, 
and presented him to the magistrates to be allowed ; but 
the magistrates considering the injury that would thereby 
accrue to Eames, that had been the chief commander so 
many years, and had deserved well in his place, and that 
Allen had no other skill but what he had learned of 
Eames, refused to confirm him, but willed both sides to 
return home, and every officer to keep his place, until 
the court should take further order. Upon this the par¬ 
ty that stood for Allen endeavoured, with a kind of vio¬ 
lence, to bring him into the place, and upon a training 
day (appointed by themselves) did by vote choose him 
thereunto, and he accepted thereof, and exercised the 
company two or three days, as their Captain, only about a 
third part of them followed Eames, their lieutenant. In 
the agitation of the business, when Allen was chosen to 
be captain, some had reported that authority had advised 
53 


*18 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Eames to lay down his place, but he denied it, and in 
some sort put the lie uponjhetn that had so reported it; 
whereupon he was the next Lord’s day called to answer 
it before the church, when he stood to maintain what he 
had said. Five witnesses were produced to convince 
him; some of them affirmed the words, the others ex¬ 
plained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so 
advised him; but he denied both. Upon which the 
pastor (Mr. Peter Hobart, brother to three principal per¬ 
sons in the faction) was very forward to have excommu¬ 
nicated the lieutenant presently ; but upon some opposi¬ 
tion it was put.off to another day. 

The pastor was reported to be of a Presbyterial spirit, 
and managed all affairs without advice of the brethren, 
which divers of the congregation not liking, they were 
divided into two parts; and the lieutenant having com¬ 
plained of the injury done him, to the magistrates, they 
would the more eagerly have cast him out, pretending 
he had told a lie. Afterwards some motion was made 
to the elders of other churches, (both by some of the 
magistrates and some of Eames his friends,) by whose in¬ 
tercession their proceedings were stayed awhile. But he, 
and about twelve more, perceiving the pastor was resolv¬ 
ed to proceed to censure, and that there was no way of 
reconciliation, they withdrew from the church, and open¬ 
ly declared it in the congregation. This course was not 
approved of by the elders of the neighbour churches; 
and therefore, (during the adjournment of the court, 
where the case w r as depending,) upon the desire of the 
pastor, (fearing the case was likely to go against him and 
his party in the church,) the said elders were called to 
Hingham, who readily accepted the motion, and spent 
three or four days in hearing the case ; but though they 
found the pastor and his party in great fault, yet could 
not bring them to any acknowledgment, and therefore 
were forced to return home, re infecta . At the last, the 
pastor, and the prevailing part of the church, proceeded 
to pass the sentence of excommunication on the lieuten¬ 
ant and two or three more. But upon further advice 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


419 


with the elders of the other churches, it was concluded, 
that seeing neither clavis litigans , nor errans , ligat, those 
that were without just cause cast out at Hingham were 
received into the church of Weymouth, in the town next 
adjoining; and the matter so continued, through the 
stiffness of their minds, and their self willed resolution ; 
by which it is to be feared that many who are called un¬ 
to liberty use it for an occasion to the flesh, and forget 
that golden rule of our Saviour, and the precept of the 
apostle, by love to serve one another. 

CHAP. XLIX. 

Memorable accidents in JVew England from 1641 to 1646. 

March, 1641, one Swain, of Agamenticus, fell in¬ 
to despair, and being often heard to utter dreadful* 
speeches against himself, and cry out that he was all on 
fire under the wrath of God, but would never discover 
any other heinous sin but that having gotten about forty 
pounds by his labour, &c. he went over into England 
and spent it in wicked company. After he had so con¬ 
tinued awhile he hanged himself. One of his neighbours, 
J. Baker, a member of the church of Boston, having gone 
away from the church in a disorderly manner, and fallen 
into drunkenness, was so awakened by this sight, that of 
his own accord he returned to the church, and made 
open confession of his sin, and manifested repentance to 
the satisfaction of the church; yet not taking heed to 
himself, fell into gross distempers soon after, and at last 
died by the hand of justice, in London, upon a worse 
account. 

In April, on a Lord’s day, the same year, two children 
were left at home alone, in the town of Concord, one in 
the cradle; the other having burned a cloth, and for fear 
his mother should see it, went to hide it in the hay stack 
near the house, the fire not being quite out, whereby the 
hay, house, and child in the cradle were burnt up. 

About the same time, a woman at Boston, counted 
religious, some time a citizen of London, having brought 


4&0 


GENERAL HISTORY 


with her a parcel of fine linen, of great value, which she 
set her heart too much upon, was at charge to have it 
washed, and curiously folded and pressed; but the very 
next night after, a negro maid, going late into the room 
where it stood, cast the snuff of her candle accidentally 
upon some of the linen, whereby it was all burnt to tin¬ 
der before the morning, yet the house not burnt. It 
pleased God, by the loss of this, to take oft' her heart from 
all worldly comforts, and fit her for a greater affliction 
that soon after befell her, by the untimely death of her 
husband, slain at the isle of Providence, as was intimated 
before. 

June 21, 1641, a young man at Boston, going to wash 
himself in a creek, said, jestingly, I will go and drown 
myself now, which fell out accordingly; for his feet slid¬ 
ing from under him, by the slipperiness of the earth, he 
fell in past his depth, and having no skill to swim was 
drowned, though company were at hand, and one in the 
water with him. It is bad jesting about matters of life 
and death. 

About this time, three boys that had stole away from 
the Summer islands, above two hundred leagues off, in 
a skiff, and having been eight weeks at sea, their boat 
was cast away, upon a point of sand lying out at Long 
island, and the persons saved by the Indians. 

In November, 1641, one Archibald Thompson, of 
Marblehead, carrying dung on the Lord’s day to his 
land, in a canoe, it sunk down under him, in the har¬ 
bour, the weather being fair, and he was never heard of 
again. 

November 19, 1641, the Charles, of Dartmouth, a 
ship of 400 tons, lying in the harbour, was wrecked in a 
storm, being forced from her anchors. They had unrig¬ 
ged their ship on the Lord’s day, to be new masted, 
though they were admonished not so to do. 

This year, Mr. Stephen Batchelour, pastor of the 
church at Hampton, (having suffered much from the 
hands of the bishops, about the ceremonies,) when he 
was eighty years of age, was complained of for soliciting 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


421 


the chastity of his neighbour’s wife, though he had at 
that time a comely grave woman for his own wife. Being 
dealt withal for his offence, he denied it, (as he told the 
woman he would,) and complained to authority of the 
man and the woman, for slandering him ; yet was forced 
soon after, by the terrour of his conscience, to confess it 
openly in the church, and for the scandal of the same, 
notwithstanding his confession, he was cast out of the 
church, and two years after, upon his repentance, he was 
released of his sentence. In this time his house, and 
near all his substance, was consumed by lire. 

January, 1641, a shallop, with eight men, would go 
from Pascataqua, (though advised to the contrary,) on 
the Lord’s day, towards Pemaquid, but were by the 
northwest wind driven to sea, for fourteen days ; at the 
length they recovered Monhegin, and four of them in 
this time perished with the cold. The bay before Bos¬ 
ton was that year frozen over, from the 18th of January 
to February 21, so as they passed over with horse and 
cart. About which time one Ward of Salem, an honest 
young man, going to shew a traveller the safest way over 
the ice, fell in himself, though he had a pitchfork in his 
hand, and was presently carried with the tide undei the 
ice and drowned. The traveller, going to help him, fell 
in with one leg, and so escaped. He brought all the let¬ 
ters that used to come by the fishing ships in those times 
to Pascataqua, which by that means were kept safe. 

One Turner of Charlestown, being fifty years of age, 
having led a loose and disordered life, his conscience be¬ 
ing terrified by a sermon of Mr. Shepard’s, he went 
and drowned himself on a Lord’s day night, in a pit 
where there was not two feet water. He neither reveal¬ 
ed the distress of his mind, nor carefully attended the 
ministry for comfort, by which he had been wounded. 

About the same time, in the southern colony, a beast 
brought forth a creature in an human shape, which was 
observed to have a blemish in one eye, like as a loose 
fellow in the town had, on which account being suspect¬ 
ed, he confessed, upon examination, and was executed. 


422 


GENERAL HISTORY 


April 14, 1642, eight or nine persons were cast away 
in a vessel and drowned; they were noted to be loose 
fellows, that lived by trucking with the Indians. 

1642. One Huet’s wife, of Hingham, having been long 
in a sad melancholy distemper, near to frenzy, and hav¬ 
ing formerly in the year 1637 attempted to drown her 
child, did now again take her child of three years old, 
and stripping it of its clothes, threw it into the creek, but 
it scrambling out of the water and mud, came to the mo¬ 
ther, who took it another time and threw it so far into 
the creek, that it could not possibly get out, yet by good 
providence a young man that accidentally passed by took 
it up. The 'mother conceived she had sinned the sin 
against the Holy Ghost. She was afterwards proceeded 
with by church council, and by that means was brought 
off from those satanical delusions, and after the manifes¬ 
tations of repentance, was received into the church again, 
being brought to a sound mind. 

June 8, 1642, one Nathaniel Briscoe, of Boston, count¬ 
ed sober and religious, yet carried out too much after 
the world, being asked over night to help his father in 
his necessity, (being poor, though very godly,) refused, 
but went early in the morning to help another man for 
wages, and was drowned before night out of a boat which 
he was loading with wood. 

June 22, 1642, a windmill of Boston was smitten in a 
tempest of thunder and lightning. The upper sail yard 
shattered in many pieces, whereof some were carried 
a bowshot off. It struck into the mill, and wrung the 
axletree in pieces. The main standard, bound about 
with a great iron hoop, fastened with many spikes, 
was broken in pieces, the iron being thrown off; one 
one of the main spars riven to the ground in three pieces; 
the boards rived off the sides, the sacks fired ; the miller 
at work beneath the mill was smitten down, but came to 
himself the next day, but knew nothing of what had be¬ 
fallen him; within two hours after, he was smitten he be¬ 
gan to stir with such force that six men could hardly 
hold him; it was the next day before he came perfectly 
to his senses again. 


433 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 

About September 1642, one Richard Silvester, of 
Weymouth, he and his wife going to the assembly on the 
Lord’s day, left three children at home ; the eldest was 
abroad looking after the cattle ; the second, about im. 
years old, taking his father’s fowling piece, laid it upon a 
block, and then pulled up the cock and let down the rn ai¬ 
mer and then went to. blow in at the muzzle of tire piece, 
as he had seen his father use to do, but the spring being 
weak gave way and fired the gun, which shot the child 
in at the mouth and through the head. The parents with 
astonishment and trembling came to understand it by the 
speech and signs given by the youngest, not above three 
years old. 

Much hurt was done by fire this year. Amongst oth¬ 
ers, about the 7th of November, 1642, one Briscoe, a rich 
tanner of Watertown, refused to let his neighbours have 
leather for corn, saying he had corn enough, soon after 
had his barn, leather, and corn burnt, to the value of two 
hundred pounds. 

In the beginning of the year 1643, the wife of one On¬ 
ion of Roxbury died in great despair. While a servant 
she was stubborn and self-willed, and used to deny what 
she was guilty of, and when married proved very world¬ 
ly ; upon her first child, (that was still-born through her 
unruliness,) she fell into a fever, and withal into so great 
horrour and trembling, shaking the very room where she 
was, crying out of her torment, and complaining of her 
stubbornness and worldliness, saying that she had neg¬ 
lected her spiritual good for a little worldly trash, and 
now must go into everlasting torments; exhorting others 
to be warned by her example to take heed of such evils, 
and being moved to lay hold on the mercy of God, she 
replied, I cannot for my life, and so died. 

In the year 1643, a young fellow, servant to one Wil¬ 
liams of Dorchester, being out of service, fell to work for 
himself, and by his excessive wages, working only for 
ready money, in a little more than a year he had scraped 
together twenty five pounds in money, and then returned 
with his prey into England, speaking evil of the coun¬ 
try by the way. He was not gone far after his arrival be- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


1&4 

fore he met with some of the sons of Mars that eased him 
of his money ; so knowing no better way he hurried back 
to New England with more wit but less money than he 
carried out, hoping to repair his loss in the place which 
he had so much disparaged. 

July 2, 1643, arrived here at Boston Mr. Carman, in a 
ship of 180 tons. He sailed from New Haven the Decem¬ 
ber foregoing to the Canaries, and being earnestly com¬ 
mended to God’s protection by the prayers of the church 
there. At the isle of Palma he was set upon by a Turk¬ 
ish pirate of 300 tons and twenty five pieces of ordnance 
and two hundred men. He fought with her three hours, 
having but twenty men and seven guns, (his muskets be¬ 
ing all unserviceable by rust.) The Turk lay cross his 
hawser so as he was forced to shoot through his own ves¬ 
sel, yet by those shots killed many of the enemy; then the 
Turk came and boarded him side by side, and poured an 
hundred of his men upon him at once, but Mr. Carman 
by some lucky shots broke the tiller, and killed the captain 
of the Turks, and forced them to fall off, leaving fifty of 
their men behind, who were either killed or forced to leap 
overboard into the sea. This fight was within sight of 
their port, whither they got safe and were courteously 
entertained, and supplied with whatsoever they wanted, 
losing but one man in the fight. 

July 23,1643, arrived at Boston Capt. Chaddock in a 
bark of 100 tons, belonging to the Earl of Warwick, 
from Trinidada. He came for people and provisions, but 
the people of New England were now grown so wise, and 
encouraged by hope ol trade appearing, that they refused 
all prolfers for removing, which made the captain alter 
his designs, and went towards Canada, guarding home 
La Tour. 

The father of this Chaddock had been governour of 
Bermudas, from which with his family and an hundred 
more he removed to Trinidada, where the most of them 
died, with himself and wife. This Capt. Chaddock, (not 
so well minded as his father,) as he returned to Boston, 
five of his men fell off the main yard, as they were hand- 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


4S5 


ing the sail, and notwithstanding it was smooth water, 
three of them were drowned, not having their boat out. 
The rest not being warned herebv, but falling to drinking 
and swearing, their pinnace (which they brought from 
the French) was soon after blown up by the firing of two 
barrels of powder, whereby'five more of the company 
were destroyed. The captain said the day before, that 
New England were a base heathen people, and befng 
contradicted therein by the master, he swore blood and 
wounds he would kill him; but he was prevented by the 
company, and fined twenty pounds by the court for quar¬ 
relling. 

On the 13th of January that year there were strange 
sights seen about Castle Island and the Governour’s 
Island over against it, in form like a man, that would 
sometimes cast flames and sparkles of fire. This was 
seen about eight of the clock in the evening by many. 
About the same time a voice was heard between Boston 
ai d Dorchester upon the water in a dreadful manner, 
crying out, boy, boy, come away, come away; and then 
it shifted suddenly from one place to another a great dis¬ 
tance about twenty times. About fourteen days after, the 
same voice was heard in the like dreadiul manner; divers 
sober persons were ear witnesses hereof, at both times, 
on the other side of the town towards Noddle’s Island. 

These prodigies seemed to have reference to the place 
where Capt. Chaddock’s pinnace was blown up, ancfgave 
occasion of speech concerning one of the company, who 
professed himself to have skill in necromancy, and to 
have done some strange things in the way from Virginia 
hither, (ami was suspected to have murdered his master 
there,) but the magistrates had no notice of him till after 
he was blown up. This is to be observed, that his fel¬ 
lows were all found, as were those that were blown up in 
the former ship or pinnace, and many others who have 
miscarried by drowning, weie usually found, but this 
man’s body was never heard of again* 

About January 2, 1643, Capt. Patrick was shot dead 
with a pistol by a Dutchman at Stamford. He was en- 
54 


436 


GENERAL HISTORY 


tertained in the Massachusetts, and brought out of Hol¬ 
land (having been one of the Prince’s guard there) to teach 
the people military discipline. He was made a freeman, ad¬ 
mitted a member of the church of Watertown, but being 
proud and otherwise vicious, he was left of God to a prof¬ 
ligate life, which brought him at last to destruction by 
the hand of one of that people, from whom he sought pro¬ 
tection, after he had fled from the yoke of Christ in the 
Massachusetts, the strictness of whose discipline he could 
neither bear in the church, nor yet in the country. 

At the court of Assistants in the end of the year 1643, 
James Britten and Mary Latham were condemned to die 
for adultery, upon a law formerly made and published. 
J. Britten had been a professor in England, and went to 
New-England on that account, but not approving their 
church government, became a great enemy thereunto, and 
so was given over unto dissoluteness, hating both the 
power and profession of godliness. At the last he grew 
so profane, that in the evening after a day of humiliation, 
much company sitting up late in the night a drinking, 
he was seen upon the ground with this woman near the 
house, &c. But soon after, being smitten with the dead 
palsy, and followed with horrour of conscience withal, he 
could not keep secret, but discovered this and other like 
practices with other women, and was forced to acknow¬ 
ledge the justice of God, in that having oft called others 
fools for confessing against themselves, he was now 
forced to do the like himself. 

The woman was young and handsome, religiously 
brought up. Being rejected by a young man she had an 
affection unto, or else hindered by her friends, [she] vowed 
to marry the next man that proffered her marriage, and 
made good her word to her shame and sorrow, matching 
herself against the mind of all her friends to an antient 
fellow, whom she never affected, and one that was neither 
suitable to her temper, nor of ability to maintain her; 
which made her the more ready to despise and abuse 
him, and was easily drawn away by lewd persons, that 
prevailed with her to drink wine, and keep bad company, 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


427 

amongst whom this Britten was one. She confessed the 
fact with him, and many others, having often abused her 
husband with words and deeds; and setting a knife to his 
breast, would threaten to kill him. When she came to 
die, she suffered very penitently, (as did the man,) exhort¬ 
ing young maids to be obedient to their parents, and take 
heed of evil company, which brought her to an untime¬ 
ly end in the very flower of youth, before she had attained 
to the twentieth year of her age. 

In the year 1643, three fishermen, belonging to the 
Isles of Shoals, very profane and scorners of religion, be¬ 
ing drinking all the Lord’s day, the boat was cast away 
the next week, and themselves all drowned. 

In May 1644, one Dalkin and his wife going home to 
Medford, or Mystick, after sermon on the Lord’s day, 
and passing over at a ford, where (the tide not being fallen 
enough for them comfortably to pass over) the woman 
was carried away with the stream, and crying out, her 
husband not daring to help her, the dog in the house neai 
by came running out, and seeing something stir in the 
water, swam to it, so as she catching hold of his tail was 
thereby drawn to the shore, and saved her life. 

In the latter end of the year 1643, Thomas Morton, 
the old adversary of New* England, and accuser of the 
brethren, being cast off by his friends in England, by 
whose help he expected means to be revenged of the 
country, returned thither again for shelter, not having 
else whither to betake himself; which in justice seem¬ 
ed to be so ordered by Providence, that his malicious 
practices being there publickly laid open, he might be¬ 
come a spectacle of shame and reproach to his dying day 
in that place, and amongst that people, whom he had so 
spitefully, and without cause, so much reproached. He 
could not lurk up and down there so privily, but he was 
detected soon after his arrival, and brought to the Court 
of Assistants in September 1644, to answer for his for¬ 
mer injuries and offences. He had prosecuted the coun¬ 
try with a quo warranto in the year 1634, or thereabouts, 
which he did not deny. He had charged them also with 


428 


GENERAL HISTORY 


treason and rebellion, and published a book against them 
full of scoffs and invectives And a letter also was pro¬ 
duced against him, written by his own hand to his old 
friend, Mr. Jefferies, 1634, which will give a full charac¬ 
ter of his disposition towards those of the Massachusetts, 
which letter here follows: 

“ My very good gossip, if 1 should commend myself 
to you, you would reply with tiffs proverb, propria lam 
sordatin ore ; but to leave impertinent salutes, and really 
proceed, you shall hereby understand, that although when 
I was first sent to England to make complaint against An¬ 
anias and the brethren, I effected the business but su¬ 
perficially (through the brevity of time.) I have at this 
time taken deliberation, and brought the matter to a bet¬ 
ter pass. And it is thus brought about, that the king 
hath taken the matter into his ownfhands. The Massa¬ 
chusetts patent, bv an order of the council, was brought 
in view; the privileges therein granted well scanned upon, 
and it the council board in publick and in the presence of 
Sir Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared 
(for manifold abuses therein discovered) to be void. The 
king hath reassumed the whole business into his own 
hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given or¬ 
der for a general governour of the whole territory to be 
sent over. The commission is past the privy seal; I did 
see it, and the same was, 1 mo. of May, sent to my lord 
Keeper to have it pass the great seal for confirmation, and 
I now stay to return with the governour, by whom all 
complainants shall have relief. So that now Jonas being 
set ashore, may safely cry, repent, you cruel schisma- 
ticks ; repent, there are as yet but forty days. It Jove 
vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the 
separatists will fall asunder. Repent, you cruel schis- 
maticks,repent. These things have happened,(and I shall 
see, notwithstanding their boasting and false alarums in 
the Massachusetts with forged cause of thanksgivings,) 
their merciless cruelty rewarded according to the merit of 
the fact, with condign punishment, for coming into those 
parts, like Samson’s foxes with firebrands at their tails. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


429 


The king and council are really possessed of their pre¬ 
posterous loyalty, and irregular proceedings, and are in¬ 
censed against them. And although they be so oppo¬ 
site to the Catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to 
perform them, or at least wise suffer them to be put in 
practice to their sorrow. In matter of restitution and 
satisfaction more than mystically, it must be performed 
visibly, and in such sort, as will be subject to the senses, 
in a very lively image. My lord of Canterbury, with my 
lord privy seal, having caused all Mr Cradock’s letters 
to be viewed, and his apology for the brethren particu¬ 
larly heard, protested against him and Mr. Humphreys, 
that they were a couple of imposterous knaves, so that for 
all their great friends they departed the council chamber 
in our view, with a pair of cold shoulders. 1 have staid 
long, yet have not lost my labour, although the brethren 
have found their hopes frustrated, so that it follows by 
consequence that I shall see my desire upon mine ene¬ 
mies ; and if Jo. Grant had not betaken himself to flight, 
I had taught him to sing clamari in the fleet before this 
time ; and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear 
for his presumption. For here he finds me a second Per¬ 
seus. I have uncased Medusa’s head, and struck the 
brethren into astonishment. They find, and yet will 
more to their shame, that they abuse the word, and are 
to blame to presume so much ; that they are but a word 
and a blow to them that are without. Of these particu¬ 
lars I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to 
give you notice, lest you should think I had died in ob¬ 
scurity, as the brethren vainly intended 1 should, and 
basely practised, abusing justice to their sinister practi¬ 
ces, as by the whole body of the committee it was, una 
voce , concluded to be done, to the dishonour of his ma¬ 
jesty. And as for Ratciifl, he was comforted by their 
lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s ears, 
which shews what opinion is held amongst them of K. 
Winthrop, with all his inventions, and his Amsterdam 
fantastical ordinances; his preachings, marriages, and 
other abusive ceremonies, which do exemplify his de- 


180 


GENERAL HISTORY 


testation to the church of England, and the contempt of 
his majesty’s authority, and wholesome laws, which are 
and will be established in those parts, invita miner^a, with 
these. I thought to salute you as a friend, by an epistle, 
because I am bound to love you as a brother by the gos¬ 
pel, resting Your loving friend, 

Dated 1 mo. May, 1634. Thomas Morion*” 

Yet notwithstanding all these vain boastings of his, he 
lived to see all his hopes frustrate, and his great brags 
vanish into the air; for after all his vain attempts, he came 
back to New England without money or friends. He 
was kept in prison about a year, in expectation of evi¬ 
dence out of England, and then called before the court 
again, and after some debate what to do with him, he was 
fined 100 pounds and set at liberty ; for having nothing, 
he would have been but a charge to have kept him longer 
under such restraint, and they did not think meet to in¬ 
flict corporal punishment upon him because of his age, 
being at this time both old, and labouring under many in¬ 
firmities of body; but chose rather to give him his liber¬ 
ty, that he might procure his fine, or at least go out of 
the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, for he removed to 
Agamenticus, where he lived* poor and despised, and di¬ 
ed within two years after. 

February 26, 1644, the country’s ammunition for 
greater security was sent to Roxbory and ordered to be 
lodged at. the house of J. Johnson, the Surveyor General; 
but by some unknown accident the house was fired at 
noon day, and all that belonged to Ins dwelling house 
was, together with the country’s store of seventeen bar¬ 
rels of powder, destroyed by the said fire, none of the 
inhabitants daring to lend anv helping hand to save their 
neighbour’s goods, for fear of losing their own lives ; 
and if the wind had not been favourable it might have 
endangered all the houses adjoining; but God doth often 
in judgment remember mercy. 

Every one was ready to make their observations of 
that accident, amongst which, as to the particular case, 
these seemed to be very obvious to wise men ; First, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


431 


There was not that due care taken to pay for it, which 
ought, the debt being of divers years standing. Second¬ 
ly, The overruling party in the court had denied a supply 
to some of their neighbours not long before, in some dis¬ 
tress, which is not according to our Saviour’s rule, who 
requires that he that hath two coats should give or lend 
to him that hath none. Thirdly, Some were apt to think 
it was a great oversight to place their powder and ammu¬ 
nition so far out of the center of the country, (if any exi¬ 
gent should have fallen out that should have required a 
present supply of ammunition,) and more confidence pos¬ 
sibly was put in the officer than he deserved to be betrusted 
with such a charge, he having never really approved him¬ 
self of more fidelity or ability than other men, to discharge 
the trust committed to him. 

Much hurt was about the same time done by fire in 
other places, as at Mr. Downing’s farm at Salem. That 
which was most remarkable happened in the journey of 
some of Hingham towards Seakonk, to make preparation 
for a new plantation there. The place was not long be¬ 
fore concluded by the commissioners to belong to Ply¬ 
mouth, yet was it granted to some of the Massachusetts 
with their consent, for a plantation. Mr. Peck, and three 
others of said Hingham, were removing thither, and mak¬ 
ing their stage in an Indian wigwam by the way, by some 
occasion or other it took fire, and though they were four 
there present, and laboured to the utmost to prevent the 
damage of the fire, yet were three of their horses con¬ 
sumed thereby, and the value of fifty pounds in goods. 

In the year*1645, the Swedes’ fort at Delaware was 
burnt down, with all the buildings in it, and all their 
powder and goods blown up. It happened i : the night, 
by the negligence of a servant, who fell asleep, leaving a 
candle burning. At Hanford and at Hingiiam also were 
houses burnt down that year. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


432 


CHAP. L. 

The colowes of Connecticut and JVew Haven disturbed by 

the Dutch at Manhatoes , and the Swedes at Delaware 

Bay , during this lustre , from 164i to lo45. 

The Dutch, who had seated themselves upon Hud¬ 
son’s river, about the same time that the English began 
to plant at Patuxet or Plymouth, were the first that dis¬ 
covered the fiver of Connecticut, and gave some intima¬ 
tion thereof to their friends at Plymouth, but it being neg¬ 
lected by them, they took possession of it themselves, 
which they were not willing to quit to the use of the 
Massachusetts, although they had made no other use 
thereof, but for a place whereon to build an house for 
trading with the Indians. On that occasion, in June 1641, 
letters came from the governour of Connecticut to the 
Massachusetts to advise about the difference between 
them and the Dutch. The iJutch governour had pres¬ 
sed them hard for his interests in all Hartford,&c. to which 
he could lay no other claim, but bv the law of possession, 
or primer seisin . At least he demanded so much as one 
could see from then trading House, alleging they had pur¬ 
chased so much of the Pequots, and threatened force 
of arms to make it good. They of the river alleged tneir 
purchase of other Indians, the true owners of the place, 
with other arguments of patent, both of Saybrook and of 
the Massachusetts, &c. 

The governour and council returned answer without 
determining the case on either side, but advising to a 
more moderate way, viz. of yielding more land to the 
Dutch house, for they had left them but thirty acres. 
But the Dutch would not be satisfied, but prepared to 
send soldiers to be billeted at their house there. But it 
pleased the Lord to disappoint their purpose at that time, 
for the Indians falling out with them, killed some of their 
men at the fort of Aurania, whereby they were forc¬ 
ed to keep their soldiers at home to defend themselves. 
And a gentleman at that time going for England, that pre- 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


438 


tended to he well acquainted with the West India com¬ 
pany in Holland, undertook to pacify the matter, but he 
not carrying over a commission with him from Hartford, 
the said company would not treat with them, by which 
means the controversy still remained, and their claim was 
pursued as earnestly as before, though it was for the pre¬ 
sent on the forementioned occasion, not so effectually 
carried on, as else it might have been. 

But July 22, 1643, a Dutch sloop arrived at Boston, 
with letters written in Latin, and signed by the seci'etary 
there in the name and by the command of the governour 
and senate, directed to rite governour and senate R. P. of 
New England, wherein first he congratulates their late 
confederation, then he complains of unsufferable wrongs 
done to their people at Connecticut, and more of late than 
formerly, and of misinformation given by some of the 
Massachusetts to the states ambassadours in London, and 
desires to know by a categorical answer, whether they 
will aid or desert them of Hartford, so that they may know 
their friends from their enemies, See. To which, answer 
was returned by the governour, and as many of the ma¬ 
gistrates as could oh the sudden be called together, that 
they desired the continuance of that good corresponden¬ 
cy which had been betwuxt them, ever since their arrival 
in those parts, and that their chief council, to which tneir 
letters were directed, being far distant, they that were 
then present could return no other answer at that time, 
which they might look upon rather as a declaration of 
their particular conceptions, than any determination from 
the chief authority of the place, from which they should 
receive further answer in time convenient; intimating al¬ 
so their griefs for the difference there was between them 
and their brethren at Hartford; which they conceived 
might be composed by arbitrators, either in England, or 
in Holland, or here, as those of Hartford had offered ; and 
that by their confederations they were bound to seek the 
good and safety of each other as their own, which they 
hoped need not hinder the continuance of the wonted 
amity between themselves and those of tne Manhatoes; 


GENERAL HISTORY 


434 

and that the ground of the difference, being only a small 
point of land, was a matter of so little value in this vast 
continent, as not worthy to cause a breach between two 
people so nearly related, both in profession of the same 
Protestant religion, and otherwise; therefore they would 
seriously request them, as they would also do the other, 
that until the justice of the cause might be decided by 
one of the ways forenamed, there might be an abstaining 
on both sides, from injury and provocation; and if any 
should happen on their part, that it might be duly exam¬ 
ined, and they were assured, (being a people that feared 
God, he, they durst not allow themselves in any unright¬ 
eous course,) they should receive equal satisfaction. The 
commissioners also of the United Colonies did, about the 
same time, write letters to the Dutch governour concern¬ 
ing some injuries which his agent at Delaware river had 
done to the people of New Haven, in burning down 
their trading house, and in joining with the Swedes against 
them. 

But the general court did at their next meeting re¬ 
turn an answer to the letters of the Dutch governour, 
wherein they declared tiie complaints, which had been 
made by their confederates of Hartford and New Haven, 
of injuries done to their agents in both places, as also 
their opinion of the justice of the cause of Hartford, in 
respect of title to the land in question between them, 
which they could not alter, without more light than yet 
had appeared about the title which the Dutch insisted on; 
nor might they desert either of their confederates in a 
righteous cause. 

The Dutch in their next answer still continued their 
complaint of injuries done, and maintained their title to 
the land at Hartford ; this was sent in the end of the year 
lt>43. In July following the general court of the Massa¬ 
chusetts gave order at the breaking up, that an answer 
should be returned to this effect; first, by way of gratu- 
lation, of his respect and correspondency with them, and 
manifestation of their good will to him, with desire of 
continuance of all friendly intercourse, &c. acknowledg- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


485 


ing that they had largely and prudently discoursed of the 
matters in difference ; but they were also to attend the al¬ 
legations on the other part; but seeing proofs were not 
yet heard on either side, he could expect no further an¬ 
swer than before, but if he would please to send commis¬ 
sioners to Hartford, to treat with the commissioners 
there for the colonies, it would be very acceptable, and 
an hopeful means to propound for a good issue. Yet 
notwithstanding all these overtures of amity and good cor¬ 
respondency, the Dutch governour carried always a se¬ 
cret prejudice against the English at New Haven and 
Hartford all his time, and left the quarrel with Hartford 
men to be pursued by his successor, Peter Stuyvesant, 
under whose government theie was an issue put unto it 
by the interposition of the commissioners of the United 
Colonies within a few years after, although at the fir. t he 
seemed to make as great or greater bluster than the for¬ 
mer governour, as sometimes wise men will speak most 
where they intend to do least. For the said Stuyvesant, 
coming to the governour’s place at Manhatoes, about the 
year 1647 , soon after sent his secretary to Boston with let¬ 
ters to the governour there full of all courtesy, and tender 
of good correspondency, yet laying claim to all between 
Connecticut and Delaware, and withal taking notice of 
the differences between them and Connecticut, offering 
to have them referred to friends here,not to determine,but 
to prepare for an hearing and determination in Europe. 
The commissioners of the United Colonies were then at 
Boston, and upon advice with them, answer was returned 
according to the inclination of the commissioners of New 
Haven and Connecticut colonics, so as might be most for 
their advantage, who supposing best for their purpose to 
stand a little upon terms of distance, wherein they did on¬ 
ly in the general take notice of his offer, and <!l£wed a 
readiness to give him a meeting in time and place conve¬ 
nient ; so leaving matters at the present to continue as 
they were before. But at the same time an accident fell 
out that carried a contrary appearance to the friendship, 
which the Dutch governour had pretended in his letters. 


436 


GENERAL HISTORY 


For on the 26th of September, 1648, a Dutch ship 
from Holland, being in the harbour at New Haven, (where 
they had traded about a month,) was surprized by the 
Dutch governour and carried to the Manhatoes; the man¬ 
ner was thus : The merchants of New Haven had bought 
a ship at Manhatoes,to be delivered at New Haven. The 
Dutch governour had put into her a company of sol¬ 
dier, who, being under decks when the ship entered the 
harbour, took their opportunity afterwards, on the Lord’s 
day, to seize the Dutch ship, and the wind being fair, 
brought her away. The governour of New Haven com¬ 
plained of the injury of the Dutch governour, and made a 
protest, &c. The Dutch governour justified the act, by 
the examples of the like in Europe, &x. but especially by 
claiming the place, and all along the sea coast to Cape 
Cod, he pretended to seize the ship,as forfeit to the West 
India company, for trading within their limits without 
leave or recognition. If on any account this dealing 
could be justified as honest, sure it could in no sense be 
made out to be honourable, by those that had made the 
pretensions of fair dealing and amicable corresponden¬ 
cies, as before. But the children of this world are 
oftentimes found to he more wise in their generation than 
the children of light. 

The governour, in way of requital, thought to make 
themselves some part of amends by detaining three of the 
Dutch governour’s servants, that at the same time ran 
away to New Haven ; but the design was too low for the 
said governour to attempt, as he was advised by the 
worthy governour of the Massachusetts. Aquila non ca- 
pit muscas . But besides, the Dutch governour in return 
to such a petit injury, made open proclamation of liberty 
to all the servants of New Haven that should come thith¬ 
er ; which retaliation of his looked so like a piece of ill 
natured policy, that he was even ashamed of it himself, 
and in excuse of himself he wrote to the governour of 
the Massachusetts, blaming the practice in general, but 
excusing of it in his particular case, as being enforced 
thereunto. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


437 


Those of New Haven might have delivered those 
Dutch fugitives, without prejudice to their rights or rep¬ 
utation, and might thereby have prevented the dishonour 
of being outwitted by the Dutchman, who in the end of 
winter did himself, and caused the Dutch minister to 
write privately to the said fugitives, with such assurance 
of pardon, and other satisfaction, that he enticed them 
back again out of New Haven jurisdiction, to their no 
small disadvantage, which they might have had the hon¬ 
our of sending home, and thereby have heaped coals on 
their enemies’ heads; but wise men are not always wise. 
For thereupon the Dutch governour w r rote to the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, complaining of the injuries done by the pre¬ 
tended governour of New Haven, (as he styled him,) in 
particular for wronging his reputation by slanderous re¬ 
ports, and proffers to refer all differences to the two gov- 
ernours of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth, Mr. 
Winthrop and Mr. Bradford by name, professing all good 
neighbourhood to the rest of the colonies, with some kind 
of retractation to his former claim of New Haven, &c. 
As if all claims by word, writing and protest, &c. were 
of no value, so long as there is no invasion by force. 

On the other hand, the governour of New Haven made 
the like complaint of manifold injuries offered by the 
Dutch governour, in his letters to the general court of 
the Massachusetts, which were by them referred to the 
commissioners of the colonies for answer. 

But in the end of May.the same year, 1648, the Mas¬ 
sachusetts governour read two letters from the Dutch 
governour, holding forth much assurance of his sincere 
affection to a firm peace and neighbourly compliance with 
all the English, and that upon these grounds. 1. Their 
unity in the true religion. 2. The ancient league between 
the two nations. 3. The community in danger from the 
common enemies of both, as Spaniards abroad, and In¬ 
dians at home. 4. The reconciling former differences, 
and preventing all future occasions of like nature. 5. 
The benefit of a mutual league, both offensive and defen¬ 
sive, against a common enemy ; and withal offered to 


488 


GENERAL HISTORY 


meet Mr. VVinthrop and Mr. Bradford at Hartford, at 
such time as they should appoint. 

Mr. Winthrop returned answer, of what gladness he 
conceived in his forwardness to peace, and had no reason 
to doubt of his cordial intentions, &c. promising to fur¬ 
ther the matter what lay in his power. There was some 
reason more than ordinary why the Dutch governour’s 
spirit was so much lowered at this time : As first, the 
states of Holland were not so well able as formerly to 
make good their interest against their neighbours of 
Spain, with whom they were willing to make a peace at 
this time. 2dly, The West India company had sustain¬ 
ed much loss by some wrecks of late; and 3diy, The 
Dutch plantation consisting of such unruly people, so 
as they would not be restrained from furnishing the In¬ 
dians with ammunition, though themselves were in dan¬ 
ger to be ruined thereby. And it may be added, in the 
last place, that the Dutchmen are usually more happy by 
their trading in times of peace, than by assailing their en¬ 
emies in time of war. Divers letters had at this time 
passed between the Massachusetts and the Dutch, but 
Mr. Bradford, governour of Plymouth, coming to Boston 
soon after, declined the service for the present, by reason 
of bodily infirmities and some other considerations, but 
promised (the Lord assisting) to prepare against the mid¬ 
dle of the next summer; at which time Mr. Winthrop 
was on the like account unable to attend it; however, 
the business of a reconciliation was happily effected by 
some others, that were deputed in his room to manage 
that affair, by whose endeavours a final end was put to 
that uncomfortable difference that had been continually 
alarming them with new fears or troubles upon every oc¬ 
casion for many years before. 

But besides the forementioned difficulties which the 
people of the United Colonies were exercised with from 
the Dutch at Manhatoes,they were in like manner annoy¬ 
ed by the Swedes, that had before this time seated them¬ 
selves in that called Delaware Bay,beyond Manhatoes,to¬ 
ward Virginia, especially those of New Haven, who, find- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


439 


ing by sad experience, when it was too late, that the place 
they had pitched upon was more commodious for farmers 
than merchants, and that the bay or river of Delaware 
was capable of many more inhabitants, than as yet had 
taken possession thereof, had taken up a resolution, either 
to remove their town of New Haven thither, or at least 
to erect a plantation there for some of their people ; in all 
which attempts, as they found the Swedes open enemies, 
so the Dutch, (especially the former governour,) to be 
secret underminers of their interest there. Their first 
attempt indeed for planting there, anno 1642, was hin¬ 
dered by a general sickness prevailing in the place at that 
time. 

But the first complaint of any injury done to the Eng¬ 
lish, either by Dutch or Swedes at Delaware, was made 
to the commissioners of the United Colonies about Sep¬ 
tember, 1643, when Mr. Lamberton, in the name of 
himself and others, employed in settling a plantation there, 
in the behalf of New Haven, complained of many foul in¬ 
juries offered them there ; for besides the burning down 
of their trading house, on the river of Delaware, by the 
Dutch, (trade being the Diana of that people, for which 
they are observed to contend more violently than pro aris 
etJocisy) they declared how the Swedish governour be¬ 
haved himself against them, as if he had neither princi¬ 
ples of Christian nor moral honesty : Getting Mr, Lam¬ 
berton into his power by feigned and false pretences, kept 
him prisoner with some of his men, and laboured by pro¬ 
mises and threats to draw them to accuse him, for hav¬ 
ing conspired with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and 
Dutch, (an old Amboyna trick,) and not prevailing those 
ways, he attempted to make them drunk, that so he might 
draw something from them, as matter of accusation 
against Mr. Lamberton ; and in the end (though they 
could get no testimony, yet) he forced him to pay many 
skins of beaver before he would set him at liberty. They 
reported the said governour also to be a man very furious 
and passionate, cursing and swearing upon every occasion, 
and also reviling the English of New Haven as runagates, 


440 


GENERAL HISTORY 


&c. himself with his own hands putting irons upon one 
of Mr. Lamberton’s men, and went also to the houses of 
those few families planted there, and forced them tp swear 
"allegiance to the crown of Sweden, (though himself had 
no colour of title to the place,) and such as would not, he 
drove away. 

All things were clearly proved by Mr. Lamberton’s 
relation, and other testimonies upon oath. The com¬ 
missioners of the colonies gave a commission to Mr. 
Lamberton to go treat with the Swedish governour 
about satisfaction for those injuries and damages, and to 
agree with him about settling their trade and plantation. 
But the Swedes, in their answer to the letters from the 
commissioners, denied what they had been charged with, 
and sent copies of divers examinations upon oath, taken 
in the case, with a copy of all the proceedings between 
themselves and those of New Haven from the first, and 
in their letters used large expressions of their respect to 
the English, and particularly to the colony of the Massa¬ 
chusetts ; not that they loved them better, but tnat being 
further off, they had no occasion of falling out with them. 

Mr. Eaton on that occasion desired a copy of the 
Massachusetts patent, to shew it the Swedish govern- 
our, (ait his request,) and a new commission from the 
commissioners of the union, allowing them to go on with 
their traide and plantation in Delaware river and bay, (for 
the governour had told their agent, that upon such a com¬ 
mission they should have liberty.) This coming while 
the general court was sitting, the commissioners advised 
the court about it, who granted both, but the commission 
with a salvo jure. They were informed also then of a 
/Dutch ship, lately arrived at Hudson’s river, sent to the 
free boors at the fort of Aurania, which brought them 
four thousand weight of powder, and seven hundred pie¬ 
ces to trade with the natives; but the Dutch governour 
having notice thereof, did very prudently confiscate them 
to the use of the company, thereby depriving the enemies 
of arms, whereby they might themselves have been de¬ 
stroyed, and furnishing themselves and friends with wea- 


QF NEW ENGLAND. 


441 


pons for their safety. For at this time the Indians had 
fierce war with the Dutch, and if it had not been for the 
assistance of the English, they might have been all cut 
off. 

The occasion of the war was this: an Indian being 
drunk had slain an old Dutchman. The Dutch required 
the murderer, but he could not be had. The people 
called oft upon the governour to take revenge, but he 
still put it off*, because he thought it not just, or not safe, 
&c. It fell out in that time, that the Maquas or Mo¬ 
hawks, (a people inhabiting the west parts, beyond the 
fort of Aurania,) either upon their own quarrel, or (as the 
report was) being set on by the Dutch, came suddenly 
upon the. Indians near the Dutch, and killed about thir¬ 
ty of them ; the rest fled for shelter to the Dutch. One 
Marine, a Dutch captain, hearing of it, goeth to the gov¬ 
ernour and obtained a commission of him, to kill so ma¬ 
ny as he could of them ; and accordingly went up with 
a company of armed men, and setting upon them, fearing 
no ill from the Dutch, he slew seventy or eighty of their 
men, women and children. Upon this the Indians burnt 
divers of their farm houses, and their cattle in them, and 
slew all they could meet with, to the number of twenty 
or more, of men, women and children, and pressed hard 
upon the Dutch, even home to their fort; that they were 
forced to call in the English to their aid, and entertained 
captain Underhill (of whom large mention is made be¬ 
fore) into their service, &c. Marine, the Dutch captain, 
took this so ill, (seeing the governour preferred him be¬ 
fore him,) that he presented his pistol at the governour, 
but was stayed by astander by; then a tenant of Marine’s 
discharged his musket, but missed him narrowly ; where¬ 
upon the sentinel, at the governour’s command, shot the 
fellow presently dead, and his head was set upon the gal¬ 
lows, and the captain was sent prisoner into Holland. 
The people also were so offended with the governour 
for the damage they now sustained by the Indians, 
(though they were all for war before) that the governour 
durst not trust himself amongst them, but entertained a 
56 


GENERAL HISTORY 


443 

guard of fifty English about his person ; and the Indians 
did so annoy them by sudden assaults out of the swamps, 
&c. that he was forced to keep a running army to be rea¬ 
dy to oppose them upon all occasions. The Indians al¬ 
so on Long Island took part with their neighbours upon 
the main ; and as the Dutch took away their corn, &c. 
so they fell to burn the Dutchmen’s houses. But these 
' by the mediation of Mr Williams, (who was then there 
to take ship for England,) were pacified, and a peace rees¬ 
tablished between the Dutch and them. But still on the 
main they set upon the Dutch with an implacable fury, 
killing all they could come by, burning their houses and 
destroying their cattle without any resistance; so as 
the governour and such as escaped betook themselves 
to their fort at Manhatoes, and there lived upon their 
cattle. But many of the Indians being destroyed by 
captain Underhill and his followers, at last they began to 
be wearv of the sport, and condescended to terms of 
peace with those, against whom they had manifested so 
great hostility before. 

But to return to the affairs of the Swedes at Delaware, 
from which this long digression hath been made. In the 
beginning of the year 1644, divers of the merchants of 
Boston, being desirous to discover the great lake, (sup¬ 
posing it to lie in the northwest part of their patent, and 
finding that the great trade of beaver, which came to all 
the southern and eastern parts, did originally come from 
thence,) petitioned the court to be a company for that de¬ 
sign, and to have the trade, which they should discover, 
to themselves for twenty one years. The court was very 
unwilling to grant any monopoly, but perceiving that 
without it they would not proceed, granted their desire; 
whereupon (having commission granted them also under 
the public seal, and letters from the governour to the 
Dutch and Swedish governours) they sent out a pinnace, 
well manned and furnished with provisions and trading 
stuff, which was to sail up Delaware river, so high as 
they could go, and then some of the company, (under 
the conduct of Mr. William Aspinwail, a good artist, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


443 

and one that had been in those parts,) by smajl skiffs or 
canoes to pass up the river as far as they could. But when 
they came to the place, the Dutch governour promised 
to let them pass, but for maintaining their own interest 
he must protest against them. And as for the Swedish 
governour, his fort shot at them ere they came up, where¬ 
upon they cast forth their anchor, and the next morning 
(being Lord’s day) the lieutenant came aboard them, and 
forced them to fall down lower; when Mr. Aspinwall 
came to the governour he complained of the lieutenant’s 
dealing, both in shooting at them before he hailed them, 
and in forcing them to weigh anchor on the Lord’s day. 
The governour acknowledged he did ill in both, and pro- 
m sed all favour; but the Dutch agent lacing come dow n to 
the Swedes’ fort,she wc d express order from the Dutch gov¬ 
ernour not to let him pass, whereupon he returned ; but 
before they came out of the river, the Swedish lieutenant 
made them pay 40s which he had unduly forced from 
them. The pinnace arrived at Boston the 20th of July, 
1644, but with much more news than what is mentioned 
before, for though they were not permitted to pass up the 
river, they were not so narrowly watched but they found 
opportunity to trade on Maryland side' an ! had gotten a 
good parcel of beaver; but at last the Indians coming 
aboard under pretence of further trading, while some 
were trading, others pulled out hatchets from under their 
garments, and therewith killed the master and two men, 
and carried the other two (being but five in all) ashore, and 
rifled the pinnace of all her goods, and sails, &c. Soon 
after other Indians came aboard, and falling upon these, 
slew the sachems and took away all the goods t&ey had 
stolen. There was one R dman suspected to have be¬ 
trayed this pinnace, for he (being truckmaster, because he 
could speak the language) was put out of his employment 
on account of his evil carriage, and did bear ill will to the 
master, and out of revenge, sold them to the Indians, bar¬ 
gaining however for his own life ; but at last, at the pro¬ 
curement of the Swedish governour, was fetched in by 
other Indians, who brought him and the boy to the fort, 


444 


CiENERAL HISTORY 


from which he was carried to Boston, and there tried for 
his life, and found guilty by the grand jury, but sentence 
was deferred in expectation of further evidence from Del¬ 
aware. If there were evidence enough to condemn him 
more would have.been redundant, but all men’s sins do 
not go before unto judgment. But he shall give an ac¬ 
count in due time. 

For a dose of these uncomfortable transactions between 
the Dutch, Swedes, and English of New Haven and those 
parts, the reader may take notice that trucking with the In¬ 
dians hath seldom been observed to be blessed to them 
that were most addicted thereunto, whether French, 
Dutch or English; but for the present Dutch governour, 
scil. in the year 1643 and till the year 1647, Mr. William 
Kieft, (a sober and prudent man,) although he always ab¬ 
stained from outward force, yet had continually molested 
the colonies of New Haven and Connecticut, using men- 
acings and protests against them, upon all occasions, so 
as they were almost wearied out with his vexations, de¬ 
mands and oppositions. But at last going for Holland in 
the year 1647, in a ship of 400 tons, well manned and 
richly laden, to the value (as was supposed) of 20,000 
pounds, in their passage home, the mariners mistak¬ 
ing the channel, were carried into Severn and cast away 
upon the coast of Wales near Swanzy, so as the said 
Dutch governour, with about eighty other persons were 
drowned, and not above twenty suffered to escape. This 
fell out in the year 1648. 

The loss in general ought sadly to have been lament¬ 
ed, especially as to the lives of so many Christians, that per¬ 
ished so near their own home by such a sad mistake; yet 
those who were acquainted with the particulars of some 
or more of the forementioned circumstances, could not 
but take notice of the solemn providence of God that ap¬ 
peared therein, to bear witness against those that had so 
many ways injured his own people in those parts, which 
some could not pass by without due acknowledgment 
and observation; for though indeed God seemed not to 
favour the designs of those colonies in the matter of their 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


440 


trade with the Indians, (the salvation of whose souls should 
have been their principal aim, and so their merchandize 
might have been holiness to the Lord of Hosts,) bv his 
constant blasting their plantations, intended chiefly to 
carry on such designs, yet he seemed to be more highly 
offended with them, that without cause set themselves 
so violently to oppose them. 

The inhabitants of the towns about Boston, being a- 
larmed by the forementioned troubles, (for those who 
now began to bark, might ere long be as ready to bite,) 
looked upon themselves but as a place without gates and 
bars, and that without some fortification, at the entrance 
into the harbour of Boston, they were laid open to the 
invasion of a mean and contemptible enemy, were wil¬ 
ling to raise some fortification, and maintain it at their 
own charge, rather than to be left open to an enemy any 
longer. 

The general court had given all the encouragement 
they could in the year 1643, although some were dis¬ 
couraged because they found so many avenues about 
Boston, that if one passage were stopped, others were 
left open, wherein enemies might enter; and also be¬ 
cause they feared, that the people would not be so able to 
perform, as they were forward, and willing to engage. 

But in the year 1645, being every day made more 
sensible, that the keeping the said fortification would be 
of no small benefit for their defence and security, they 
set upon the work with a fresh resolution, and chose a 
committee out ot the several towns to raise means to get 
the work done; but at last the general court, being inform¬ 
ed by the petition of the inhabitants, that the charge of 
the work, and maintaining of the garrison, w ? ould be a 
burthen too heavy for them that had undertaken it, were 
induced to put the publick hand thereto, by which it was 
always after that time effectually carried on. 


M6 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LI. 

Conspiracies of the Indians against the English in New 

England discovered and prevented , from the year 1641 

to 1646. 

After the subduing of the Pequots in the year 1637, 
the Narragansets, the most numerous of the other In¬ 
dians, either out of discontent, that the whole sovereignty 
over the rest of the Indians was not adjudged to belong 
to them, or out of envy that Uncas, a sachem of the Mo- 
hegan Indians, had insinuated further than themselves in¬ 
to the favour of the English, were observed to be always 
contriving mischief against them, though they carried it 
subtilly and underhand for some years, and were pretend¬ 
ing quarrel with the said Uncas, against whom they al¬ 
ways had an inveterate malice ever since the agreement 
made about distributing of the Pequots after the war 
with them was ended, expecting in probability, that all 
should have been left to their sole arbitrament. And 
therein were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring 
mind of one Miantonimo, the heir apparent of all the 
Narraganset people, after the decease of the old sachem, 
Canonicus, that was his uncle. This Miantonimo was a 
very good personage, of tall stature, subtil and cunning 
in his contrivements,as well as haughty in his designs. It 
was strongly suspected that in the year 1642, he had con¬ 
trived to draw all the Indians throughout the country into 
a general conspiracy against the English ; for the first 
of September 1642, letters came to Boston from the court 
at Connecticut, and from tvvo of the magistrates there, 
that the Indians had conspired to cut off the English all 
over the country. Mr. Ludlow certified so much from 
the place where he lived near the Dutch, the time ap¬ 
pointed to be for the assault was said to be after harvest; 
the manner to be by several companies entering into the 
chief men’s houses, by way of trade, and then to kill them in 
their houses, and seize their arms, and others should be 
at hand to prosecute the massacre. This was also con- 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


447 

firmed by three Indians that were said to reveal it in the 
same manner, and at the same time, to Mr. Ludlow and 
to the governour of New Haven. It was added also, that 
another Indian should discover the same plot to Mr. 
Haines of Connecticut, by some special circumstances, 
viz.that being much hurt by a cart, (which usually there 
are drawn with oxen,) he should send for Mr. Haines and 
tell him, that Englishman’s God was angry with him, and 
sent Englishman’s cow (meaning the oxen in the cart or 
wain) to kill him, because he had concealed such a 
plot against the English, and so told him all, as the other 
Indians had done. 

Upon this, their advice from Connecticut was, that we 
should begin with them, and enter upon a war presently; 
and that if the Massachusetts would send 120 men to Say- 
brook, at the river’s mouth, they would meet them with a 
proportionable number. This was a very probable story, 
and very likely it was,that the Indians had been discoursing 
of some such business amongst themselves. But the gene¬ 
ral court of the Massachusetts, when called together,did not 
think those informations to be a sufficient ground where¬ 
on to begin a war. Although the governour and magis¬ 
trates, as many as could convene together before the 
court, ordered that all the Indians within their jurisdic¬ 
tion should be disarmed, which they willingly yielded 
unto; and upon all the inquiries and examinations, 
which were made by the court, when assembled together, 
they could not find any such violent presumption of a 
conspiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Besides, it 
was considered that the reports of all Indians were found 
by experience to be very uncertain, especially when it 
may well be supposed, that they are or may be raised 
and carried by such as are at variance one with another; 
who may be very like to accuse one another, to ingra¬ 
tiate themselves with the English. Miantonimo, sachem 
of Narraganset, was sent unto, and by his readiness to 
appear, "satisfied the English that he was innocent as to 
any present conspiracy, though his quarrel with the Mo- 
hegans (who bordered upon Connecticut colony) might 


448 


SEVERAL HISTORY 


very probably, as was judged, render him the subject of 
such a report, or an occasion of it. 

The said Miantonimo, when he came before the court, 
peremptorily demanded that his accusers might be 
brought before him face to face, and if they could not 
prove it, then to be made to suffer what himself, if he had 
been found guilty, had deserved, i. e. death, which was a 
very rational collection. He urged very much the pro¬ 
secuting such a law against his accusers, alleging that 
if the English did not believe it, why did they disarm 
the Indians round about; and if they did believe it, 
equity required that they that accused him should be pun¬ 
ished according to the offence charged upon himself. 
He offered also to make it good against Uncas, sachem of 
the Mohegans, that the report was raised either by him, or 
some of his people. The English answered, that divers 
Indians had robbed some of the Englishmen’s houses, 
which might be a sufficient ground to disarm, and with 
that he was something satisfied. Connecticut men were 
hardly prevailed with to forbear the war against them, but 
at the last they were overcome with the allegations of 
the Massachusetts to lay it aside. 

Miantonimo, when he was at Boston, was very delibe¬ 
rate in his answers, shewing a good understanding in the 
principles of justice and equity, as well as a seeming in¬ 
genuity withal. But though his words were smoother 
than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn 
swords. It was observed also, that he would never speak 
but when some of his counsellors were present, that they 
might, as he said, bear witness of all his speeches, at 
their return home. 

They spent two days in the treaty, wherein at last he 
gave them satisfaction in all things, though he held off 
long about the Nianticks, of whom he said they were as 
his own flesh, engaging on their behalf, that if they should 
do any wrong, so as neither he nor they could satisfy 
without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of 
the English. At his departure he gave his hand to the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 449 

governour, telling him that was for the magistrates that 
were absent. 

Intimations of a like nature about a conspiracy were 
sent down from Plymouth, but not backed with suffi¬ 
cient proof, so as at the last a present war was declined 
by all. The Massachusetts government also restored to 
the Indians their arms, (which they had honestly purchas¬ 
ed from the French or Dutch,) choosing rather to trust 
God with their safety, than secure themselves by any 
act of unrighteousness, in withholding from Indians that 
which was their own. 

However, this rumour of a conspiracy of the Indians 
so filled men’s minds with fear, that a man could not hal¬ 
loo in the night, (as one did in a swamp near Watertown, 
upon the howling of a kennel of wolves, fearing to be 
devoured by them,) but it was feared by some of his 
neighbours he had fallen into the hands of the Indians, 
who were torturing him to death. Such an accident 
raised an alarum in all the towns about the Bay, on the 
19th of September that year. 

The Indians upon Long Island were more fierce 
and barbarous; for one Capt. Howe, about this time go¬ 
ing with eight or ten men to a wigwam there, to demand 
an Indian that had killed one Hammond, an Englishman, 
the Indian ran violently out, (with a knife in his hand, 
wherewith he wounded one of the company,) thinking to 
escape from them, so as they were forced to kill him up¬ 
on the place, which so awed the rest that they durst not 
attempt any revenge. If they had been always so handled, 
they would not have dared to have rebelled, as they did 
afterwards. 

But to return to the Narragansets,with whom at present 
the English had to deal. This plot being discovered, there¬ 
by was the danger of it prevented, at least for the present; 
yet was not Miantonimo quiet, but still was hatching of 
new plots against Uncas, who stuck close to the English, 
that at last they might be revenged upon the English by 
their hostility against him ; for in July, 1643, letters came 
from Mr. Haynes, the governour of Hartford, to Boston, 
57 


450 


GENERAL HISTORY 


that there was a war begun between one Sequasson, sa¬ 
chem of Connecticut, (a kinsman and firm friend of Mi- 
autonimo’s,) and Uncas, the Mohegansachem, who com- 
plained to the English at Hartford that Sequasson had 
assaulted him. The governour of Hartford sent for Se¬ 
quasson, and laboured to make them friends, but Se¬ 
quasson chose rather to have war, so as they were forced 
to leave them to themselves, promising to be aiding to 
neither. Soon after this, Uncas set upon Sequasson, 
and killed seven or eight of his men, wounded thirteen, 
burnt his wigwams, and carried away the booty. Upon 
this Miantonimo sent to Hartford to complain of Uncas, 
but were answered, that the English had no hand in the 
quarrel, nor would encourage them in it. He gave no¬ 
tice hereof in like manner by two of their neighbourTn- 
dians, and was very desirous to know if they would not 
be offended, if he should make war upon Uncas. The 
governour answered him, that if Uncas had done him or 
hisfriendsany wrong, and would not give satisfaction,they 
should leave him to take his course. Miantonimo upon 
this took his first opportunity to invade Uncas, with near 
a thousand men, and set upon him suddenly, without 
cither demanding satisfaction or denouncing the war be¬ 
fore hand, so as Uncas had no time to make defence, 
not having with him above three or four hundred men. 
£ut the battle is not always to the strong, no more than 
the race to the swift; time and chance happens to them 
all; for Uncas, with his small company, had the victory, 
either by reason of better skill, or courage, though princi¬ 
pally by the overruling hand of God, who is always wont 
to abase the children of pride. They killed about thirty 
of the Narragansets, wounded many more, and caused 
the rest to fly. Amongst the wounded were two of Cano- 
nicus his sons, and a brother of Miantonimo’s. But he 
himself escaped a little way, where he was overtaken by 
the pursuers, being tired with armour, which Gorton, his 
friend, had furnished him with for the securing his per¬ 
son ; but he was so hampered or burthened therewith, 
that not being able to fight for want of courage, he was 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


451 


unable to flee through too much armour, and so was ea¬ 
sily overtaken by his enemies. Some say that two of 
his own captains, perceiving his danger, laid hold of him 
and delivered him into the hands of Uncas, hoping there¬ 
by to obtain their own pardon ; but he rewarded them 
with traitors’ wages, the loss of their own heads, but re¬ 
served Miantonimo, as a matter of state, not hastily to be 
determined. When he was brought to Uncas, he stood 
mute, choosing rather to die than make supplication for 
his life, such was the dogged sullenness of his disposition. 
Uncas demanded of him, why he would not speak? if 
you had taken me, saith he, I would have besought you 
for my life ; but some men’s obstinacy and pride is be¬ 
yond the command of their reason, choosing death rather 
than to yield to an insulting foe. The news of Miantoni- 
mo’s captivity coming to Providence, Gorton and his 
company (that was the occasion of his ruin) wrote to Un¬ 
cas to deliver him, or else threatened the power of the 
English ; upon which Uncas carries his prisoner to Hart¬ 
ford, to take the advice of the magistrates there, and at 
Miantonimo’s earnest entreaties left him with them, (who 
it seems could yield to the English, though not to Un¬ 
cas, whom he looked upon as his mortal enemy, and in- 
feriour in dignity, however at this time his superiour in 
battle.) The English used him courteously, yet as a 
prisoner, and kept him under guard, and so continued 
till the commissioners met at Boston, which was to be in 
September following. They all concluded it would not 
be safe to set him at liberty, although themselves con¬ 
cluded they had not sufficient ground to put him to death. 
In conclusion, therefore, they delivered him into the 
hands of Uncas, letting him understand the apprehension 
of the commissioners of all the colonies, that he was wor¬ 
thy of death, which accordingly was executed upon him. 
The reasons that induced them so to judge were: 1. It 
was now clearl) discovered, that there was a conspiracy 
among the Indians to cut off ali the English, and that Mi¬ 
antonimo was the head and contriver of the plot. 2, He 
was known, by long experience, to be of such a turbulent 


452 


GENERAL HISTORY 


and proud spirit, that there was no hope of peace, if Ire 
should be suffered to live. 3. He had procured a Pe- 
quot to shoot Uncas, as probably appeared, and in open 
court promised to deliver the said Pequot to Uncas, yet 
killed him himself in his way homeward, out of enmity 
against the said Uncas. 4. He used to beat and spoil 
some of the other Indians, that had submitted to the 
English, and then bid them go and complain to the Mas¬ 
sachusetts. Upon these considerations, the commis¬ 
sioners could not but judge Miantonimo ought to die ; 
but the enmity of the Narragansets did not die with 
him, although they were so quelled with the loss of their 
chieftain Miantonimo, that they durst not openly rebel, 
but dissembled their malice as well as they could for a 
time ; but in the end of the year they send a present to 
the Massachusetts, with a request, that having sat still at 
the desire of the English, all the present year, they would 
suffer them to fight with Uncas the next year; but answer 
was returned, they would not be hired by all the wealth 
of Narraganset to desert Uncas in a righteous cause, but 
it was their resolution, all to fall upon them if they med¬ 
dled with their allies, the Mohegans. 

The Narragansets rested not fully satisfied in this an¬ 
swer, but at the next court of election, in the year 1644, 
a letter came to the Massachusetts under the marks of 
Canonicus and Pessacus, (chief sachems amongst them,) 
though written by some of Gorton’s company, to this 
effect, that they purposed to make war with Uncas, in re¬ 
venge of the death of Miantonimo, and other of their peo¬ 
ple, and marvelled the English should be against it, and 
that they had put themselves under the government and 
protection of the king of England, and so now were be¬ 
come their fellow subjects, and therefore if any difference 
should fall between them, it ought to be referred to him, 
professing withal their willingness to continue all friend¬ 
ly correspondence with them. The general court re¬ 
ceived another letter from Gorton and his company to the 
like effect. In answer to the former, they sent two mes¬ 
sengers to the Narragansets, to know whether they did 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


458 


own the said letters, and by whose advice they had so 
proceeded, to persuade them also rather to sit still and be 
quiet, than to take counsel from evil men, such as they 
had banished from them. Canonicus would hardly ad¬ 
mit of any speech with any of their messengers, unless it 
were some few froward expressions, but referred them 
toPessacus,who came about four hours after, and carrying 
them into an ordinary wigwam, discoursed with them a 
long time about the business; his answers were witty 
and full to the question, and in conclusion told them, 
they would presently go to war upon Uncas, but not after 
the manner which Miantonimo did, with a great army, 
but by sending out small parties to catch his men, and 
prevent them from getting their livelihood; and did 
make small attempts that way, but saw it was in vain to 
begin a war afresh with the Mohegans, so long as the 
English stood engaged to defend them, and therefore 
turned all their contrivance how to cut off the English 
throughout the country, insomuch that the next year, 
the United Colonies were so far satisfied with the reality 
of their intentions, that they were.fully resolved to fall 
upon them first, and had called several companies to¬ 
gether for that end, who had their officers assigned them, 
and commissions drawn, and ammunition and provision 
prepared to send along with them, and forty or fifty men 
were sent before to secure Uncas his fort, and others 
came from Connecticut, for that end, so as when it came 
to the pinch, that the Narragansets perceived the Eng¬ 
lish were in good earnest, their hearts failed them, and 
they were so alarmed with the terrour of the English sol¬ 
diers, (the conquest of the Pcquots being yet fresh in 
their minds,) that they sent down their messengers, and 
one or more of their chief sachems came along with 
them, to sue for peace, and brought along with them the 
sachem’s son for hostage, and engaged to pay a tribute, 
and yielded also to pay the charges which the English 
had been at in making their preparations for the war; 
for they happened to come down to Boston just as their 
soldiers were ready to march cut against them, as not 


GENERAL HISTORY 


being willing to run any more hazard; which occasioned 
the country to turn the fast, appointed to be kept Septem¬ 
ber 4, into a day of thanksgiving. The commissioners 
being then met at Boston to take care for the managing 
the war with the Narragansets, as is aforesaid, put out a 
declaration of the grounds of their proceedings, which 
here follows: 

A Declaration of former passages and proceedings betwixt 
the English and the Narragansets, with their confede¬ 
rates, wherein the grounds and justice of the ensuing 
war are opened and cleared. 

Published by order of the commissioners for the United Colonies, 
at Boston, the 11 of the sixth month, 1645. 

The most considerable part of the English colonies 
profess they came into these parts of the world with de¬ 
sire to advance the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
and to enjoy his precious ordinances ^ith peace, and (to 
his praise they confess) he hath not failed their expecta¬ 
tion hitherto, they have found safety, warmth and re¬ 
freshing under his wing, to the satisfaction of their souls. 
But they know, and have considered that their Lord and 
Master is king of righteousness and peace; that he gives 
answerable laws, and casts his subjects into such a mould 
and frame, that (in their weak measure) they may hold 
forth his virtues in their course and carriage, not only 
with the nations of Europe, but with the barbarous na¬ 
tives of this wilderness. And accordingly, both in their 
treaties and converse, they have had an awful respect to 
divine rules, endeavouring to walk uprightly and inoffen¬ 
sively, and in the midst of many injuries and insolencies 
to exercise much patience and long suffering towards 
them. 

The Pequots grew to an excess of violence and out¬ 
rage, and proudly turned aside from all ways of justice 
and peace before the sword was drawn, or any hostile at¬ 
tempts made against them. During those wars, and after 
the Pequots were subdued, the English colonies were 
careful to continue and establish peace with the rest of the 


*>F NEW ENGLAND. 


455 


Indians, both for the present and for posterity, as by sev¬ 
eral treaties with the Narraganset and Mohegan saga¬ 
mores may appear; which treaties for a while were in 
some good measure duly observed by all the Indians, 
but of late the Narragansets, and especially the Nian- 
ticks, their confederates, have many ways injuriously 
broken and violated the same, by entertaining and keep¬ 
ing amongst them, not only many of the Pequot na¬ 
tion, but such of them as have had their hands in the 
blood and murther of the English, seizing and possess¬ 
ing at least a part of the Pequot’s country, which by 
right of conquest justly appertains to the English; by 
alluring or harbouring and withholding several Pequot 
captives fled from the English, and making proud and in¬ 
solent returns when they were redemanded; and more late¬ 
ly, the English had many strong and concurrent Indian 
testimonies from Long Island Uncoway, Hartford, Ken- 
nebeck, and other parts, of Miantonimo’s ambitious de¬ 
signs, travelling through all the plantations of the neigh¬ 
bouring Indians, and by promises and gifts labouring to 
make himself their universal sagamore or governour, per¬ 
suading and engaging them at once to cut off the whole 
body of the English in these parts; which treacherous 
plots were confirmed by the Indians’ general prepara¬ 
tions, messages, insolencies and outrages against the 
English and such Indians as were subjects or friends to 
them, so that the English colonies, to their great charge 
and damage, were forced to arm, to keep strong watch 
day and night, and some of them to travel with convoys 
from one plantation to another ; and when Miantonimo, 
in his circular travel, was questioned at New Haven con¬ 
cerning these things, instead of other and better satisfac¬ 
tion he threatened to cut off any Indian’s head that should 
lay such a charge upon him to his face. 

The commissioners by the premises observed Mian- 
tonimo’s proud and treacherous disposition, yet thought 
not fit to proceed against him in that respect, till they had 
collected more legal and convincing proof. But while 
these things were under deliberation, Miantonimo was 


*56 


GENERAL HISTORY 


brought prisoner by Uncas to Hartford, and the case be¬ 
ing opened and cleared as followeth, he craved the com¬ 
missioners’ advice how to proceed with him. 

It appeared that in a treaty, made with the English at 
Massachusetts, anno 1637, Miantonimo engaged him¬ 
self not. to fight with any of the Indians, and particularly 
not to invade Uncas without the English consent; and 
after, in a tripartite agreement, made and concluded at 
Hartford, between Miantonimo and Uncas, with refer¬ 
ence to the English, anno 1638, in which one of the arti¬ 
cles runs, That though either of the said Indian saga¬ 
mores should receive injury from the other, yet neither 
of them shall make or begin war, until they had appealed 
to the English, and till their grievances were first heard 
and determined, and if either of them should refuse, the 
English might assist against and compel the refusing and 
obstinate party. 

Notwithstanding which, Miantonimo and his confed¬ 
erates have both secretly and openly plotted and practised 
against the life of Uncas, not at all acquainting the Eng¬ 
lish or advising with them, but more especially of late, 
since the fore mentioned plots and designs were in hand. 

First, a Pequot Indian, one of Uncas his subjects in the 
spring, 1643, aiming at Uncas’ life, shot him with an ar¬ 
row through the arm, and presently fled to the Narra- 
gansets or their confederates, boasting in the Indian plan¬ 
tations that he had killed Uncas ; but when it was known 
Uncas (though wounded) was alive, the Pequot (taught 
as was supposed) changed his note, affirming that Uncas 
had cut through his own arm with a flint, and had hired 
him to say he had shot and killed him. 

Miantonimo, being sent for by the governour of the 
Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought this Pe¬ 
quot with him, and would have covered him with the for¬ 
mer disguise; but when the English, out of his own 
mouth, found him guilty,and would have sent him to Un¬ 
cas his sagamore, Miantonimo earnestly desired he might 
not be taken out of his hands, promising he would send 
him safe to Uncas to be examined and punished. 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


457 

But fra ring (is it seems) his own treachery would be 
discovered, within a day or two, he stopped the Pequot’s 
mouth,'by cutting off his head; but at parting he told the 
governour in discontent, that he would come no more 
to Boston. 

After this, some attempts were made, (as is reported,) 
to take away Uncas’ life by poison and by sorcery ; these 
failing, some of Sequasson’s company (an Indian sag¬ 
amore relied unto, and an intimate confederate with Mi¬ 
antonimo,) shot at Uncas with an arrow or two, as he was 
going down Connecticut river. Uncas, according to the 
fore mentioned treaty, 1638, complained, and the English 
by mediation sought to make peace; but Sequasson, ex¬ 
pressing his dependence on Miantonimo, refused, and 
chose war. They fought, and Uncas had the victory. 

Lastly, without any provocation from Uncas, (unless 
the disappointment of former plots provoked,) and* sud¬ 
denly without denouncing war, came upon the Mohegans 
with 900 or 1000 men, when Uncas had not half so many 
to defend himself. Uncas, before the battle, told Mianton¬ 
imo that he had many ways sought his life, and for the 
sparing of blood, offered by a single comfeat betwixt 
themselves to end the quarrel, but Miantonimo, presum¬ 
ing upon his number of men, would have nothing but 
a battle. The issue fell contrary to expectation; his 
men were routed, divers of considerable note slain, and 
himself taken prisoner. 

These things being duly weighed, the commissioners 
judged that Uncas could not be safe while Miantonimo 
lived, wherefore they thought he might justly put such a 
treacherous and blood thirsty enemy to death, but advised 
him to do it in his own jurisdiction, without torture or 
cruelty. And Uncas having hitherunto shewed himself a 
friend to the English, and in this and former outrages 
(according to the treaty) eraving their advice, if theNar- 
ragansets or their confederates should for his just execu¬ 
tion unjustly assault him, the commissioners for the col¬ 
onies promised to assist and protect him. 

* For * and/ read Miantonimo. En, 

5Q 


458 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Uncas hereupon sleiv an enemy, but not the enmity 
against him ; the Narragansets soon fell to new contriv¬ 
ances. They pretended they had paid a ransom for their 
sachem’s life, and gave it in particulars, to the value of 
about 40 pounds. This for a while cast an imputation 
of foul and unjust dealing upon Uncas, but in September 
1664, the English commissioners, meeting at Hartford, 
sent for the Narraganset sachems or their deputies, de¬ 
siring they might be instructed to make good their 
charge. Uncas came himself; they sent their deputies, 
but after due examination it appeared, though some 
loose discourses had passed, that for such quantities of 
wampum, and such parcels of other goods to a great 
value, there might have been some probability of sparing 
his life ; yet no such parcels were brought, and the Nar¬ 
raganset deputies did not allege, much less prove, that 
any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any serious 
treaty begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem. And 
for wampum and goods sent, as they were but small par¬ 
cels, and scarce considerable for such a purpose, so they 
were disposed by Miantonimo himself to sundry persons, 
for courtesies received during his imprisonment, and up¬ 
on hope of further favour. 

The Narraganset deputies saw their proofs fell far 
short of former pretences, and were silent. The com¬ 
missioners promised, that upon better evidence hereafter, 
they should have due satisfaction; whereupon a truce 
was made, and both parties were engaged that all hostili¬ 
ty should cease till planting time, 1645, and alter that 
they would give thirty days warning, either at the Mas¬ 
sachusetts or at Hartford, before the truce should cease; 
yet in February last, by messengers sent to Boston, de¬ 
clared, that unless Uncas would render 160 fathom of 
wampum, or come to a new hearing within six weeks, 
they would begin the war. 

This crossed the former agreement, and the season was 
such, as neither the commissioners could be advised 
with, nor could Uncas travel, if notice had been given. 
After which, about or bciore planting time, Tantaquey- 


OP NEW ENGLAND* 


459 


son, a Mohegan captain, who took Miantonimo prisoner, 
was dangerously and treacherously wounded in the night, 
as he slept in his wigwam ; and other hostile acts were on 
both parts attempted in a private and underhand way, as 
they could take advantage each against other. 

But since, the Narragansets have at several times 
openly invaded Uncas, so that Connecticut and New Ha¬ 
ven were forced, according to engagement, to send men 
from those colonies for his present defence, but with ex¬ 
press direction not to begin any offensive war against the 
Narragansets, or their confederates, till further order. 

In the mean time, messengers were sent to the Narra¬ 
gansets from the general court in the Massachusetts, sig¬ 
nifying the commissioners’ meeting, promising their ag- 
grievances should be fully and justly heard, and requir¬ 
ing a cessation of war in the mean time, but they refus¬ 
ed ; and hearing probably that the English from the 
western colonies were returned, they made a new assault 
upon Uncas, and have done him much hurt. 

The commissioners being met, sent messengers the 
second time both to the Narragansets and the Mohegan 
Indians, minding them of the former treaties and truce, 
desiring them to send their deputies, instructed and fur¬ 
nished with authority to declare and open the ground of 
the war, and to give and receive due satisfaction, and to 
restore and settle peace. 

At first the Narraganset sachem gave a reasonable and 
fair answer, that he would send guides with them to the 
Mohegans, and if Uncas consented, he would send his 
deputies to the commissioners, and during eight days 
hostility should cease; but he soon repented of this mod¬ 
eration, told the English messengers his mind was chang¬ 
ed, sent private instructions to the Niantick sachem, 
after the delivery of which there was nothing but proud 
and insolent passages. The Indian guides, which the 
English messengers brought with them from Pumham 
and Socononoco, were by f rowns and threatening speech¬ 
es discouraged and returned; no other guides could be 
obtained,though much pressed; they knew (asthey ex- 


46® 


GENERAL HISTORY 


pressed themselves) by the course held at Hartford last 
year, that the commissioners would pre6s for peace, but 
they resolved to have no peace, without Uncas his head. 
It mattered not who began the war, they were resolved to 
continue it. The English should withdraw their garrison 
from Uncas, or they would take it as a breach of former 
covenants, and would procure as many Moquauks* as 
the English should affront them with; that they would 
lay the Englishmen’s cattle on heaps, as high as their 
houses ; that no Englishman should step out of doors to 
piss* but he should be killed. They reviled Uncas,charg¬ 
ed him with cutting through his own arm, and saying the 
Narragansets had shot him; affirmed that he would now 
murder the English messengers as they went or returned, 
(if he had opportunity,) and lay it upon the Narragansets. 

The English messengers, upon this rude and uncivil 
usage, wanting guides to proceed, and fearing danger, 
returned to the Narragansets, acquainted Pessacus with 
the former passages, desired guides from him, he (in 
scorn, as they apprehended it) offered them an old Pequot 
squaw, but would offer no other guides. There also they 
conceived themselves in danger, thrt e Indians with hatch¬ 
ets standing behind the interpreter in a suspicious man¬ 
ner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest 
frowning and expressing much distemper in their coun¬ 
tenance and carriage. The English messengers, not 
hoping for better success at that time, departed, telling 
Pessacus, that if he would return any other answer, he 
should send it the English trading house, where they in¬ 
tended to lodge that night. In the morning he invited 
them to return, and promised them a guide to Uncas, but 
would grant no cessation of arms. When they came to 
Providence, they understood that in their absence aNar- 
raganset Indian had been there, and feigning himself to 
be of Connecticut, spake in that dialect, but could not put 
off the Narraganset tone. He told Benedict Arnold’s 
wife, (who well understands the Indian language,) that 
the English messengers should not pass to the Mohe- 
gans. He knew they should have no guides, but should 

* So the Ms. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 46 1 

be destroyed in the woods, as they travelled towards Un- 
cas. 

Thus the English messengers returned, and the inter¬ 
preter under his hand, and upon his oath, related the for¬ 
mer passages, with others less material more largely. 

Mr. \Y illiams by the messengers wrote to the com¬ 
missioners, assuring them, that the country would sud¬ 
denly be all on fire, meaning by war; that by strong rea¬ 
sons and arguments he could convince any man thereof, 
that was of another mind ; that the Narragansets had been 
with the plantations combined with Providence, and had 
solemnly treated and settled a neutrality with them, which 
fully shews their counsels and settled resolutions for war. 

Thus while the commissioners, in care of the publick 
peace, sought to quench the fire, kindled amongst the In¬ 
dians, these children of strife breathe out threatenings, 
provocations, and war against the English themselves; so 
that unless they should dishonour and provoke God,by vio¬ 
lating a just engagement, and expose the colonies to con¬ 
tempt and danger from the barbarians, they cannot but 
exercise force, when no other means will prevail, to re¬ 
duce the Narragansets and their confederates to a more 
just and sober temper. 

The eyes of other Indians, under the protection of 
the Massachusetts, and not at all engaged in this quarrel, 
are (as they have expressed themselves to the English 
messengers) fastened upon the English with strict obser¬ 
vation, in what manner and measure they provide for 
Uncas’ safety. If he perish, they will charge it upon 
them, who might have preserved him ; and no Indians 
will trust the English, (if they now break engagements,) 
either in the present or succeeding generations. If Uu- 
cas be ruined in such a cause, they see their heads upon 
the next pretence shall be delivered to the will of the 
Narragansets, with whom therefore they shall be forced 
to comply (as they may) for their future safety; and the 
English may not trust an Indian in the whole country. 
The premises being duly weighed, it clearly appears that 
God calls the colonies to a war. 

The Narragansets and their confederates rest on their 


GENERAL HISTORY 


4j6S 

numbers, weapons, and opportunities to do mischief; 
and probably, (as of old, Ashur, Amalek, and the Philis¬ 
tines, with others did confederate against Israel,) so Satan 
may stir up and combine many of his instruments against 
the churches of Christ, but their Redeemer is the Lord of 
Hosts, the mighty one in battle; all the shields of the 
earth are in his hands ; he can save by weak and by few 
means, as well as by many and great. In him they trust. 

Jo : Winthrop, President, 

In the name of all the commissioners. 

This storm being blown over, all the rest of the In¬ 
dians never durst make any open attempt upon any of 
the English, till the year 1675, when they broke out into 
an open rebellion, as is at large declared in a narrative 
published for that end, and intended to be annexed to 
this history. 

But at Stamford in the end of August 1644, an Indian 
coming into a poor man’s house, and none ol the family 
being at home but the wife, and a child in the cradle, he 
barbarously struck her divers blows on the head with the 
edge of a lathing hammer, and so left her for dead; but 
he being afterwards taken, confessed the fact, with the 
reasons why he did it, and brought back some of the 
cloathes he had carried away. The woman was recov¬ 
ered afterwards, though her senses were very .much im¬ 
paired by the wounds, (some of which almost pierced 
to her brains,) and the Indian was put to death by the 
court at New Haven, in whose jurisdiction the fact was 
committed. 

And at the meeting of the commissioners at New Ha¬ 
ven, 1647, information was given them, that Sequasson 
(the sachem near Hartford) would have hired an Indian 
to have killed some of the magistrates near Hartford, 
whereupon he was sent for, but came not; but being got¬ 
ten among the Indians at Pocompheake, they sent tor Un¬ 
cus, who undertook to fetch him in; but not being able 
to do it by force, he surprized him in the night, and 
brought him to Hartford, where he was kept in prison 
divers months, but there not being proof enough to con¬ 
vict him, &c. he was discharged ; but the Indians, from 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


408 


whom he was taken, took it so to heart against Uncas* 
as they intended to make war upon him, and the Narra- 
gansets sent wampum to them to encourage them ; ac¬ 
cordingly in August, 1648, they were gathered together 
from divers parts, about a thousand Indians, and three 
hundred or more having guns and other ammunition. 
The magistrates of Hartford hearing thereof, sent three 
horsemen to them, (one being very expert in the Indian 
language,) to know their intent, and to tell them, that if 
they made war upon Uncas, the English must defend 
him. The Indian sachem entertained the messengers 
courteously, and having heard their message, after some 
time of deliberation gave them this answer, viz. they 
knew the English to be a wise and warlike people, and 
intended not to fall out with them, and therefore would 
at present desist, and take further time to consider of the 
matter. 

And God had so disposed that at the same time, they 
had intelligence of a defeat given to some of their con¬ 
federates, by other Indians, which called them to their 
aid ; also the Narraganset failed to send all the wampum 
he had promised, so as by the concurrence of all these acci¬ 
dents,the English were freed from war at that time, which 
might have proved very dangerous to them all, especially 
to their friends at Connecticut. 

But the Narragansets being behind with their tribute, 
the commissioners being met at Plymouth in the month 
of September following, ordered four men to be sent to 
them, with an interpreter, with instructions how to treat 
with them, both concerning their hiring other Indians to 
war upon Uncas, and also about the tribute of wampum 
that was behind. Capt. Atherton, with Capt. Pritchard, 
undertook the service, and going to Mr. Williams, they 
procured the sachems to be sent for, but they hearing that 
many horsemen were come to take them, shift for them¬ 
selves. Pessacus Pied to Rhode Island, but soon after 
they were by Mr. Williams his means delivered of their 
fear, and came to the messengers, as they were desired* 
and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against 
Uncas, they solemnly denied it; only confessed that the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


*84? 

Mohawk being a great sachem, and their ancient friend 
and being come to meet them, they sent about twenty 
fathom of wampum for him to tread, as the manner of 
the Indians is. But Canonicus’ son used this assevera¬ 
tion, “ Englishman’s God doth know that we do not stir 
up or hire the Mohawks against Uncas.” They also then 
promised that they would not meddle with Uncas, nor 
stir up any other against him, before they had paid all the 
tribute to the English that was behind; and then they 
would require satisfaction for all the wrongs Uncas had 
done them, and if the English would not see them satis¬ 
fied, they would then consider what to do. But for what 
was behind, of what was due to the English, they desire 
to be borne with at this time, in regard their want of corn 
the last winter had made them lay out their wampum for 
corn to the English, but the next spring they would pro¬ 
vide part of it, and the rest so soon as they could, which 
was a fair answer, and according to equity accepted by 
the English. But still it appeared that this condescen¬ 
sion was more out of fear than love, and that the old 
quarrel was not like easily to be forgotten and forgiven 
in the present age. Canonicus, the great sachem of the 
Narragansets, died the 4th of June, 1648, being a very 
old man, still leaving the hereditary quarrel entailed upon 
his successour. But Uncas was alive and well in the year 
1680, and probably may live to see all his enemies buried 
before him. 

It is here to be minded also, that although they were 
engaged to pay a yearly tribute to the English, upon the 
account of the forementioned rebellion, yet after some 
years they grew slack in the payment thereof, and at the 
last in a manner denied to do any thing that way, inso¬ 
much that the general court of the Massachusetts, or else 
the commissioners, sent Capt. Atherton, of Dorchester, 
with twenty soldiers to demand it. When he came to the 
place, Pessacus, the chief sachem, put him off with dila¬ 
tory answers awhile, not suffering him to come into his 
piesence; while his followers were gathered into a great 
assembly, consulting how to put them off, but the captain, 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


403 


not able with patience to wait any longer, carried his 
twenty soldiers to the door of the wigwam, where the 
Indians sat in consultation, and there leaving them, him¬ 
self boldly entered in amongst them all, with his pistol in 
his hand, (as was said,) and taking hold of Pessacus his 
locks, drew him from the midst of his attendants, (some 
hundreds in number, and all armed,) telling him that he 
should go along with him, and if any of them stirred he 
would presently speed him. By this undaunted courage 
of Capt. Atherton, Pessacus and all the other sachems 
were so affrighted, that they durst make no resistance ; 
but presently paid down what was demanded, and so they 
were dismissed in safety. 

Not long after, Ninicrite, another of their sachems, be¬ 
gan to raise new troubles against the English amongst 
the Nianticks, but upon the sending Capt. Davis with a 
troop of horse into his quarters, he was struck with 
such a panick fear, that he scarce durst come to the speech 
of the English, till he was fully secured of his life, and 
then, readily complied with their demands. Such wasthc 
terrour of the English upon them in those times, till after¬ 
wards, by too much familiarity, they grew more embol¬ 
dened, and ventured upon a war with them. 

CHAP. LII. 

The Confederation of the United Colonies of New Eng¬ 
land ; the grounds and reasons leading thereunto , with 
the articles agreed upon, jor that end. 

Woe to him that is alone, saith Solomon. The peo¬ 
ple that came over to New England were necessitated to 
disperse themselves furtner, each from other, than they 
intended; yet finding that in their first and weak begin¬ 
nings, they might be exposed to danger by many enemies, 
and as well from the natives as any foreign nations, al¬ 
though that they saw they could not be accommodated 
within the bounds of one and the same patent, yet judg¬ 
ed it very expedient to be joined together in one common 
bond of unity and peace, by as firm engagement as 
59 


466 


GENERAL HISTORY 


might be on either side. They saw also, by daily ex¬ 
perience from the beginning, that without some such ob¬ 
ligation, seeds of jealousy and difference might easily be 
sown between them, either about their bounds or other 
occasions; wherein all discovered an unwillingness to be 
subordinate one to another, yet could not be able to stand 
alone by themselves, without engagement of mutual as¬ 
sistance. For this end, some of the wisest in each division 
had been contriving some means of unity and accord, by 
a kind of confederation ; and some had drawn up articles 
in that way in the year 1638, which were left to further 
consideration till after time. In the year 1639, the said 
confederation was earnestly prosecuted by Mr. Haines 
and Mr. Hooker, who tarried several weeks in the Bay 
to solicit the matter ; by whose means the said treaty of 
confederation was again renewed, and commended to the 
consideration of the general court in the Massachusetts, 
who did not unwillingly accept thereof. Those of Con¬ 
necticut were especially concerned to be solicitous about 
it, because they had some reason to expect trouble from 
the Dutch, who had lately received a new governour, 
one that was more discreet and sober than the former, 
and was very sensible and apprehensive of injury done 
to their people at Connecticut, and also very inquisitive 
how things stood between the Massachusetts and Con¬ 
necticut ; which made them the more ready to renew the 
former treaty, that the Dutch might not take notice of 
any breach or alienation between them. Yet notwith¬ 
standing how seriously and strenuously this motion was 
driven on, by several occasions that interposed, it could 
not be brought to any desirable issue till afterwards, viz. 
in the year 1643, when commissioners came from all the 
several colonies to Boston, in the time of the general 
court there assembled. Mr. Fenwicfe^also, of Say brook 
fort, joined with them in carrying on the treaty. The 
general court of the Massachusetts chose as commission¬ 
ers for their colony, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudly, and Mr. 
Bradstreet, from among the magistrates; Mr. Hathorne, 
Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Ting, from amongst the deputies. 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


467 


From Connecticut, came Mr. Haines and Mr.Hopkins; 
from New Haven, came Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. 
Grigson; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier from Plymouth. 
These coming to consultation, encountered with many 
difficulties, before they could agree upon a good founda¬ 
tion wherein all might center; but being all desirous of 
union and studious of peace, they readily yielded each to 
other, in such things as tended to the common good of 
the whole,' so as after two or three meetings they loving¬ 
ly accorded upon some articles, which here follow, being 
allowed by the general court of the Massachusetts, and 
signed by all the commissioners, and sent also to be con¬ 
firmed and ratified by the general courts of the rest of the 
jurisdictions. Only Plymouth commissioners having 
power to treat but not to determine, deferred the signing 
of them till they came home, &c. but soon after they were 
confirmed by their general court also, as well as by all 
the rest. 

Those of Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ province,beyond Pas- 
cataqua, were not received nor calk d into this confedera^ 
tion; because they ran a differing course from the rest, 
both in their ministry and their civil administrations. 
Nor indeed were they at that time furnished with inhab¬ 
itants,fit for such a purpose, for they had lately made Ag- 
amenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and had made a 
mean person major thereof, and had also entertained a con¬ 
tentious person, and one under ofience, for their minister. 

Articles of Confederation between the plantations under 
the government of the Massachusetts, New Plymouth, 
Connecticut, New Haven, in New England, with the 
plantations in combination witn them. 

Whereas, we all came into these parts of America 
with one and the same end and aim, namely, to advance 
the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy 
the liberties of the gospel in purity with peace; and 
whereas in our settling, (by the wise providence of God,) 
we are further dispersed from the sea coast and rivers, 
than was at the first intended, so that we cannot accord- 


168 


GENERAL HISTORY 


ing to our desire, with convenience communicate in one 
government and jurisdiction ; and whereas we live en¬ 
compassed with people of several nations and strange 
languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and 
our posterity ; and forasmuch as the natives have com¬ 
mitted sundry insolencies and outrages upon several 
plantations of the English, and have of late combined 
themselves against us, and seeing, by reason of the sad 
distractions in England, (which they have heard of, or 
by which they know,) we are hindered, both from the 
humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those com¬ 
fortable fruits of protection, which at other times we 
might well expect; we therefore do conceive it our boun- 
den duty, without delay, to enter into a present conso¬ 
ciation amongst ourselves, for mutual help and strength, 
in all future concernments ; that as in nation and rela¬ 
tion, so in other respects we be, and continue one, ac¬ 
cording to the tenour and true meaning of the ensuing 
articles, 

1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded, be¬ 
tween the parties and jurisdictions above named, and they 
jointly and severally do by these presents agree, and con¬ 
clude that they all be, and henceforth be called by the 
name of the United Colonies of New England. 

2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their 
posterities, do jointly and severally, hereby enter into a 
firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for 
offence and defence, mutual advice and succour, upon 
all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the 
truths and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mu¬ 
tual safety and welfare. 

3. It is further agreed, that the plantations which at 
present are, or hereafter shall be, settled within the limits 
of the Massachusetts, shall be forever under the govern¬ 
ment of the Massachusetts, and shall have peculiar juris¬ 
diction amongst themselves, in all cases, as entire body. 
And that Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, shall 
each of them, in all respects, have peculiar jurisdiction 
>and government, within their limits ; and in reference to 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


469 


the plantations which are already settled, or shall hereaf¬ 
ter be erected, and shall settle within any of their limits 
respectively; provided that no other jurisdiction shall be 
taken in, as a distinct head or member of this confedera¬ 
tion, nor shall any other, either plantation or jurisdiction 
in present being, and not already in combination, or un¬ 
der the jurisdiction of any of their confederates, be re¬ 
ceived by any of them, nor shall any two of these confed¬ 
erates, join in one jurisdiction without consent of the 
rest, which consent to be interpreted, as in the sixth ensu¬ 
ing article is expressed, 

4. It is also by these confederates agreed, that the 
charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive, 
(upon what part or member of this confederation soever 
they shall fall,) shall both in men and provisions, and all 
other disbursements, be borne by all the parts of this con¬ 
federation, in different proportions, according to their dif¬ 
ferent abilities, in manner following, viz. That the com¬ 
missioners for each jurisdiction, trom time to time, as 
there shall be occasion, bring account and number of all 
the malts in each plantation, or any way belonging to 
or under their several jurisdictions, of what quality or 
condition soever they be, from sixteen years old to sixty, 
being inhabitants there ; and that according to the dif¬ 
ferent numbers, which from time to time shall be found 
in each jurisdiction, upon a true and just account, the 
service of men, and all charges of the war be borne by 
the poll. Each jurisdiction or plantation being left to 
their own just course or custom of rating themselves and 
people, according to their different estates, with due res¬ 
pect to their qualities and exemptions among themselves; 
though the confederates take no notice of any such pri¬ 
vilege, and that according to the different charge of each 
jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the 
war, (if it pleased God so to bless their endeavours,) 
whether it be in land, goods, or persons, shall be pro- 
portionably divided amongst the said confederates. 

5. It is further agreed, that if any of these jurisdic¬ 
tions, or any plantation under, or in combination with 


470 


GENERAL HISTORY 


them, be invaded by any enemy whatsoever, upon no¬ 
tice and request of any three magistrates of that juris¬ 
diction so invaded, the rest of the confederates, without 
any further notice or expostulation, shall forthwith send 
aid to confederates in danger, but in different proportions, 
viz, the Massachusetts, an hundred men, sufficiently arm¬ 
ed and provided for such a service and journey; and each 
of the rest forty five men, so armed and provided, or any 
less number, if less be required, according to this pro¬ 
portion. But if such a confederate in danger may be 
supplied by their next confederate, not exceeding the 
number hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and 
seek no further for the present; the charge to be borne, 
as in this article is expressed; but at their return to be 
victualled and supplied with powder and shot, (if there be 
need,) for their journey, by that jurisdiction, which em¬ 
ployed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions to 
exceed those numbers, till by a meeting of the commis¬ 
sioners for this confederation, a greater aid appear neces¬ 
sary; and this proportion to continue, till upon know¬ 
ledge of the numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be 
brought to the next meeting, some other proportion be 
ordered; but in any such case of sending men for present 
aid, (whether before or after such order or alterations,) it 
is agreed, that at the meeting of the commissioners for 
this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be 
duly considered. And if it appear that the fault lay in 
the party invaded, that then the jurisdiction or plantation 
make just satisfaction, both to the invaders, whom they 
have injured, and bear all the charge of the war them¬ 
selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of 
the confederates, towards the same. And further, that if 
any jurisdiction see danger of an invasion approaching, and 
there be time for a meeting, that in such case three ma¬ 
gistrates of that jurisdiction may summon a meeting at 
such convenient place, as themselves think meet, to con¬ 
sider and provide against the threatened danger. Pro¬ 
vided, when they are met, they may remove to what 
place they please ; only when any of these four confede- 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


47i 

rates have but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, a 
request or summons from any two of them shall be ac¬ 
counted of equal force, with the three mentioned in both 
the clauses of this article, till there be an increase of ma¬ 
gistrates there. 

6. It is also agreed and concluded, that for the man¬ 
aging of all affairs, proper to and concerning the whole 
confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen by and 
out of each of those jurisdictions, viz. two for the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, and so for the other three, (all in church fel¬ 
lowship with us,) which shall bring full power from their 
several general courts respectively, to hear and exam¬ 
ine, weigh and determine, all affairs of war or peace, 
leagues, aid, charges, numbers of men of war, division 
of spoils, or whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving 
of more confederates or plantations into combination 
with any of these confederates, and all things of like na¬ 
ture, which are the proper concomitants and consequents 
of such a confederation, for amity, offence and defence, 
(not intermeddling with the government of any of the 
•jurisdictions, which by the 3d article is preserved entirely 
by them;) but if these eight commissioners, when they 
iyeet, shall not agree, yet it is concluded that any six of 
the eight agreeing, shall have power to determine and 
settle the business in question. But if six do not agree, 
that then such propositions, with their reasons, (so far as 
they have been debated,) be sent and referred to the four 
general courts, viz. the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con¬ 
necticut, and New Haven, and if at all the said general 
courts, the business so referred be concluded, then to be 
prosecuted by the confederates and all their members. It 
is further agreed,that these eight commissioners shall meet 
every year, (besides extraordinary meetings,according to 
the 5th article,) to consider, treat, and conclude of all af¬ 
fairs, belonging to this confederation; which meeting 
shall ever be the first Tuesday in September, and that 
the next meeting after the date of these presents, (which 
shall be accounted the second meeting,) shall be at Bos¬ 
ton, in the Massachusetts ; the third, at Hartford; the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


fourth, at New Haven ; the fifth, at Plymouth; the sixth, 
and seventh, at Boston; and then at Hartford, iNew Ha¬ 
ven, and Plymouth, and so in course successively; if, in 
the mean time, some middle place be not found out, and 
agreed upon, which may be commodious for all the ju¬ 
risdiction. 

7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these 
eight commissioners^ whether ordinary or extraordinary,) 
they*ali, or any six of them, agreeing as before, may 
choose their president, out of themselves, whose office 
and work shall be, to take care and direct for order, and 
a comely carrying on of all proceedings in their present 
meeting. But he shall be invested with no such power 
or respect, as by which he shall hinder the propounding 
or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales 
otherwise, than in the preceding article is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed, that the commissioners for this 
confederation hereafter, at their meetings, (whether ordin¬ 
ary or extraordinary,) as they may have commission or 
opportunity, do endeavour to frame and establish agree¬ 
ments and orders in general cases of a civil nature, where¬ 
in all the plantations are interested for preserving peace 
among themselves, and preventing, (as much as may be,) 
all occasions of war or differences with others; as about 
free and speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction, 
to all the confederates equally as to their own ; receiving 
those that remove from one plantation to another without 
due certificates ; how all the. jurisdictions may carry it 
towards the Indians, that they neither grow insolent, nor 
be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in 
upon the confederates through miscarriages. It is also 
agreed, that if any servant run away from his master, into 
any of the confederate jurisdictions, that in such case, 
(upon certificate from one magistrate in the jurisdiction 
out of which the said servant fled, or upon other due 
proof,) the said servant shall be either delivered to his 
master, or any other that pursues, and brings such cer¬ 
tificate and proof. 

And that upon the escape of any prisoner, or fugitive. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


for any criminal cause, whether breaking prison or get¬ 
ting from the officer, or otherwise escaping; upon the cer¬ 
tificate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of 
which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner or such 
an offender at the time of the escape, the magistrate, or 
some of them of that jurisdiction, where for the present 
the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant 
such a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehend¬ 
ing of any such person, and the delivery of him into the 
hand of the officer, or other person who pursueth him. 
And if there be help required, for the safe returning of 
any such offender, then it shall be granted unto him that 
craves the same, he paying the charges thereof. 

9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous 
consequence, (especially to the smaller plantations in 
these United Colonies,) it is agreed, that neither the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut nor New Haven, nor 
any of the members of any of them, shall at any time here¬ 
after begin, undertake or engage themselves, or this con¬ 
federation, or any part thereof, in any war whatsoever, 
(sudden exigencies, with the necessary consequences 
thereof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much 
as the case will permit,) without the consent and agree¬ 
ment of the forenamed eight commissioners, or at least 
six of them, as in the sixth article is provided. And 
that no charge be required of any of the confederates, in 
case of a defensive war, till the said commissioners have 
met, and approved the justice of the war, and have agreed 
upon the sums of money to be levied; which sum is then 
to be paid by the several confederates, in proportion ac¬ 
cording to the fourth article. 

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings 
are summoned by three magistrates, of any jurisdiction, or 
two, as in the fifth article,if any of the commissioners come 
not, (due warning being given or sent,) it is agreed that 
four of the commissioners shali have power to direct a 
war which cannot be delayed, and to send for due propor¬ 
tions of men, out of each jurisdiction, as well as six, 
might have done, if all had met; but not less than six 

60 


GENERAL HISTORY 


474 

shall determine the justice of war, or allow the demands 
or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for 
the same. 

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates 
shall hereafter break any of these present articles, or be 
other way injurious to any of the other jurisdictions, 
such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly consid¬ 
ered and ordered by the commissioners of the other ju¬ 
risdictions, that both peace and this present confederation 
may be entirely preserved without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation, and the seve¬ 
ral articles and agreements thereof being read, and seri¬ 
ously considered, both by the general court for the Mas- 

* sachusetts, and the commissioners for the other three; 
were subscribed presently by the commissioners, (all save 
those of Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient commis¬ 
sion from their general court, deferred their subscription 
till the next meeting, and then they subscribed also,) 
and were to be allowed by the general courts of the sev¬ 
eral jurisdictions, which accordingly was done, and certi¬ 
fied at the next meeting, held at Boston, September 7, 
1643. 

Boston, May 29th, 1643. 

CHAP. LIII. 

Ships seized in the harbours of the Massachusetts , by pre¬ 
tended commissions of the Admiralty in Eng land y in the 
year 1644. 

About July, in the year 1644, one Capt. Stagg ar¬ 
riving at Boston, in a London ship of 24 pieces of ord¬ 
nance, and finding there a ship of Bristol, of one hun¬ 
dred tons, laden with fish for Bilboa, he made no speech 
of any commission he had; but having put ashore a good 
part of his lading, (which was in wine, from Teneriffe,) 
suddenly weighed anchor, and with a sea turn gale, sail¬ 
ed from before Boston to Charlestown, and placed his 
ship between the town and the Bristol ship, and moored 
liimself aboard her. Then he called the master of the Bris- 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 475 

tol ship and shewed him his commission, and told him if 
he would yield, himself and all his men should have what 
belonged to them, and all their wages to that day; and 
then turning up the half hour glass, set him in his own 
ship again, requiring his answer by that time the glass 
was out. The master coming aboard, acquainted his men 
therewith, demanding their resolution. Two or three 
of his men would have fought, and blown up their ship, 
rather than yielded, but the greatest part prevailed; so she 
was quietly taken, and ail the men (save three) sent to 
Boston, where order was taken by their captain for their 
diet. In this half hour’s time, much people were gather¬ 
ed together on the shore to see the issue; and some who 
had interest in the prize, especially a Bristol merchant, 
(counted a very bold malignant, as then they were term¬ 
ed,) began to gather company and raise a tumult. But 
some of the people laid hold of them, and brought them 
to the deputy governour, who committed the merchant, 
with some others that were strangers, to a chamber in an 
ordinary, with a guard upon them; and others who were 
town dwellers, he committed to prison, and sent the con¬ 
stable to require the people to depart to their houses; 
and then hearing the ship was taken, wrote to the captain 
to know by what authority he had done it in their har¬ 
bour, who forthwith repaired to him with his commis¬ 
sion, which was to this effect: “ Rob. Comes Warwici, 
&c. Magnus Admirallus Angliae, &c. civibus cujuscunq. 
status, honoris, et saltern sciatis quod in Registro cur. 
Admiralt.” And so recites the ordinance of parliament 
in English, to this effect, “ That it should be lawful for 
all men, &c. to set forth ships and take all vessels, in or 
outward bound, to or from Bristol, Barnstable, Dart¬ 
mouth, &c. in hostility againstthe king and parliament, 
and to visit all ships in any port or creek, &c, by force, if 
they should refuse, &c. and they were to have the whole 
prize to themselves, paying the 10 pounds to the admiral. 
Provided before they went forth, they should give secur¬ 
ity to the Admiral to observe their commission, and that 
they should make a true invoice of all goods, and not 


476 


GENERAL HISTORY 


break bulk, but 1 ring the ship to the Admiral, and two 
or three of the officers, and that they should not rob or 
spoil any of the friends of the parliament,” and so con¬ 
cludes thus: u Stagg capitaneus obligavit se, &c. in bis 
miile libris, &c. In cujus rei testimonium, Sigillum, Ad- 
mi ra it. presentib. apponi fieri, &c. Dat. March 1644.” 

Upon sight of this commission, the deputy appointed 
Capt. Stagg to bring or send it to Salem, where was an 
assembly both of magistrates and ministers, to consider 
of some matters then under debate. The tumult being 
pacified, he took bond of the principal actor, with sure¬ 
ties to appear at the said meeting, and to keep the peace 
in the mean time. The captain brought his commission 
to Salem, and there it was read and considered of. The 
seizure of the ship was by divers gentlemen diversely ap¬ 
prehended ; some were strongly conceited it was a vio¬ 
lating the country’s liberties, and that a commission out 
of the admiralty could not supersede a patent under the 
broad seal. Those t|iat were of that mind, judged that 
the captain should be forced to restore the ship; others 
were of different minds, and judged that this act could 
be no precedent to bar us from opposing any commis¬ 
sion or foreign power, that might indeed tend to our 
hurt, &c. But not to dispute the power of the Parlia¬ 
ment here, it was in the issue determined not to inter¬ 
meddle with the case, lest by interposing in a strife, that 
was not within their reach, they should but take a dog 
by the ears. But because some merchants in die coun¬ 
try had put goods aboard the Bristol ship, before the 
seizure, wherein they claimed propriety, they desired to 
try their right by action, to which the captain consented 
to appear; so a court was called on purpose, where the 
merchants intended to do their utmost to save their prin¬ 
cipals in England from damage, by a trial at law, pro¬ 
cured an attainder against the captain; but they were dis¬ 
suaded from that course, and the deputy sent for Capt. 
Stagg and acquainted him therewith, and took his word 
for his appearance at the court. When the time came, 
that the court was to sit, the merchants were persuaded 


OF NEW ENGLANf), 


477 

not to put it to a jury, which could find no more but the 
matter of fact, viz. whose the goods were, whether the 
merchants in England, or those that shipped them, in 
regard as yet no consignment of them had been made, 
nor bills of lading taken, and this the magistrates could 
as well determine upon proof, and certify accordingly ; 
for they were not willing to use any force against the 
parliament’s authority; and accordingly , they certified 
the admiral of the true state of the case, as they found 
it upon examination and oath of the factors, and so left 
it to be decided elsewhere. The merchants of Bristol 
wrote afterward to the general court about it, who made 
an address to the parliament, but the success seemed not 
to answer the charge. 

One Capt. Richardson, pretending to have such a com¬ 
mission as was Capt. Stagg’s, would have taken a Dart¬ 
mouth ship, September 16 , following; but he was pre¬ 
vented by the interposition of the government, who seiz¬ 
ed her at the request of some of the inhabitants, in way 
of recompense for loss they had sustained of the like na¬ 
ture in Wales. But when Capt. Richardson produced 
his commission, it proved to be neither under the great 
seal, nor grounded upon any ordinance of parliament, so 
as he could not, by virtue thereof, take any ship, exempt 
from the admiral’s jurisdiction ; and therefore, as he was 
advised, he forbore to meddle with any of the ships in 
the harbour. 

Capt. Richardson proceeded very rashly in his enter- 
prize ; and if a special providence had not hindered one 
of his men, as he was running down hastily to fire at the 
battery of Boston, from which one had fired a warning 
piece, that cut a rope in the ship, much mischief might 
have been done. The captain was the next day sensible 
of his errour, and acknowledged the goodness of God, 
that had prevented him from doing and receiving much 
hurt, by that unadvised attempt. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


478 

CHAP. LIV. 

Transactions between the Massachusetts and some of the 
governours. of the French plantations in Acady , from 
the year 1641 to 1646. 

Novemb f,r the 8th, 1641, one Mr. Rochet, a Protest, 
ant of Rochelle, arrived at Boston, with a message from 
Monsieur La Tour, planted upon St. John’s river, in the 
bay of F undv, to the westward of Cape Sable. He brought 
no letters with him,but only from Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, 
where he left his men and boat. He propounded three 
things to the governourand council of the Massachusetts. 
1. Liberty of free commerce, which was granted. 2. As¬ 
sistance against Monsieur D’Aulne}', of Penobscot, with 
whom he had war. 3. That he might make return of goods 
out of England by their merchants. In the two last, they 
excused any treaty with him, as having no letters, or 
commission from La Tour ; however he was courteously 
entertained there, and after a few days departed. But 
on the 6th of October following, there came a shallop 
from the said La Tour, with fourteen men, one whereof 
was his lieutenant. They brought letters to the gover- 
nour, full of French compliments, with desire of assist¬ 
ance against Monsieur D’Aulney. They stayed about 
a week, (in which time they had liberty to take notice of 
the state of the Massachusetts, w T ith the order of which 
the lieutenant professed to be much affected,) and then 
returned without any promise of what was principally 
desired ; yet having now a second time propounded lib¬ 
erty of commerce with them, some of the merchants of 
Boston sent a pinnace soon after, to trade with La Tour 
in St. John’s river. He welcomed them very kindly, 
giving them good encouragement for commerce, and 
withal wrote letters to their governour, very gratulatory 
for his lieutenant’s entertainment, &c. and a relation of 
the state of the controversy betwixt him and D’Aulney. 
But in their return they met with D’Aulney at Pemaquid, 
who wrote, also to their governour, and sent him a print- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


m 


ed copy of the arrest against La Tour, and threatened 
them, that if any of their vessels came to La Tour, he 
would make prize of them. The next summer, June 
12, 1643, Monsieur La Tour himself came to Boston, 
in a ship of 140 tons, with 140 persons that lately came 
from Rochelle, whereof the master and his company 
were protestants. There came along with them two fri¬ 
ars, (one of whom was well learned, and a ready disputant, 
and very fluent in the Latin tongue,) and two women, sent 
to wait upon La Tour’s lady. They came in with a fair 
wind, without any notice taken of them ; for meeting a 
Boston boat at sea, they took a pilot out cf her, and left 
one of their own men in his place. As they passed into 
the harbour, one of La Tour’s gentlemen espied Capt. 
Gibbons his wife and her family passing by water to her 
farm; and giving notice to the Monsieur, that they had 
been courteously entertained at their house in Boston, 
he presently manned out a boat to go and speak with 
her. She seeing such a company of strangers making 
towards her, hasted to get from them, and landed at an 
island near by, called the governour’s garden. La Tour 
landed presently after hei, and there found the governour 
himself with his family, whom after salutation he pre¬ 
sently made acquainted with the cause of his coming, 
viz. that his ship being sent him out of France, D’Aul- 
ney, his old enemy, had so blocked up the river to his 
fort, with two ships and a galliot, that his ship could not 
get in, whereupon he stole by in the night with his shal¬ 
lop, and was come to crave aid to convey him into his 
fort. The governour answered him, that he could say 
nothing to it till he had conferred with some other of the 
magistrates; so after supper, he w r ent with him to Bos¬ 
ton. In the mean time, notice being given hereof by 
boats that passed by, the town w r as up in arms, and 
sent three shallops with armed men to guard the gover¬ 
nour home, and not without cause; for if it had been an 
enemy, he might not only have surprized the person of 
the governour, with his family, but seized also the guns, 
the castle, and either possessed themselves of the fortifi- 


480 


GENERAL HISTORY 


cation, of carried all away, there being not a man at that 
time to defend the place. This supposed danger put 
them upon another course, for better security of the place 
soon after. But to let that pass, the governour having 
the next day called together such of the magistrates and 
deputies as were at hand, La Tour shewed them his com¬ 
mission, and propounded to them his request, with the 
cause of his coming. His commission was fairly en¬ 
grossed in parchment, under the hand and seal of the vice 
admiral of France, and grand prior, &c. to bring supply 
to La Tour, whom he styled his majesty’s lieutenant 
general of Acady. He showed also a letter from the 
agent of the company in France, to whom he hath refer¬ 
ence, informing him of the injurious practices ofD’Aul- 
ney against him, and advising him to look to himself, &c. 
and subscribed to him as lieutenant general, &c. Upon 
this it appeared, (being dated in April, 1643,) that not¬ 
withstanding the arrest which D’Aulney had sent to the 
governour the last year, whereby La Tour was proclaim¬ 
ed a rebel, &c. yet he stood in good terms with the state 
of France, and also with the company, &c. Whereupon, 
(though he could not grant him aid, without the advice 
of the other commissioners of the United Colonies,) yet 
they thought it neither fit nor just, to hinder any that 
would be willing to be hired to aid him ; and accordingly 
they answered him, that they would allow him a free 
mercate; that he might hire any ships that lay in their 
harbour, &c. which he took very thankfully, and rested 
well satisfied in. He had also leave granted him to land 
his men to refresh themselves; and upon his request, 
liberty was granted to exercise his soldiers, on a training 
day, at Boston, when the company of the town were in 
like manner employed in their military exercises, wherein 
they behaved themselves civilly, and shewed their activi¬ 
ty in feats of arms, which was unto mutual satisfaction ; 
although some persons, unaccustomed to such affairs, 
were not well pleased therewith, and did foretell that 
which never came to pass. Many being dissatisfied with 
these concessions, the governour saw cause to call a se- 


•F NEW ENGLAND. 


481 


cond meeting, where all the reasons, pro and con, were 
laid down and debated. After all which, the governour 
and council could not apprehend it any more unlawful 
for them, to allow him liberty to provide himself succour 
from amongst their people, than it was for Joshua to aid 
the Gibeonites against the rest of the Canaanites, or for 
Jehoshaphat to aid Jehoram against Moab ; in which ex¬ 
pedition Elisha was present, and did not reprove the king 
of Judah, but for his presence sake, saved their lives by 
a miracle; yet the ill success at the last, seems not fully 
justified by these reasons. 

The governour also, by letters, informed the rest of the 
commissioners of what had passed, giving them the rea¬ 
sons, why they did so presently give him his answer, 
without further trouble to the country, or delay to the 
French Monsieur, whose distress was very urgent. 

In like manner did the governour, with the advice of 
some of the magistrates and others, write to D’Aulney, 
by way of answer to his letters of November last, to this 
effect; viz. whereas he found by the copy of the arrest 
sent from himself, that La Tour was under displeasure 
and censure in France, and therefore intended to have 
no further to do with him, than by way of commerce, 
which is allowed, &c. and if he had made prize of any 
of their vessels in that way, as he had threatened, they 
should have righted themselves, as well as they could, 
without injury to himself, or just offence to his majesty 
of France, (whom they did honour, as a great and mighty 
Prince,) and should endeavour so to behave themselves, 
towards his majesty and all his subjects, &c. as became 
them. But La Tour coming to them, and acquainting 
them, how it is with him, and mentioning the vice admi¬ 
ral’s commission, with the letters, &c. though they 
thought not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to in¬ 
termeddle in any of the wars of their neighbours; yet 
considering his urgent necessity and distress, they could 
not so far dispense with the laws of Christianity and hu¬ 
manity, as to deny him liberty to hire, for his money, 
anv ships in their harbour; and whereas, some of their 
61 


€8£ 


GENERAL HISTORY 


people were willing to go along with him, (though with¬ 
out any commission,) they had charged them to endeav¬ 
our, by all means, to bring matters to a reconciliation, &c. 
and that they should be assured, if they should do, or 
attempt, any thing against the rules of justice and good 
neighbourhood, they must be accountable thereof, unto 
them, at their return. 

Some other gentlemen did, at that time, affirm, that 
being accidentally in their passage to New England, made 
to put into the harbour, where was La Tour’s fort, they 
were there civilly treated, and accommodated with his 
own pinnace, to transport them, when their ship was forc¬ 
ed to leave them. And whereas, he was charged with the 
killing two Englishmen at Machias, and detaining 500 
pounds worth of goods, that belonged to some of New 
England, about ten years ago; it was then made out, 
undeniably, that the Englishmen at Machias were all 
drunk, (which is not hard to believe, where men, that 
have not power tp govern themselves, have strong liquors 
and wine to command at their pleasure,) and that they 
began to fire their mui dering pieces against the French¬ 
men, whom they had peaceably traded with, but two or 
three days before. And for the goods, La Tour proffer¬ 
ed to refer the matter to judgment yet, and that if it should 
be found he had done them any wrong, he would make 
them satisfaction. 

In the end, nothing of moment being objected against 
their hiring of ships of force, to convey him and his lady, 
with their ship and goods, home to his fort, they set sail 
July the 14, 1643, with four ships and a pinnace, well 
manned with seventy or eighty volunteers, who all re¬ 
turned safe within two months after, without loss either 
of vessels or men; although they chased D’Aulney 
to his own fort, where he ran his two ships and pinnace 
aground, with intent to fortify himself with all expedition; 
and the messenger, that carried the letters to D’Aulney, 
was led blindfold into the house, and so returned, six or 
seven hours after. But the commander in chief of the 
vessels, hired at Boston, would not be persuaded by La 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


483 


Tour to make any assault upon D’Aulney; yet thirty of 
the New England men went, on their own accord, with 
La Tour’s men, and drave some of D’Aulney’s men from 
a mill, where they had entrenched themselves, with the 
loss of three of his men, and only three of La Tour’s men 
wounded. 

Some of the country took great offence at these pro¬ 
ceedings, and drew up a kind of protest against their act¬ 
ings in the Bay, and that they would he innocent of all 
*the mischief that might ensue, &c. Some men have wit 
enough to find fault with what is done, though not half 
enough to know how to mend it, or to do better. The 
governour, indeed, did blame himself for being over sud¬ 
den in his resolution; for although a course may be war¬ 
rantable and safe, vet it becomes wise men, in matters of 
moment, not to proceed without deliberation and advice. 
But on the other hand, where present distress doth urge, 
delays may be as dangerous as denials; and a kindness, 
extorted out of a friend or neighbour with importunity, 
may be as ill resented afterward as an injury* Bis dat> 
qui cito daU 

In the summer following, La Tour, understanding that 
D’Aulney was coming out of France with great strength 
to subdue him, made another address to the governour 
of the Massachusetts, to afford him aid, if need should 
be. Mr. Endicot being governour that year, La Tour 
repaired to him at Salem, where he lived ; who, under¬ 
standing the French language, was moved w ith compas¬ 
sion toward him, and appointed a meeting of the magis¬ 
trates and ministers to consider of the request. 

It seems this La Tour’s father had purchased all the 
privileges and propriety of Nova Scotia from Sir Wil¬ 
liam Alexander, and had been quietly possessed of it, him¬ 
self and his father, about thirty years; and that Penobscot 
was theirs also, till within these five years, when D’Aul¬ 
ney by force dispossessed him thereof. His grant was 
confirmed under the great seal of N. Scotland, and he had 
obtained also another grant of a Scotch baronet, under 
the same seal. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


48I« 

Most of the magistrates, and many others, were clear 
in the case, that he ought to be relieved, not only out of 
charity as a distressed neighbour, but in point of pru¬ 
dence, to prevent a dangerous enemy to be settled too 
near us. But after much disputation, those that most 
inclined to favour La Tour, being unwilling to conclude 
any thing without a full consent; a third way was pro¬ 
pounded, which all assented unto, which was this, that a 
letter should be sent to D’Aulney to this effect, viz. that 
by occasion of some commissions of his, which had come 
to their hands, to take their people, and not knowing any 
just occasion they had given him, they would know the 
reason thereof; and withal, to demand satisfaction for the 
wrongs which he had done them and their confederates, 
in taking Penobscot, and their men and goods at the 
Isle of Sables, and threatening to make prize of their 
vessels, if they came beyond Penobscot; &c. declaring 
withal, that although their men, which went the last year 
with La Tour, did it without any commission, council, 
or act of permission of the country, yet if he made it ap¬ 
pear to them, that they had done him any wrong, (which 
yet they knew not of,) they should be ready to do him 
justice, and requiring his express answer by the bearer, 
and expecting he should call in all such commissions, 
&c. They sent also in their letter, a copy of the order, 
published by the governour and council, whereby they 
forbade all their people to use any act of hostility, (oth¬ 
erwise than in their own defence,) towards French or 
Dutch, &c. till the next general court, mentioning also, 
in the same letter, a course of trade their merchants had 
entered into with La Tour, and their resolution to main¬ 
tain them in it. 

This being all, which La Tour could obtain at this 
time, he returned home the 9th September, 1644; mu¬ 
tual signs of respect being given betwixt him and the 
gentlemen of Boston at his parting. 

It is here to be noted, that the same summer, Mr. 
Vines, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at Saco; Mr. 
Wannerton, that had some interest in the government of 


O* NEW ENGLAND. 


485 


Pascataqua ; and Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, went to La 
Tour to call for some debts, See. In their way they put 
in at Penobscot, and were there detained prisoners a few 
days, but were afterward (for Mr. Shurt’s sake, to whom 
D’Aulney was in debt,) dismissed,and going to La Tour, 
Mr. Wannerton, and some other Englishmen of the east¬ 
ern parts, were entertained by him, and sent with about 
twenty of his men, to try if they could take Penobscot, 
(for they heard the fort was w eakly manned, and in want 
of victuals.) They went first to a farm house of D’Aul- 
ney’s, about six miles off, and there Wannerton and two 
men more went and knocked at the door, with their 
swords and pistols ready ; one opens the door and anoth¬ 
er presently shot Wannerton dead, and a third shoots his 
second in the shoulder, but withal he discharged his pis¬ 
tol upon him and killed him. The rest of Wannerton’s 
company came in and took the house, and the two men 
(for there were no more) prisoners, and then burnt the 
house and killed the cattle, that were there, and so em¬ 
barked themselves, and came to Boston to La Tour. 
This Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a sol¬ 
dier many years ; he had lived very wickedly in whore¬ 
dom, drunkenness, and quarrelling, so as he had kept the 
Pascataqua men under awe many years, till they came 
under the government of the Massachusetts; but since 
that time, he had been much restrained, and the people 
freed from his terrour. He had (as was said) of late 
come under someterrours of conscience, and motions of 
the spirit, by means of the preaching of the w r ord, but had 
shaken all off, and returned to his former dissolute course, 
and so continued, till God cut him off, by this sudden 
execution, which, if it were so, on him was fulfilled the 
threatening, mentioned Prov. xxix, 1. “he that, being 
often reproved, hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be de¬ 
stroyed, and that without remedy.” But the assailants in 
this hostile action, being led on by an Englishman, that 
lived within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, it was 
like to provoke D’Aulney the more against them, of 
which he found occasion afterward to put them in mind. 


486 


GENERAL HISTORY 


September 17, the same year, the lady La Tour arriv¬ 
ed at Boston from London, in a ship commanded by one 
Capt. Bayley. They had been six months from London, 
having spent their time in trading about Canada, &c. 
They met with D’Auiney about Cape Sables, and told 
him they were bound for the Bay, having stowed the la¬ 
dy and her people under hatches; so he not knowing it 
was Capt. Bayley, (whom he earnestly sought for, either 
to have taken or sunk him,) wrote by the master to the 
deputy governour, to this effect, That his master, the 
king of France, understanding the aid La Tour had there, 
the last year, was on the commission he shewed from 
the vice admiral of France, gave him in charge not to 
molest them for it, but to hold all good correspondency 
with them, and all the English ; which he professed he 
was desirous of, so far as it might stand with his duty to 
his majesty; and withal, that he intended to send to them, 
as soon as he had settled his affairs, to let them know 
what further commission he had, and his sincerity in the 
business of La Tour, &c. 

And soon after, while the governour and the rest of the 
magistrates were at Boston, to consider about the premi¬ 
ses, and other coincident affairs, a vessel arrived at Sa¬ 
lem with ten men, sent from D’AuIney, amongst whom 
was one Monsieur Marie, (supposed to be a friar, but 
habited like a gentleman.) He wrote to the governour, 
(whom he expected to have found at Salem, where he 
dwelt,) at Boston, by a gentleman of his company, to 
know where he might attend him ; and upon the gover- 
nour’s answer, he came the next day to Boston, and there, 
with letters of credence and commission from D’AuI¬ 
ney ; he shewed them the king of France’s commission, 
under the great seal of France, with the privy seal an¬ 
nexed, wherein the proceedings against La Tour were 
recited, and he condemned as a rebel and traitor, &c. 
with command for the apprehension of him and his lady, 
(who had fled out of France against special order, &c.) 
He complained also of the wrong done by their men, 
the last year, in assisting of La Tour, &c. yet proffered 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


487 


terms of peace and amity. They answered to the first, 
that divers of the ships and most of the men were stran¬ 
gers to them, and had no commission from them, nor 
permission to use any hostility; and they were sorrv when 
they heard what was done; which gave him satisfaction. 
To the other proposal they answered, that they could not 
conclude any league with him, without the advice of the 
commissioners of the United Colonies ; but if he would 
set down his proposals in writing, they would consider 
further of them ; and withal, acquainted him what they 
had lately written to Mr. D’Aulney; and the injuries 
they had complained of to him; so he withdrew himself 
to his lodging, and there having drawn out his proposals, 
and answers to their complaint, in French, he returned 
to them, adding two proposals more; one, that they would 
aid him against La Tour, and the other, that they would 
not assist him; and gave reasonable answer to their de¬ 
mands. They urged much for a reconciliation with La 
Tour, and that he would permit his lady to go to her 
husband. His answer was, that if La Tour would volun¬ 
tarily come in and submit, he would assure him his life 
and liberty ; but if he were taken, he were sure to lose 
his head in France; and for his lady, she was known to 
be the cause of all this contempt and rebellion, and there¬ 
fore they could not let her go to him, but if they should 
send her in any of their vessels, he must take them, and 
if they carried any goods to La Tour, he would take 
them also, but give them satisfaction for them. In the 
end, they came to this agreement, which was drawn up 
in Latin in these words, and signed by the governour and 
six other of the magistrates and Monsieur Marie, where¬ 
of one copy they hept, and the other he carried with 
them. Hecame to Boston the Friday, and making great 
haste departed on the Tuesday following. They fur¬ 
nished him with horses, and sent him well accompanied 
to Salem, having entertained him with all courteous 
respect the time while he stayed. He seemed to be sur¬ 
prised with his unexpected entertainment, and gave a 
liberal testimony of his acceptance thereof, and assurance 


488 


GENERAL HISTORY 


of Monsieur D’Aulney’s engagement to them for it.— 
The agreement was as folioweth : 

The Agreement between John Endicot, Esq. governour of the 
Massachusetts, in New England, and the rest of the magis¬ 
trates there, and Mr. Marie, commissioner of Monsieur D* 
Aulney, knight, governour and lieutenant general for his ma¬ 
jesty, the king of France, in Acady, a province of New France, 
made and ratified at Boston, in the Massachusetts aforesaid, Oc¬ 
tober 8, 1644. 

The governour and all the rest of the magistrates do 
promise to Mr. Marie, that they, and all the English 
within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, shall ob¬ 
serve and keep firm peace with Monsieur D’Aulney, 
&c. and all the French under his command in Acady. 
And likewise, the said Mr. Marie doth promise, in the 
behalf of Monsieur D’Aulney, that he and all his people 
shall also keep firm peace with the governour and ma¬ 
gistrates aforesaid, and with all the inhabitants of the ju¬ 
risdiction of the Massachusetts aforesaid, and that it 
shall be lawful, for all men, both French and English, to 
trade each with other ; so that if any occasion of off ence 
should happen, neither part shall attempt any thing against 
the other, in any hostile manner, until the wrong be first 
declared and complained of, and due satisfaction not giv¬ 
en. Provided always, the governour and magistrates 
aforesaid, be not bound to restrain their merchants from 
trading, with their ships, with any persons, whether 
French or others, wheresoever they dwell. Provided 
also, that the full ratification and conclusion of this agree¬ 
ment, be referred to the next meeting of the commis¬ 
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, for the 
continuation or abrogation, and in the mean time, to 
remain firm and inviolate. 

By this agreement, they were freed from the fear their 
people were in, that Monsieur D’Aulney would take re¬ 
venge of their small vessels and out plantations, for the 
harm he sustained the last year by their means. 

As La Tour returned home, with a vessel of the Mas- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


489 


sachusetts in his company, laden with provision, he nar¬ 
rowly escaped being taken by D’Aulney: for when he went 
out of the harbour, the wind was very fair, which, if he 
had made use of, he had fallen directly into the snare; but 
touching at divers places by the way, where he stayed 
some time, he passed by Penobscot, soon after D’Aulney 
was gone into the harbour; whereas if he had gone home 
directly, he must needs have been taken. But the Bos¬ 
ton vessel, that was in company with him, was met by 
D’Aulney in her return, who staid her, and taking the 
master aboard his ship, manned her with Frenchmen, tel¬ 
ling the master his intention, and assuring him of all good 
usage and recompense, for the stay of his vessel, (all 
which he really performed.) He brought her with him to 
the mouth of St. John’s river, and then sent her boat, 
with one gentleman of his own, to La Tour, to shew him 
his commission, and withal, desired the master to write 
to La Tour, to desire him to dismiss the messenger safe¬ 
ly, for otherwise D’Aulney would keep him for hostage; 
(vet he assured the master he would not do it.) So La 
Tour dismissed the messenger in peace, which he pro¬ 
fessed he would not have done,but for their master’s sake. 
D’Aulney carried the ketch with him to Port Royal, 
where he used the master courteously, and gave him 
credit for fish he bought of him, and recompense for 
the stay of his vessel, and so dismissed him. 

Presently after this return, a vessel was sent to trade 
with D’Aulney, and by it the deputy governour wrote to 
D’Aulney, shewing the cause of sending her, with pro¬ 
fession of their desire of holding good correspondency 
with him, &c. and withal persuading him, by divers ar¬ 
guments, to entertain peace with La Tour; to which the 
French gentlemen lent a deaf ear, though he treated civ¬ 
illy with the company, and took olf their commodities, at 
the lowest rate he could bring them to. 

The lady La Tour, while she lay at Boston, commenc¬ 
ed an action against Bailey, the captain of the ship, for 
not carrying her directly to her own place, and for some 
injuries done her aboard his ship, greatly to her damage. 

62 


490 


GENERAL HISTORY 


The action was commenced also against the merchant, 
(who was both brother and factor to Alderman Berkley, 
of London, who freighted the ship,) for not performing 
the charter party; having spent so much time upon the 
coast in trading; that they were near six months in com¬ 
ing, and at the last, were not carried to her fort, as they 
ought, and might have been. Upon a full hearing, in a 
special court, after four days, the jury gave her 2000 
pounds damage ; for had they come in any reasonable 
time, it might have been more to her advantage, in their 
trade, and safety against D’Aulney ; whereas now it was 
like to occasion their utter ruin, as in probability it came 
to pass afterward; for she knew not how to get home, 
without two or three ships of force, for D’Aulney coming 
up with them at Cape Sables, they durst not discover 
who they were, but stood away for Boston. 

The captain and merchant of the ship being arrested, 
were forced to deliver their cargo ashore, to free their per¬ 
sons, by which means execution was levied upon them to 
the value of 1100 pounds. More could not be had with¬ 
out unfurnishing the ship, which must have been by 
force, the master and mariners refusing otherwise to de¬ 
liver more. The master petitioned the general court 
for his freight and wages, for which the goods stood 
bound by charter party. The general court was much 
divided about it, but the major part voted that none was 
due there, nor the goods bound for them. The major 
part of the deputies were of another mind, but a nega¬ 
tive vote, in the court of the magistrates, put a stop to 
any process; whereupon the master brought his action 
at the next court of assistants, but the jury found for 
the defendant; it being put to them upon this issue, 
whether the goods were security for the freight, &c. so 
as they might not be liable to the execution ; and yet in 
the charter party, the merchants had bound themselves 
and executors, &c< and goods, as the owners had bound 
their ship, &c. to the merchants. 

This business caused much trouble and charge to the 
country, and made some difference between the mer- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


491 


chants themselves, some of whom were deeply engaged 
for La Tour, specially those of Boston. Offers W’ere 
made on both sides for an end between them ; but they 
not coming to agreement, the lady took the goods and 
hired three ships, which lay in the harbour, (belonging 
to strangers,) which cost her near 800 pounds, and set 
sail for her fort. But the merchants, against whom she 
had execution for their bodies, by way of satisfaction for 
the rest of the judgment, got into their ship and fell down 
below the castle, (where they were out of command,) and 
taking aboard about thirty passengers, set sail for Lon¬ 
don, where they informed Alderman Berkley of the pro¬ 
ceedings against him in New England. Capt. Bailey 
carried over a certificate of their proceedings in the court, 
under the hands of some persons of credit, (who being 
somewhat prejudiced in the case, though they reported 
truly for the most part, yet not the whole truth,) it prov¬ 
ed some disadvantage to the country, so as the Alderman 
was thereby encouraged, first, to arrest a ship belonging 
to the country , and then, releasing that by persuasion, 
he arrested Mr. St. W. that was recorder of the court, 
and Mr. Joseph Weld, that was one of the jury, when 
the case was tried, so as they were forced to find sureties 
in a bond of 4000 pounds, to answer him in the court of 
admiralty. But it pleased God to stir up some friends in 
the case, (especially Sir Henry Vane, who either over¬ 
looked the dishonour,was put upon him in New England, 
out of a generous and noble mind, or else upon serious 
thoughts, might see no reason to take revenge,) so as be¬ 
ing forced to give over his suit there, (though he spared 
for no cost,) he procured a ne exeat regno out of the 
chancery against them ; but the case being heard there, 
fhey were discharged also. Then he petitioned the lords 
of the parliament, (pretending great injuries, which he 
was not able to prove,) for letters of reprisal; but having 
tried all means in vain, he was at last brought to sit down 
with the loss of all his charges. 

In the end of April following, news was brought to 
Boston, that a vessel, sent by some merchants of New 


fcBNERAL HISTORY 


England to carry provisions to La Tour, was fallen into 
the hands of D’Aulney, who had made prize of her, and 
turned the men upon an island, and kept them there ten 
days, and then gave them an old shallop, (of about two 
tons burthen, and some provisions to bring them home, 
but denied them their cioaths, &c. which he had at first 
^promised them,) not giving them either gun or compass; 
whereby it was justly conceived that he intended they 
should perish either at sea, or by the Indians, (who vere 
at hand, and chased them the next day, as they supposed, 
&c.) Upon this news, the governourand council dis¬ 
patched away a vessel to D’Aulney, with letters, wherein 
they expostulated with him about this act of his, com¬ 
plaining of it as a breach of the articles of peace between 
them, and required the vessel and goods to be restored, 
or satisfaction to be given for them. They gave answer 
also, to some charges laid upon them, in his letter to the 
governour, carried on with such high language, as if 
they had hired the ships, which carried home the lady 
La Tour, and had broken their articles by a bare suf¬ 
ferance of it. They answered him accordingly, that 
he might see that they took notice of his proud terms, 
and that they were not afraid of him ; and whereas, 
he often threatened them with the king of France his 
power, &c. they answered, that as they acknowledged 
him to be a mighty prince, so they conceived withal, he 
would continue to be just, and not break out against 
them, without hearing their answer; or if he should, 
they had a God in whom to trust, when all other help 
failed. 

It was reported, that as soon as he had set their men 
upon an island in a deep snow, without fire, and only a 
sorry wigwam for their shelter, he carried his ship close 
up to La Tour’s fort, (supposing that they would have 
yielded it up to him ;) for the friars, and other their con¬ 
federates, (whom the lady, presently alter her arrival, had 
sent away,) had persuaded him, that he might easily take 
the place, La Tour being gone into the Bay, and not leav¬ 
ing above fifty men in it, little powder, and that decayed 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


498 


also. But after they had moored their ship, and began 
to let fly at the fort with their ordnance, they within be¬ 
haved themselves so well with their ordnance, that they 
tore his ship, so as he was forced to warp her ashore, be¬ 
hind a point of land, to save her from sinking; for the 
wind coming easterly, he could not bring her forth, and 
that they had killed (as one of his own men affirmed) 
twenty of his men, and wounded thirteen more. And if 
La Tour had bestirred himself abroad, as well as his la¬ 
dy did within the fort, it had never fallen into the hands 
of D’Aulnev, as soon after it did. 

In a letter, which was sent soon after from D’Aulney, 
he slighted those of the Massachusetts very much, charg¬ 
ing them with breach of covenant, in entertaining La 
Tour still, and sending home his lady. They returned 
him a sharp answer, by Capt. Allen, declaring their in- 
nocency, and that they sent her not home, hut she hired 
three London ships, that then lay in their harbour, &c. 
When he received this letter, he was in a great rage, and 
told the captain that he would return no answer, nor 
would he permit him to come within his fort, but lodged 
him in his gunner’s house, without the gate; where, not¬ 
withstanding, he came daily to dine and sup with him. 
But at last he wrote to the governour, in very high lan¬ 
guage, requiring satisfaction for burning his mill, &c. 
and threatning revenge, &c. So the matter rested, 
till the meeting of the commissioners, in September 
after, at which time they agreed to send Capt. Bridges 
to him, with the articles of peace ratified by them, 
(the continuation or abrogation of which was referred 
to them before,) with order to demand his confirma¬ 
tion of them under his hand; wherein also was ex¬ 
pressed their readiness, that all injuries, &c. on either 
part, might be heard and composed in due time and 
place; and the peace to be kept, in the mean time, so as 
he would subscribe the same. D’Aulney entertained 
their messengers with all state and courtesy, that he pos¬ 
sibly could, but refused to subscribe the articles, till the 
differences could be composed; and accordingly wrote 
back, that he perceived their drift was to gain time, See. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


494 ? 

whereas if their messengers had been furnished with 
power to have treated with him, and concluded about 
the differences, he doubted not but all had been agreed, 
for they should find it was more his honour, which he 
stood upon, than his benefit. Therefore, he would sit still 
till the spring, expecting their answer herein, and would 
attempt nothing against them till he heard from them 
again. 

The general court, taking this answer into considera¬ 
tion, agreed to send the deputy governour, (Mr. Dud¬ 
ley,) Maj Donnison, and Capt. Hawthorne, with full 
power to treat and determine ; and wrote a letter to him 
to that end, assenting to his desire for the place, viz. 
Penobscot, (which they call Pcntagot,) and referring the 
time also to him, so it were in September. 

Some thought it would be dishonourable for them to 
go to him, and therefore would have had the place to have 
been at Pemaquid ; but the most were of a differing judg¬ 
ment, not only for that he was lieutenant general to a 
great prince, but because, being a man of a generous 
disposition, valuing his reputation above his profit, it 
was considered that it would be much to their advantage 
to treat with him in his own house. But that was but a 
French compliment, he was so good an husband as to 
prevent that charge to himself, as was discerned soon af¬ 
ter. However, this being agreed upon for the present, a 
private committee was chosen to draw up their instruc¬ 
tions,which were not to be imparted to die court,in regard 
of secresv, (for they had found,that hitherto,through some 
false play or oiher, D’Aulney had had intelligence of all 
their proceedings,) with their commission, and to pro¬ 
vide all other necessaries for their voyage. 

Monsieur D’Aulney, having receiv ed their letter, re¬ 
turned answer, that he saw now that they seriously de¬ 
sired peace, which he (for his part) did also, and that he 
accounted himself highly honoured, that they would send 
such of their principal men home to him, &c.; that 
he desired this favour of them, that he might spare them 
the labour, for which purpose he would send two or 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


493 


three of his to them at Boston, about the end of August 
next, in the year 1646, to hear and determine &c. in 
which answer they fully rested, expecting to hear from 
him according to appointment. 

And on the 20th of September, Mr. Marie and Mr, 
Lowis, with Monsieur D’Aulney’s secretary, arrived at 
Boston in a small pinnace; and Maj. Gibbons sent two 
of his chief officers to meet them at the water side, who 
conducted them to their lodging, sine strepitu y he. it be¬ 
ing the Lord’s day. Publick worship being ended, the 
governour repaired home, sent Maj. Gibbons, with other 
gentlemen, with a guard of musketeers, to attend them 
to the governour’s house, who, meeting them without 
his doors, carried them into his house, where he enter¬ 
tained them with such civility of wine, he as the time 
would allow; and after a while accompanied them to their 
lodging, which was at Maj. Gibbons his house, where 
they w T ere entertained that night. 

The next morning, they repaired to the governour and 
delivered him their commission, which was in form of a 
letter, directed to the governour and magistrates. It was 
open, only had a seal let into the paper with a label. 
Their diet was provided at the ordinary, where the ma¬ 
gistrates used to dine in court time, and the governour 
accompanied them always at meals. Their manner was 
to repair to the governour’s house every morning at eight 
of the clock, who accompanied them to the place of 
meeting; and at night, either himself or some of the com¬ 
missioners, accompanied them to their lodging. It was 
Tuesday, before the commissioners could come together; 
when they were met, they propounded great injuries and 
damages by Capt. Hawkins and their men in assistance 
of La Tour, and would have engaged their government 
therein. They denied that they had any hand, either by 
commission or permission, in that action; they only gave 
way to La Tour to hire assistance to conduct his ship 
home, according to the request made to them, in the 
commission of the vice admiral of France. And for that 
which was done by their men, beyond their permission, 


4g6 


GENERAL HISTORY 


they shewed Monsieur D’Aulnev’s* to the governour, 
by Capt. Bailey, wherein he writes that the king of France 
had laid all the blame upon the vice admiral, and com¬ 
manded him not to break with them upon that occasion. 
They also alleged the peace, formerly concluded, with¬ 
out any reservation of those things. They replied, that 
howsoever the king of France had remitted his own in¬ 
terest, yet he had not, nor intended to deprive Monsieur 
D’Aulney, of his private satisfaction; here they did 
stick two days. Their commissioners alleged damages, 
to the value of 8000 pounds, but did not stand upon the 
value, and would have accepted a very small satisfaction, 
if they would have acknowledged any guilt in their gov¬ 
ernment. In the end, they came to this conclusion ; 
they of the Bay accepted their commissioner’s answer, 
in satisfaction of those things they had charged upon 
Monsieur D’Aulney ; and his commissioners accepted 
their answer, for clearing their government of what he 
had charged upon them. And because they could not free 
Capt. Hawkins and the other volunteers, of what they 
had done, they were to send a small present to Monsieur 
D’Aulney in satisfaction of that, and so all injuries and 
demands to be remitted, and so a final peace to be con¬ 
cluded. 

Accordingly they sent Monsieur D’Aulney a fair new 
sedan, (worth 40 or 50 pounds, where it was made, but 
of no use to them,) sent by the Viceroy , of Mexico to a 
lady that was his sister, and taken in the West Indies by 
Capt. Cromwell, and by him given to the governour of 
the Massachusetts. This the commissioners very well 
accepted ; and so the agreement being signed in several 
instruments, by the commissioners of both parties, on 
the 28th day of the same month, they took leave and de¬ 
parted to the pinnace,the governour and the commissioners 
accompanying them to their boat, attended with a guard 
of musketeers. A nd so their dismission was as honourable 
as their reception, with such respect as New England was 
capable to manifest to the king of France his lieutenant 
general of Acady. 

* [Letter.] Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


497 


On the Lord’s day they carried themselves soberly, 
having the liberty of a private walk in the governour’s 
garden, and the use of such Latin and French authors, 
as they could there be furnished with. 

The two first days after their arrival, they kept up 
their flag on the main top, as they said was the custom 
for the king’s ships, whether English, French, or Dutch; 
but being minded, that it was offensive to some London¬ 
ers then in the harbour, as well as the people of the 
country, M. Marie gave order to have it taken down. 

But the forlorn of these French Monsieurs’ history, 
being thus far marched before, it is now time to bring 
up the rear. La Tour’s lady, we saw before safely con¬ 
ducted into her own fort, in despite of all D’Aulney’s 
endeavours. In the mean time, La Tour himself (who 
was as well defective in courage as conduct) was coast¬ 
ing to and again, to look after a bark load of provision ; 
and in the mean time left his fort and all his whole estate 
to the care of his lady, in the very gulph of danger, and 
precipice of utter ruin. 

For in the end of April, 1G45, news was brought to 
Boston, that D’Aulney, with all his strength, both of men 
and vessels, was before his fort. The governour and 
assistants of the Massachusetts were at a stand, to know 
what might lawfully be done for the saving it out of the 
hands of D’Aulney, who, like a greedy lion, was now 
ready to swallow down his prey. They were the more 
solicitous in this business, because divers of the mer¬ 
chants of New England were deeply engaged in the be¬ 
half of La Tour; and if his fort were once taken, they 
were never like to be reimbursed. Some think it had 
been better, they had never engaged at all in his behalf, 
than after so great hopes given him, for dependence on 
them, thus to have left him in the snare. The next news 
brought from St John’s river was, that La Tour’s fort was 
scaled, and taken by assault; that D’Aulney had lost 
twelve men in the assault, and had many wounded; and 
that he had put to death ail the men, which were taken in 
the fort, both French and English; and that La Tour’s 
63 


493 


GENERAL HISTORY 


lady being taken, died with grief within three weeks af¬ 
ter. The jewels, plate, household stuff, ordnance, and 
other movables, were valued at 10,000 pounds. The 
more was his folly that left so great substance at so great 
hazard, when he might easily have secured it in the hands 
of his correspondents, with whom he traded in the 
Massachusetts ; whereby he might have discharched his 
engagement, of more than 2,500 pounds, to Maj. Gib¬ 
bons, (who now by this loss was quite undone,) and 
might have somewhat also, wherewith to have maintained 
himself and his men, in case his fort should have been 
taken, as it was very likely it might, having to deal with 
treacherous friars, within his own precincts, as well as a 
malicious neighbour, encouraged against him by the 
power of France. But goods gotten after that rate, sel¬ 
dom descend to the third heir, as heathens have observ¬ 
ed. In the spring of the year, he went to Newfoundland, 
in hope to receive some considerable assistance from Sir 
David Kirk, another great truckmaster in those coasts, 
who failing to perform, (if not what himself promised, to 
be sure he did, as to what the other needed, and expect¬ 
ed,) so as he returned to New England again in the lat¬ 
ter end of the year 1645, in a vessel of Sir David’s; 
and soon after, was sent out to the Eastward by some 
merchants of Boston with trading commodities, to the 
value of 400 pounds. When he came to Cape Sables, 
(which was in the heart of winter,) he conspired with the 
master, (who was a stranger,) and five of his own French¬ 
men, to force the Englishmen ashore, and so go away 
with the vessel. It was said that La Tour himself shot 
one of the Englishmen in the face with a pistol. But to 
be sure they were all turned adrift in a barbarous man¬ 
ner; and if they had not, by special providence, found 
more favour at the hands of Cape Sable Indians, than of 
those French Christians, they might have all perished; 
for having wandered fifteen days up and down,they at the 
last found some Indians who gave them a shallop with 
victuals, and an Indian pilot, by which means they came 
safe to Boston about three months after. Thus they that 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


499 


trust to an unfaithful friend, do but wade in unknown 
waters, and lean on a broken reed, which both woundeth 
as well as deceiveth those that rely thereon. 

CHAP. LV. 

The general affairs of New England , from the year 1646 
to 1651. 

Mr.Winthrop was this year, the ninth time, chosen 
governour of the colony of the Massachusetts, aid Mr. 
Dudley deputy governour, on the 13th day of May,which 
was the day of election there in the year 1646. Mr. 
Pelham and Mr. Endicot were chosen commissioners 
for the same colony, by the vote of the freemen. The 
magistrates and deputies had hitherto chosen them, since 
the first confederation ; but the freemen looking at 
them as general officers, would now choose them them¬ 
selves, and the rather, because of some of the deputies had 
formerly been chosen to that office, which was not, as was 
said, so acceptable to some of the confederates, no more 
than to some of themselves ; for it being an affair of so 
great moment, the most able gentlemen in the whole 
country were the fittest for it. 

This court lasted but three weeks ; and notice was ta¬ 
ken, that all things were therein carried on with much 
peace and good correspondence to the end of the session, 
when they departed home in much love. It was by spe¬ 
cial providence so ordered, that there should be so good 
accord and unanimity in the general court, when the 
minds of so many dissenters were so resolutely bent to 
make an assault upon the very foundation of their gov¬ 
ernment ; for if the tackling had been loosed, so as they 
could not have strengthened their mast, the lame would at 
that time have easily taken the prey. For Mr. William 
Vassal, one of the patentees, that came over in the year 
1630, (when he was also chosen an assiatant,) but not 
complying with the rest of his colleagues, nor yet able 
to make a party amongst them, returned for England 


000 


GENERAL HISTORY 


V 


soon after; but not satisfying himself in his return, came 
back again to New England in the year 1635, and then 
settled himself at Scituate, in the jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth, a man of a pleasant and facetious wit, and in 
that respect complacent in company ; but for his actiwgs 
and designs of a busy and factious spirit, and indeed a 
meer salamander, by his disposition, that could take 
content in no element, but that of the fire. And in his 
discourse did usually, in all companies, bear the part of 
Antilegon, as he was called by a friend of his, and was 
always found opposite to the government of the place, 
where he lived, both ecclesiastical and civil. It was the 
less wonder that he appeared such, in the colony of the 
Massachusetts, both while he was an inhabitant there, 
and where else he came* He had practised with such 
as were not freemen, to take some course, first, by peti¬ 
tioning the courts of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth* 
and if that succeeded not, to apply themselves to the 
parliament of England, pretending that here they were 
subjected to an arbitrary power and extra judicial pro¬ 
ceedings, foe. 

Here was the source of that petition, presented to the 
court of the Massachusetts, under the hands of several 
inhabitants of Boston, in the name of themselves and 
many others in the country. That court they pressed 
to have had a present answer. It was delivered into the 
deputies, and subscribed by Doctor Child, Mr. Thomas 
Fowle, and Mr. Samuel Maverick, and four more. 

But the court being then near at an end, and the mat¬ 
ter being very weighty, they referred the further consid¬ 
eration thereof to the next sessions. 

But in the mean time they were encountered with oth¬ 
er difficulties, in reference to some of Gorton’s compa¬ 
ny, with whom they had been much troubled in the for¬ 
mer lustre; for on the 13th of September, Randall Hol¬ 
den arrived at Boston, in a ship from London, bringing 
with him an order from the commissioners for foreign 
plantations, drawn up upon the complaint, and in favour 
of the forementioned familists, which were too much 


OF NEW ENGLAND. SOI 

countenanced by some of those commissioners. A copy 
of which order here follows. 

By the governour in chief, the lord high admiral, and com¬ 
missioners appointed by the parliament, for the English 
plantations in America. 

Whereas we have thought fit to give an order for S. 
G., R. H. and J. G. and others, late inhabitants of a tract 
of land, called the Narraganset Bay, in New England, 
to return with freedom to the said tract of land, and 
there to inhabit without interruption : These are there¬ 
fore to pray and require you, and all other whom this 
may concern, to permit and suffer the said S. G. &c. 
with their company, goods, and necessaries, carried with 
them out of England, to land at any port in New Eng¬ 
land, where the ship, wherein they embark themselves, 
shall arrive, and from thence to pass without any of your 
lets or molestations, through any part of the country of 
America, within your jurisdiction, to the said Bay, or any 
part thereof, they carrying themselves without offence, 
and paying, according to the custom of the country, for 
all things they shall make use of in their way, for victuals, 
carriage, and other accommodation. Hereof you may 
not fail, and this shall be your warrant. 

Nottingham, 

Fra. Dacre, 

Cor. Holland, cum multisaliis . 

Dated at Wesminster, May 15, 1646. 

To the governour and assistants of the English plantation in 
the Massachusetts, in New England, and to all other gov- 
ernours and other inhabitants of New England, and all 
others whom this may concern. 

With the order, came also a letter of like tenour from 
the commissioners. This order being sent to the gov¬ 
ernour to desire leave to Jiand, &c. the governour an¬ 
swered, that he could not give them leave of himself, 
nor dispense with any order of the general court; but the 
council being to meet within two or three days, he would 


503 


GENERAL HISTORY 


impart it to them, and in the mean time, he would not 
seek after them. 

When the council was met, though they were of dif¬ 
ferent minds about the case, the more part agreed to suf¬ 
fer them to pass quietly away, according to the protec¬ 
tion given them, and at the general court, to consider 
further about their possessing the land they claimed. 
But when the general court came together, they judged 
it needful to send some discreet person into England, 
with commission and instructions, to satisfy the commis¬ 
sioners for plantations, about these matters; and to that 
end, made choice of Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the 
magistrates of Plymouth, as a fit man to be employed 
in the present affairs, both in regard of his abilities of 
presence, speech, and courage, as also being well known 
to divers of the council. And accordingly he accepted 
of the service, and prepared for the journey, in the end 
of the year 1646, being furnished with a commission, 
instructions, and other necessaries, and also with a re¬ 
monstrance and petition, to the foresaid lords and gen¬ 
tlemen, commissioners for foreign plantations. 

To the right honourable Robert, earl of Warwick, governour 
in chief, lord admiral, and other the lords and gentlemen, 
commissioners for foreign plantations. 

The humble remonstrance and petition of the governour and 
company of the Massachusetts, in way of answer to the 
petition and declaration of S. Gorton, &c. 

Whereas, by virtue of his majesty’s charter, granted 
to the patentees, in the fourth year of his highness’ reign, 
we were incorporated into a body politick, with divers 
liberties and privileges, extending to that part of New 
England where we now inhabit: We do acknowledge, 
(as we have always done, and as in duty we are bound,) 
that although we aie removed out of our native country, 
yet we still have dependence upon that state, and owe 
allegiance and subjection thereunto, according to our 
charter; and accordingly we have mourned and rejoiced 
therewith, and have had friends and enemies in compion 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


SOS 


with it, in all the changes which have befallen it. Our 
care and endeavour hath been, to frame our government 
and administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, so 
far as the different condition of this place and people, 
and the best light we have from the word of God, will 
allow. And whereas, by order of your honours, bear¬ 
ing date May 15, 1646, we find that your honours have 
stiil that good opinion of us, as not to credit what hath 
been informed against us, before we be heard, we 
render humble thanks to your honours for the same; yet 
forasmuch as our answer to the information of the said 
Gorton, &c. is expected, and something also required 
of us, which (in all humble submission) we conceive 
may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the 
said charter, and to our well being, in these remote parts 
of the world, (under the comfort whereof, by the blessing 
of the Lord, his majesty’s favour, and the special care and 
bounty of the high court of parliament, we have lived 
in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our hum¬ 
ble petition in the first place is, that our present and fu¬ 
ture conformity to your orders and directions, may be 
accepted with a salvo jure, that when times may be chang¬ 
ed, (for all things here below are subject unto vanity,) 
and other princes or parliaments may arise, the genera¬ 
tions succeeding may not have the cause to lament, and 
say, England sent our fathers forth with happy liberties, 
which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding all the 
enmity and opposition of the prelacy and other potent 
adversaries : how came we then to lose them, under the 
favour and protection of that state, in such a season, 
when England itself recovered its own ? In freto vix - 
imus, in portu morimur . But we confide in your hon¬ 
ours’justice, wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity 
shall have cause to rejoice under the fruit and shelter 
thereof, as ourselves and many others do. And there¬ 
fore, we are bold to represent to your honours our appre¬ 
hensions ; whereupon we have thus presumed to petition 
you in this behalf. It appears to us, by the said order, 
that we are conceived, 1. to have transgressed our limits, 


GENERAL HISTOlit 


00l» 

by sending soldiers to fetch in Gorton, &c. out of Sha- 
omct, in the Narraganset Bay. 2. That we have either 
exceeded or abused our authority, in banishing them out 
of our jurisdiction, when they were in our power. For 
the first we humbly crave (for our better satisfaction) that 
your honours will be pleased to peruse what we have de¬ 
livered to thecare of Mr. Edward Winslow, our agent 
or commissioner, (whom we have sent on purpose to at¬ 
tend your honours,) concerning our proceedings in that 
affair, and the grounds thereof, which are truly and faith¬ 
fully reported ; and the letters of the said Gorton and 
his company, and other letters concerning them, faithfully 
copied out, (not verbatim only, but literatim, according 
to their own bad English,) by the originals we have by us, 
and had sent them but for casualty of the seas. There¬ 
by it will appear what the men are, and how unworthy 
your favour. Thereby also will appear the wrongs and 
provocations we received from them, and our long patience 
towards them, till they became our professed enemies, 
wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin; in 
which case, (as we conceive,) our charter gives us full 
power to deal with them as enemies, by force of arms, 
they being then in such place, where we could have no 
right from them by civil justice; which the commission 
ers for the United Colonies finding, and the necessity of 
calling them to account, left us the business to do. 

For the other particulars in your honours’ order, viz. 
the banishment of Gorton, &c. as we are assured upon 
good grounds, our sentence upon them, was less than 
their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had sufficient 
authority, by our charter, to inflict the same, having full 
and absolute power and authority, to punish, pardon, rule, 
govern, &c. granted us therein. 

Now by occasion of the said order, those of Gor¬ 
ton’s company begin to lift up their heads, and speak 
their pleasures of us, threatening the poor Indians also, 
who (to avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves 
and their lands, under our protection and government; 
and divers other sachems, following their example, have 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


505 


done the like, and some of them, brought (by the labour 
of one of our ministers, Mr. John Eliot, who hath ob¬ 
tained to preach to them in their own language,) to good 
forwardness in embracing the gospel of God in Christ 
Jesus. All which hopeful beginnings are like to be des¬ 
pised, if Gorton, &c. shall be countenanced and upheld 
against them and us, which also will endanger our peace 
here at home ; for some among ourselves (men of un¬ 
quiet spirits, affecting rule and innovation,) have taken 
boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious petitions, for 
such liberties as neither our charter, nor reason or reli¬ 
gion will allow. And being called before us in open 
court, to give account of their miscarriage therein, 
they have threatened us with your honours’ authority, 
and (before they knew we would proceed to any sentence 
against them or not) have refused to answer, but appeal¬ 
ed to your honours. The copy of their petition, and 
our declaration thereupon, our said commissioner hath 
ready to present to you, when your leisure shall permit 
to hear them. Their appeals we have not admitted, be¬ 
ing assured they cannot stand with the liberty and power 
granted us by our charter, nor will be allowed by your 
honours, who well know it would be destructive to all 
government, both in the honour and also in the power of 
it, if it should be in the power of delinquents to evade 
the sentence of justice, and force us by appeal to follow 
them into England, where the evidences and circumstan¬ 
ces of fact cannot be so clearly held forth, as in their 
proper place; besides, the insupportable charges we 
must be at in the prosecution of it. 

These considerations are not new to your honours, 
and the high court of parliament; the records whereof 
bear witness of the wisdom and faithfulness ol our ances¬ 
tors in that great council, who in these times of darkness, 
when they acknowleged the supremacy in the bishop of 
Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would not allow 
appeals to Rome, &c. to remove causes out of the courts 
in England. 

Besides, (though we shall readily admit, that tlje wis- 
64 


506 


GENERAL HISTORY 


dom and experience of that great council and of your hon¬ 
ours, as a part thereof, are more able to prescribe rules 
of government, and to judge the causes, than such poor 
rusticks, as a wilderness can breed up, yet) considering 
the vast difference between England and these parts, 
(which usually abate the virtue of the strongest influen¬ 
ces,) your counsels and judgments could neither be so 
well grounded, nor so seasonably applied, as might either 
be so useful to us or so safe for yourselves, in your dis¬ 
charge in the great day of account, for any miscarriages 
which might befal us, while we depended upon your 
counsel and help, which could not seasonably be ad¬ 
ministered to us; whereas, if any such should befal us, 
when we have the government in our own hands, the 
state of England shall not answer for it. 

In consideration of the premises, our humble petition 
to your honours (in the next place) is, that you would be 
pleased to continue your favourable aspect upon these 
poor, infant plantations, that we may still rejoice and bless 
our God under your shadow, and be there still nourish¬ 
ed, (tanquam calore et rore ccekstij and while God owns 
us for a people of his, he will own our poor prayers for 
you, and your goodness towards us for an abundant re¬ 
compense. And this in special, if you shall please to 
pass by any failings you have observed in our course, to 
confirm our liberties, granted to us by charter, bv leav¬ 
ing delinquents to our just proceedings, and discounte¬ 
nancing our enemies, and disturbers of our peace, or 
such as molest our people there, upon pretence of in¬ 
justice. Thus craving pardon, if we have presumed too 
far upon your honours’ patience, and expecting a gra¬ 
cious testimony of your wonted favour by this our agent, 
which shall further oblige us and our posterity, in all 
humble and faithful service, to the high court of parlia¬ 
ment arid to your honours, we continue our earnest pray¬ 
ers for your prosperity forever. 

By order of the general court, 

Increase Nowell, Secretary. 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


507 


Mr. Winslow, being now fitted for his journey into 
England, by a commission and the forementioned peti¬ 
tion, with other suitable instructions, set sail from Bos¬ 
ton about the middle of December, 1646. Upon his ar¬ 
rival in England, and delivery of his letters to the earl of 
Warwick and others, who were desired to assist in their 
affairs, he had a day appointed for audience before the 
committee, when Gorton and others of his company ap¬ 
peared also to justify their petition and information, 
which they had formerly exhibited against the court, &c. 
for making war upon them and keeping them prisoners, 
&c. But after their agent had shewed the two letters 
they wrote to them from Shaomet, and the testimony of 
the court and some of the ministers, concerning their 
blasphemous heresies, and other miscarriages, it pleased 
the Lord to bring about the hearts of the committee, so as 
they discerned of Gorton, &e. what they w ere, and of the 
justice of their proceedings against them, only they were 
not satisfied in this, that they were within their jurisdic¬ 
tion. To which the agent pleaded two things, 1. They 
were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut, 
and so the order of the commissioners of the United Col¬ 
onies had left them to those of the Massachusetts, and 
the Indians (upon whose land they dwelt,) had subjected 
themselves and their land to their government. Where¬ 
upon the committee made this order following, which 
was directed in form of a letter to the Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, and Connecticut, (one to each.) 

After our hearty commendations, &c. by our letter of 
May 15, 1646, were communicated unto you, our re¬ 
ception of a complaint from S.G., R. Holden, &c. touc h¬ 
ing some proceedings, tried against them by your gov¬ 
ernment; we also imparted to you our resolutions, 
(grounded upon certain reasons set forth in said letter,) 
for their residing upon Shaomet, and the other parts 
cf that tract of land, which is mentioned in a letter of 
civil incorporation, heretofore granted unto them by us, 
praying and requiring of you to permit the same accord¬ 
ingly, without extending your jurisdiction to any part 

* Variously spelt in Hubbard . In Haz. Ooll. Showamet. Ed, 


008 


GENERAL HISTORY 


thereof, or disquieting them in their civil peace, or oth¬ 
erwise interrupting them in their possession, until we 
should receive your answer to the same in point of title, 
and thereupon give further order; we have since receiv¬ 
ed a petition or remonstrance from you, by your com¬ 
missioner, Mr. Winslow, and though we have not yet 
entered into a particular consideration of the matter, yet 
we do, in the general, take notice of your request, as 
well as the parliament’s authority, as your own just privi¬ 
leges ; and find cause to be further confirmed in our for¬ 
mer opinion and knowledge of your prudence and faith¬ 
fulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your 
petition that some persons do take advantage from our 
said letters to decline and question your jurisdiction, and 
pretend to a general liberty to appeal hither, upon their 
being called in question before you, for matter proper 
to your cognizance, we thought it necessary, (for the pre¬ 
venting further inconveniences in this kind,) hereby to 
declare, that we intended not thereby to encourage any 
appeals from your justice, nor restrain the bounds of 
your jurisdiction to a narrower compass, than is held 
forth by your letters patents, but to leave you with all that 
freedom and latitude, that may in any respect be duly 
claimed by you, knowing that the limiting of you in that 
kind may be very prejudicial, (if not destructive,) to the 
government and publick peace of the colonies. For 
your further satisfaction, wherein you may remember 
that our said resolution took rise from an admittance 
that the Narraganset Bay (the thing in question) was 
wholly without the bounds.of your patent, the examina¬ 
tion whereof will in the next place come before us. In 
the mean time we have received advertisement, that the 
place is within the patent of New Plymouth, and that the 
grounds of your proceedings against the complainants, 
was a joint authority from the four governments of Mas¬ 
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, 
which, if it fills in upon prooi, will much alter the state 
of the question. And whereas our said direction exhib¬ 
ited, not only to yourselves, but also to all the other gov- 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


509 


elements and plantations whom it might concern, we de¬ 
clare, that we intended thereby no prejudice to any of 
their next neighbours, nor the countenancing of any 
practice to violate them ; and that we shall be ready for 
the future to give our encouragement and assistance in 
all your endeavours for settling your peace and govern¬ 
ment, and advancement of the gospel of Jesus Christ, 
to whose blessing we commend your persons and affairs. 

Your very loving friends, 

Warwick, governourand admiral, 
Manchester, 

Wm. Say and Seal, See. 

From the committee of lords and commons, 

May 25, 1647. 

Soon after they received another letter from the same 
committee, which here followeth : 

In our late letter of May 25, we imparted how fir we 
had proceeded upon the petition ofS. G. and R. H. &c. 
We did by our said letter declare our tenderness of your 
just privileges, and of preserving intire the authority and 
jurisdiction of the several governments in New England, 
whereof we shall still express our continued care. We 
have since that taken further consideration of the peti¬ 
tion, and spent some time in hearing both parties con¬ 
cerning the bounds of those patents, under which yours 
and the other governments do claim, to the end we might 
receive satisfaction, whether Showamet and the rest of 
the tract of land, pretended to by the petitioners, be ac¬ 
tually included within any of your limits, i» which point 
(being matter of fact) we could not at this distance give 
a resolution, and therefore leave that matter to be exam¬ 
ined and determined upon the place, if there shall be oc¬ 
casion, for that the boundaries will be there best known 
and distinguished ; and if it shall appear that the said 
tract of land is within the limits of any of the New 7 Eng¬ 
land patents, we shall leave the same, and the inhabitants 
thereof, to the jurisdiction of that government, under 
w hich they fall. Nevertheless, for that the petitioners 


310 


General history 


have transplanted their families thither, and there settled 
their residences at a great charge, we commend it to 
the government, within whose jurisdiction they shall 
appear to be, (as our only desire at present in this mat¬ 
ter,) not only not to remove them from their plantations, 
but also to encourage them, with protection and assist¬ 
ance in all fit ways, provided that they demean them¬ 
selves peaceably, and not endanger any of the English 
colonies by a prejudicial correspondency with the Indians 
or otherwise; wherein if they shall be found faulty, we 
leave them to be proceeded with according to justice. 
To this purpose we have also written our letters of this 
tenour to the governours of New Plymouth and Con¬ 
necticut, hoping thac a friendly compliance will engage 
those persons to an inoffensive order and conformity, and 
so become an act of greater conquest, honour, and com 
tententment to you all, than the scattering and reducing 
of them by an hand of power. And so not doubting of 
your concurrence with this desire, as there shall be oc¬ 
casion, we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting 
Your very affectionate friends, 

Warwick, governourandadmiral, 
Manchester, 

Pembroke, and 
Montgomery, 

Geo. Fenwick, 

Cor. Holland, &c.’ 

The committee having thus declared themselves to 
have an honourable regard of them, and care to promote 
the welfare of the United Colonies and other English 
plantations to the eastward, (for they had confirmed Mr. 
Rigbey’s patent of Ligonia, and by their favourable in¬ 
terpretation of it had brought it to the sea side, whereas 
the words of the grant laid it twenty miles short, and had 
put Sir Ferdinando Gorges out of all, as far as Saco;) 
their agent proceeded to have their charter (which they r 
had lately granted to those of Rhode Island and Provi¬ 
dence) to be called in, as things within the patent of Ply¬ 
mouth or Connecticut. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


511 


Gorton, having tried to the utmost what he could do 
with the committee, and finding his expectation wholly 
disappointed, came away for New England with what he 
had, thinking it was now bootless to wait for more ; he 
arrived at Boston in the spring of the year 1648. The 
court, being informed thereof, made an order, that he 
should be apprehended, to prevent the infection of his 
pestilential doctrine ; but shewing a letter from the earl 
of Warwick, desiring only that he might have liberty to 
pass home, the court recalled that order, and gave him 
a week’s liberty to provide for his departure. It being 
only a request and no command, the not complying there¬ 
with might have been a disadvantage to their other af¬ 
fairs, yet under the hand of their agent, and depending 
before that committee, whereof the said Earl was presi¬ 
dent. 

Gorton and his company of Shaomet, hearing how 
matters were like to go against them in England, began 
to consider how they might make their peace with the 
Massachusetts, and for that end sent two of their com¬ 
pany to petition the general court, then sitting at Boston; 
but these messengers, understanding at Dedham that the 
court was adjourned, came no further, but one of them 
wrote a letter to the governour alter this tenour following: 

To the right worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, governour of the 
Massachusetts, humbly present to your worship’s con¬ 
sideration : 

That whereas I, with another, was chosen by the gen¬ 
eral court, held at Providence the 18th of this month, 
and sent with an honourable request to this honourable 
court concerning Shaomet business, but when we came 
to Dedham, hearing that the general court was adjourn¬ 
ed, 1, your suppliant, (being an inhabitant of Shaomet,) 
seriously weighing my present condition there, I made 
bold to advise with Mr. Powel concerning the same, 
who advised me to repair to your worship, which (on 
consideration) I would not, till I had some knowledge ol 
your worship’s favourable acceptance ; my humble re- 


5t2 


GENERAL HISTORY 


quest therefore is, that your worship would be pleased 
to send me your mind in a few lines cencerning the pre¬ 
mises; so craving your worship’s favourable construc¬ 
tion, 1 remain yours, most humbly, 

R*. Barton. 

Dedham, May 22, 1648. 

By the style of this letter it appears how this company 
were crest-fallen, who but a little before had a mouth 
speaking great things and blasphemies; but thanks be 
unto God, they had not power to continue very long; for 
being now reduced to a little more sobriety in their lan¬ 
guage and behaviour, they were permitted quietly to en¬ 
joy their possessions at Shaomet, which ever after, in 
honour of the governour in chief among the commission- 
ei s for plantations, they called Warwick, and by that name 
it hath been known ever since. 

This was the issue of the address, made by these Gor- 
tonites to the commissioners, who after the great clamour 
and noise they had made, could make nothing appear of 
that which they had affirmed. 

Those that had troubled the court and country of the 
Massachusetts with a petition, mentioned before, having 
their dependence in like manner upon the said commis¬ 
sioners, met with much what the same success of their 
endeavours ; for their petition being disliked there, they 
hoped to force it by the authority of the foresaid com¬ 
missioners, but they found no more countenance there 
than in New England. 

The substance of that petition was ranked by the pe¬ 
titioners under three general heads. “ 1. The country’s 
not owning of the fundamental laws of England as the 
basis of their government, according to patent. 2. De¬ 
nying of civil privileges and immunities, enjoyed by the 
freemen of the jurisdiction, to those who were not in that 
capacity, though free born Englishmen, just and honest 
in their dealing, peaceable and quiet in their behaviour, 
forward with heart, hand, and purse to advance the publick 
good, laws of their nation, &c. and yet they were not ca- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


513 


pable to bear offices, either civil or military, without tak¬ 
ing an oath of fidelity. 3. That they were debarred 
from the privileges of Christianity, as baptism for their 
children, and the Lord’s Supper for themselves, if they 
were not members of some of the particular churches in 
the country, though otherwise sober, righteous, and god¬ 
ly, eminent for knowledge, not scandalous in life and 
conversation, members of the churches of England. 
Therefore desired that, their persons being qualified 
as is expressed, the court would give them liberty to be 
taken into their congregations; intimating also, as if 
they conceived many judgments had fallen upon the 
country for neglecting thereof.” 

This petition was very ill resented, both by the court 
and country, as looking something of a seditious nature, 
and tending to make disturbance in the country. 

Whereupon a committee was appointed to draw up a 
declaration in answer thereunto, which was published 
November 4, 1646, wherein was a great deal of pains 
taken to make it evident to the world, that they had no 
cause so to remonstrate. And in the said declaration, 
the fundamental laws of Magna Charta were written on 
one part of the column, and the liberties of the people 
of New England on the other, by which it might appear 
what little discrepancy there was, if any at all, as to the 
substance of them. In the same declaration also, they re¬ 
turned the petitioners a full answer out of their own 
words, delivered in the preface of their petition : “We 
cannot but with all thankfulness acknowledge your inde¬ 
fatigable pains, continual care, constant vigilancy, which, 
by ^he blessing of the Almighty, hath procured to this 
wilderness the much desired fruits of peace and plenty, 
while our native land and the Christian world is sharply 
afflicted with the devouring sword, and sad consequences 
of intestine warswhich expressions plainly contradict 
what follows in the petition, and therefore it could not 
but be looked upon as altogether without cause or 
ground, and a kind of factious remonstrance, directly 


514 


OEXERAL HISTORY 


tending to make commotion in the minds of people, and 
thereby make disturbance in the place. When they 
were called to an account for their petition, Dr. Child, 
the chief speaker, demanded what should be laid to their 
charge, saying it was no offence to prefer a petition, &c. 
It was answered, that they were not questioned for pe¬ 
titioning, but for such miscarriages as appeared in their 
petition and remonstrance. The doctor desired that they 
might know the charge: the court answered, they should 
have it in due time, but it was not then ready, and some 
of them (as was certified to the court) being upon their 
departure, they were told they must find sureties for 
their forth coming. The doctor, &c. demanded what 
offence they had committed, for which they should find 
sureties, and pressing on that hand, one clause in the 
said petition was presently read to them, viz. “our breth¬ 
ren of England’s just indignation against us, so as they 
fly from us as a pest,” &c. whereby was said, that they 
laid a great scandal upon the country, &c. This was so 
clear that they could not evade it, but quarrelled with 
the court in high terms, the doctor telling them they did 
beneath themselves in petitioning to them, &c. and in 
conclusion appealed to the commissioners in England. 
The governour told them they could admit no appeal, 
nor was it allowed by their charter. In the end, they 
were dismissed for the present, and at the next sessions 
of the court there was a charge drawn up against them, 
for divers false and scandalous passages in a certain pa¬ 
per, entitled “a remonstrance and petition,” &c. tending 
to sedition. One particular branch of their charge to clear 
it up : that their speeches tended to sedition, was to this 
purpose, that there are many thousands secretly discon¬ 
tented at the government, &c. whereby those who indeed 
were so, might be emboldened to discover themselves, 
and to attempt some innovation, in confidence of so 
many thousands to join with them, and so to kindle a 
great flame, the foretelling whereof might be a chief 
means to enkindle it. But whatever was the charge, 
they were at last offered, that if they would ingenuously. 


QF NEW ENGLAND. 


515 


acknowledge their miscarriage, &c. it should be freely- 
remitted ; but they remaining obstinate, they w T ere sev¬ 
erally fined, according to the degrees of their offences, 
some more and some less. Two or three of the magis¬ 
trates dissented; one of them desired to be entered con - 
tradicent , which needed not, for he was too well known 
in the court to oppose and contradict whatever was pro¬ 
pounded by the governour and Mr. Dudley. And so 
the court dissolved. 

Some of these petitioners being bound for England, 
their papers were searched by the authority of the gover¬ 
nour and council; amongst which were found the copies 
of some petitions and queries to be presented to the com¬ 
missioners for plantations. One petition was from some 
non-freemen, pretended to be in the name and upon the 
sighs and tears of many thousands, &c. In the pream¬ 
ble, they shewed how they were driven out of their na¬ 
tive country by the tyranny of the bishops, &c. One 
of their petitions was for liberty of conscience, and for a 
general governour. They had sent their agents up and 
down the country, to get hands to this petition, but of the 
many thousands they spake of, they could find but twen¬ 
ty five hands to the chief petition ; and those were, for 
the most part, either young men who came over servants 
and never had overmuch shew of religion in them, 
or fishermen of Marblehead, feared to be profane persons, 
divers of whom were brought the last year from New¬ 
foundland, for the fishing season, and so to return again. 
Others were drawn in by their relations, and those depend¬ 
ed upon for means how to live. One was a barber of Bos¬ 
ton, who, being demanded by the governour what made 
him set his hand, made answer, that the gentlemen were 
his customers, &c. These were the men that must be 
held forth to the parliament, as driven out of England by 
the bishops, &c. and whose tears and sighs must move 
compassion. Such as indeed were more exercised with 
care how to live in the commonwealth, than with any 
matter of conscience, how to serve God in the church. 
Dr. Child being upon this apprehended, and brought 


£16 


GENERAL HISTORY 


before the governour and council, fell into a great pas» 
sion, and gave big words; hut when he was told, that 
they had considered him as a person of quality, and 
therefore had used him with such respect as was meet 
to be showed to a gentleman and a scholar, but if he 
would behave himself no better, he should be clapt in 
irons, upon which he grew more calm; and having 
thus hampered himself and provoked the authority 
of the country to handle him more roughly, with some 
of the rest, till they were humble enough to acknow¬ 
ledge their offences, upon their submission they were 
discharged. 

One of the petitioners going that year for England, 
met with a sad storm at the. Land’s End, which (as was 
credibly reported) made him as sick in his conscience, 
with remorse for what he had done in the business of 
the petition, as he w r as in his carcase for the working of the 
sea, whereupon he delivered the papers about it to a well 
affected passenger, to be thrown over into the sea, which 
made himself and some others look at them as the Jonah 
that occasioned the storm that soon after ceased. But 
another in the ship, of a more resolved and tough hu¬ 
mour, that was not a little concerned in the same busi¬ 
ness, as soon as he came ashore, published his papers con¬ 
cerning that affair, in a pamphlet, which he styled, “ Jo¬ 
nah cast on the dry land.” These men of scoffing wits 
abuse the serious acts of Providence to please their idle 
fancies* The righteous and the wise and their works 
are in the hand of God; and happy will that man be 
found to be and approved of God, that works righteous¬ 
ness in his sight, that never shall see cause to condemn 
himself for that thing, which formerly he allowed in him¬ 
self or others. 

Mr. Burton, one of the petitioners, being in the town 
meeting at Boston, when the court’s declaration about 
the petition was there read, was much moved, and spake 
in high language, and would needs have a copy of it, 
which so soon as he had, he hasted with it, (as was un¬ 
doubtedly believed,) to Dr. Child $ but in the way, mak- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


517 


ing more haste than good speed, he fell down, and lay 
there in the cold near half an hour before it was known 
who he was, and company gotten to carry him home in 
a chair; after which he continued in great pain, and 
lame divers months. 

It was observed that this man had a little before gath¬ 
ered up some providences about such as were against 
them; as that Mr. Winslow’s horse died in the way as 
he came to Boston, on account of his being called to be 
agent for the country, and something of another nature 
that happened in the family of Mr. Winslow’s brother. 
But now his great trouble was, lest this providence which 
befel himself, should be imputed, and* as a bad omen 
against his own h' lse, and presage the fall thereof. The 
event did give small countenance to such an interpre¬ 
tation ; for soon after it was understood by the passen¬ 
gers which came from England, as well as by Mr. Wins¬ 
low’s letters, how the hopes and endeavours of Dr. 
Child, and others of the petitioners, had been blasted by 
the special providence of God, which still wrought 
against them; for Mr. Vassall, assisted, as was said, by a 
relation of Dr. Child, set out a pamphlet, called “the 
Jonah cast on dry land,” as was hinted before, wherein 
he published the petition exhibited to the general court, 
and other proceedings of the said court against them ; 
which was answered by Mr. Winslow in another, which 
he called “the Salamander,” (pointing therein at the 
said Mr. Vassall, a man never at rest, but when he was 
in the fire of contention ;) wherein he cleared the justice 
of the Massachusetts court in their proceedings about 
that affair. Others that went over with intent to procure 
them trouble ran into it themselves, and found it made 
good upon them in their experience what Solomon long 
since declared, with other penmen of holy writ, “ He that 
diggeth a pit, shall fall into it; and whoso breaketh an 
hedge, a serpent shall bite him ; whoso removeth stones, 
shall be hurt therewith; and he that cleaveth wood, shall 
be endangered thereby. There is a day wherein God 
will make Jerusalem a burthensome stone, and the gover- 

* For “ imputed, and” (as in the Ms.) read interpreted . Ed. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


5i& 

nours of Judah like an hearth of fire among the wood, and 
like a torch of fire in a sheaf,” &c. Mr. Vassall find¬ 
ing no encouragement to stay in England, went to the 
Barbadoes; the torrid zone being most agreeable to those 
of his disposition. 

Dr. Child also preferred a petition to the commission¬ 
ers of plantations against New England, and put in Mr. 
Thomas Fowle his name among others; but he hearing 
of it protested against it, for (as was said) God had 
brought him very low, both in his estate and reputation, 
since he joined in the first petition. But it missed the 
mark, how directly soever it was levelled against the 
country ; and not being able the effect his design that 
way, he attempted another sort of revenge, by reproach¬ 
ing the place and the fautors thereof. For falling in 
talk with Mr. Willoughby upon the exchange, (who not 
long before belonged to Charlestown of New England,) 
he flew out in scurrilous language against the people of 
New England, saying they were a company of rogues 
and knaves. Mr. Willoughby answered, that he who 
spake so was a knave, whereupon the doctor gave him a 
box on the ear. Mr. Willoughby was ready to have 
closed with him, &c. but being upon the royal exchange 
he was stayed, but presently arrested him. When the 
doctor saw the danger he was in, he employed some 
friends to make his peace ; by whom he was persuaded 
to give five pounds to the poor of New England, and to 
give Mr. Willoughby open satisfaction in the full ex¬ 
change, and to give it under his hand, never to speak 
evil of New England men after, nor to occasion any 
trouble to the country, or to any of the people; all which 
he gladly performed. 

In affairs of this nature passed the three first years of 
this lustre, in all which Mr. Winthrop,by annual election, 
held the governour’s place, as Mr. Dudley did the deputy’s. 
Although in the year 1647, there had been great labouring 
by the friends of the petitioners to have one chosen gov- 
ernour who had favoured their cause, and to have added 
some new magistrates of their side ; but Mr. Winthrop 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


519 


carried it by n£ar three hundred votes above any other; 
nor was any new assistant chosen but Capt. Robert 
Bridges, who was not fit for their turn. In the two fol¬ 
lowing years, Mr. Dudley was declared, by the vote of 
the freemen, most worthy to succeed in the place of gov- 
ernour, the deputy governour’s place the same time falU 
vng to Mr. Endicot’s share ; Mr. Winthrop, the former 
governour, being called hence March 26, 1649, about 
the sixty third year of his age. Whatever were the sep¬ 
ulchre wherein his body was entombed, (not royal, like 
that of Jehoiada,) yet was he honoured with the like epi¬ 
taph, engraven in the minds of the people, as a worthy 
gentleman, who had done good in Israel, having spent 
not only his whole estate, (which at the first was consid¬ 
erable,) but his bodily strength and life, in the service of 
the country, not sparing, but always as the burning torch 
spending his health and wealth for the good of others. 
His virtues were very many and very commendable; 
his errours but few and very small, compared with 
those observed in his detractors. One of the greatest 
note complained of in him, was his apeth* i. e. 

not sparing the body; for the remedy of which his 
friends wished he had more literally taken notice of 
Paul’s precept to Timothy, “ drink no longer water, but 
use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake, and thine often in¬ 
firmities,” which too many of that holy apostle’s disciples, 
or at least pretenders so to be, are very ready to observe, 
neglecting ail the rest. But this good gentleman having, 
in those hard times of first planting the wilderness, en¬ 
deavoured to leave others an unimitable pattern of tem¬ 
perance and frugality, he so much overcooled his natural 
heat, that he thereby as it were, invited death to take 
seizure of his weak body before he had scarce made any 
entrance into old age. 


$20 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LVI. 

Various occur rents in New England, from 1646 to 
1651. 

In October 1645, the general court of the Massachu¬ 
setts had made an order for 10 shillings, to be paid upon 
every butt of Spanish wine landed there. In the spring 
following, there arrived divers English ships, which 
brought eight hundred butts, but the merchants having 
lost much by leakage, and coming to a bad market as they 
said, were very unwilling to pay the impost, and refused 
to give in an invoice of such wines as they had landed; 
by reason of which they were forfeited by the foremen- 
tioned order. But upon their petition, the court remit¬ 
ted the forfeit and half the impost, (in regard the order 
was made so late as they could not have notice of it in 
those parts from which the wine came;) but this notwith¬ 
standing, they would not submit to the order, so as the 
auditor, (who had a charge of receiving the said impost,) 
was forced to break open the cellar doors where their 
wine lay, and took out of their best wines for the impost, 
which by the order he might do ; but that they took also 
as a great injury, because their best wines being gone, 
the sale of the rest was thereby much hindered, and the 
merchants threatened to get recompense some other 
way. 

But too much indulgence in that kind opened a door 
of encouragement to w r ine merchants, who have since fill¬ 
ed the country with that commodity, to the overflowing 
of luxury and other evils; whereas, had there been a 
greater impost laid thereon, it might have turned the 
stream of traffick into another channel, that might have 
been much more beneficial to the place. Too much oil 
extinguishes the light it should maintain. When this 
commodity began to abound in New England, it might 
have been truly said, as of old in the times of Constantine, 
Sadie venenum effusum est in ecclesiam . Ouce New Eng¬ 
land complained for want of traffick, but now it may be 
said, filia dcvoravit matrem . 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


52i 


Occasions of offence still continued betwixt the Dutch 
and those of New Haven, which began to rise to a great 
height of provocation on both sides, so as they were in¬ 
cessantly complaining of injuries on either side, which 
they were ready to revenge with the sword. 

The inhabitants of New Haven, having purchased 
some land of the Indians thirty miles up into the coun¬ 
try, toward the northwest, upon a river called Patuxet, 
built a trading house there. The Dutch governour hear¬ 
ing thereof makes a protest against it, and sent it to Mr. 
Eaton, claiming the place to belong to New Netherlands, 
and lying within ten miles of the fort of Aurania. Mr. 
Eaton sent an answer, allowing no right in the Dutch, 
but alleging their purchase, and offering to refer the case, 
&c. The Dutch governour complained thereof to the 
governour of the Massachusetts, and also of a speech of 
Mr. Whiting, (a magistrate of Connecticut,) that the 
English were fools for suffering the Dutch in the centie 
of the country. The Massachusetts governour informed 
Mr. Eaton thereof, (the commissioners being then to 
meet at New Haven,) and tendered to their consideration, 
if it would not be expedient to call Mr. Whiting to give 
account of those speeches, seeing the Dutch would ex¬ 
pect satisfaction; but the sense of present injuries, which, 
as they apprehended, they were continually followed with¬ 
al, made them backward to hearken to that intimation. 

March 19, 1646, one Capt. Dobson, in a ship of 80 
tons, double manned, and fitted for a man of war, was 
set forth from Boston to trade to the eastward. Their 
testimonial was for the gulph of Canada, but being taken 
with foul weather, w r hereby they lost their boat, they put 
into harbour at Cape Sables, and there shooting off' five 
or six pieces of ordnance, the Indians came aboard them, 
and traded some skins. Monsieur D’Aulney was as list 
of hearing as the Indians, and sent away twenty men, 
(being not above thirty miles from Port Royal,) who 
lurking in the woods for their advantage, Providence 
now offered them a very fair one, for the ship having 
bought a shallop of the Indians, and being under sail 
therein, in the mouth of the harbour, the wind came 
66 


GENERAL HISTORY 


$%% 

about southerly with such violence as forced them to an 
anchor; hut at last, having lost all their anchors, they 
were forced ashore, yet without danger of shipwreck; 
whereupon the merchant master and most of the compa¬ 
ny went ashore, leaving but six men aboard, and carried 
no weapons with them, which the French perceiving, 
they came upon them and bound them, and carried the 
master to the ship side, and compelled them to command 
the men aboard to deliver her up to the French; who be¬ 
ing possessed of the ship carried her to Port Royal, leav¬ 
ing some of their company to conduct the rest by land. 
When they came there, they were all imprisoned and ex¬ 
amined, apart upon oath; and having confessed they had 
traded, he. the ship and cargo (being worth in all a 
thousand pounds) was kept as confiscate, and the men* 
being put into two old shallops, were sent home, where 
they arrived May 6,1647. The merchants complained 
to the court for redress, and the court thought it net safe 
nor expedient for them to begin a war with the French ; 
nor could they charge any manifest wrong upon D’Aul- 
ney, seeing they had told them, that if any of theirs 
should trade within his liberties, they should do it at 
their own peril; and though they judged it an injury to 
restrain the Indians, (a free people, and others) from trade, 
yet it being a common practice of all civil nations, his 
seizure of their ship would be accounted lawful, and their 
letters of reprisal unjust; and besides, there appeared an 
overruling providence in it, otherwise he could not have 
seized a ship so w^ell fitted for defence, nor would wise 
men have lost her so pitifully, if they had not been 
strangely infatuated. 

October 20, 1648, came Mr, Harrison, pastor of the 
church in Virginia, (the foundation of vhich was laid by 
the ministers sent thither from New England about the 
year 1642,) at that time increased to the number of 118 
persons, as w r as reported, and many more were said to 
be inclining towards them; but Sir William Berkley, the 
governour there, raised up persecution against them, and 
had banished their elder, Mr. Durand; and the said 
Mr. Harrison was enjoined to uepart the country by r the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


528 


third ship at the furthest,which caused him to come at this 
time to New England, to advise about the matter, wheth¬ 
er they were not called to remove, and what place they 
could find convenient to remove unto. As to the first, 
seeing many were found well affected towards them, 
which gave hopes of a more plentiful harvest at hand, 
they were advised not to be hasty to remove, so long as 
they could stay upon any reasonable terms. For the 
place to remove unto, mention was made of a place late¬ 
ly propounded to them by one Capt. Sayle, who had not 
long before been in England, where he had procured an 
ordinance of parliament for the planting of the Bahama 
islands, (now called Eleutheria,) situate in the mouth of 
the gulph of Florida, and wanting means to carry it on, 
he prevailed with divers parliament men and others of 
London to undertake it, who drew up a covenant with 
articles, for all to engage in that would enter into the de¬ 
sign. The first article was for liberty of conscience, 
wherein they providecLthat the civil magistrate should 
take no cogni 2 ance of matters of religion, (there being 
not a word of professing religion or maintaining any 
worship of God at all.) The captain also had his com¬ 
mission for governour but for three years only, and that 
they should be subordinate to such orders and directions 
as from time to time they should receive from the compa¬ 
ny in England, &c. Upon these terms they furnished 
him with all provisions and necessaries for the design, 
and some few persons embarked with him and sailed to 
the Somer Islands, where they took in Mr. Copeland, 
elder of the church, of near eighty years of age, and so 
many others as made the number seventy persons in 
the ship ; but in the way to Eleutheria, one Capt. Butler 
made use of his liberty not to worship God in any dis¬ 
tinct mode by himself, but to disturb them that did with 
his musick, thinking that playing on his viol was as ac¬ 
ceptable to God as the praying of the rest; with which 
disturbance he made a faction that caused them to remove 
to another island, where their ship was lost with all their 
goods and provisions, so as they were forced to lie in the 
open air, and feed upon such fruits and wild creatures 


GENERAL HISTORY 


fi&fc 

as the islands afforded ; hut finding their strength to de- 
cay, and life not likely to hold out therewith, Capt. Sayle 
made a shallop out of the wreck with which he went to 
Virginia, and would have persuaded the church there to 
have removed to Eleutheria, but they being orthodox and 
zealous for the truth, as their friends could not advise, so 
neither were themselves forward to accept of the motion. 
Mr. Harrison tarried a year or two in New England, and 
then went to England, and at last settled in Ireland, having 
taken the degree of a doctor; but what became of the 
church of Virginia or the planters of Eleutheria, there 
was no certain report, but it is to be feared they were so 
nipped in the bud, they never flourished much after¬ 
wards. 

CHAP. LVII. 

Memorable accidents in New England from the year 1646 
to 1651. 

The people of New England at this time began to 
flourish much in building of ships and trafficking abroad, 
and had prospered very well in those affairs, and possibly 
began too soon to seek great things for themselves; how¬ 
ever, that they might not be exalted overmuch in things 
of that nature, many afflictive d ispensations were ordered 
to them in this lustre, which proved a day of great rebuke 
to New England; for the first news they heard from Eu¬ 
rope in the year 1646, was the doleful report of two of 
their ships that were wrecked the winter before upon the 
coast of Spain, one of which was built in the country 
the former year by Capt. Hawkins, a shipwright of Lon¬ 
don, who had lived divers years in the country before, 
and had, with others, been encouraged to fall upon such 
dealing as he had formerly been acquainted with. At 
the last, he had built a stately ship at Boston, of 400 tons 
and upward, and had set her out with great ornament of 
carving ai d painting, and with much strength of ord¬ 
nance. The first time she was rigged out for the sea, 
was on the 2^d of November, 1645, when they set sail 
for Malaga, with another ship in her company, whereof 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


525 


Mr. Karman was master. Capt. Hawkins his ship had 
many passengers, who chose rather to sail in her, though 
so far about, (because of her strength,) rather than toad- 
venture in lesser vessels that went directly for England. 
Divers of them that were in her also, had been masters 
of ships themselves. But many times, according to the 
old proverb, the more cooks the worse broth, and the 
more masters the worse mariners; for when they came 
upon the coast of Spain, one evening, the weather fair 
and a full gale, some of the company deemed they saw 
land, or at least thought they heard the rut of the shore; 
but the more aged seamen, whose reckoning was not up, 
were loath to lose any of the fresh gale, and therefore made 
all the sail they could that night, hoping that if the w'ind 
stood all the next day, they might discern the land before 
the next; but they were presently upon the very shore 
before they were aware, and both ships, three hours be¬ 
fore day that night, struck aground, and soon after broke 
a pieces. The Spaniards in the morning thought they 
were mazed, not being able to see the lights in the castle 
at Cadiz ; but it was hidden from them, for they general¬ 
ly took them to be the lights in some ships, which they 
seemed to have discerned the day before, and not know¬ 
ing but they might be enemies, prepared to fight against 
the morning. 

Nineteen of the company were drowned; amongst 
whom was one Mr. Coytmore, an expert seaman, and Mr. 
Karman, the master of the other vessel. Time and 
chance happeneth to all men. The most likely means 
are often disappointed. Amongst them that were lost, 
was one Pratt and his wife, that had lived divers years 
in New England in much discontent, and vent now to 
provide better for himself in his old age, fearing he might 
come to want afterward; but now he wanted nothing but 
a grave, being buried in the rude waters amongst others 
that needed not to have gone so long a voyage to have 
hastened their death, which lies in wait to meet the sons 
of men in every turning of their lives. Their ships 
grounded two or three miles off the shore, but divine 
Providence so prdering, they w$re heaved by the seas 


026 


GENERAL HISTORY 


near the dry land before their ships fell quite a pieces. 
In the morning the common people of Cadiz Island came 
upon them, and pillaged the passengers of some goods 
which more merciful waves had suffered them to save ; 
but those of the city did entertain the poor passengers, 
stript of all, with much kindness; and an English ship 
in the harbour clothed many of them, and took in as 
many passengers as his ship could stow, for which a full 
reward was wished might be given unto them. The 
governour of the island gave the captain 500 pounds for 
the wreck of his ship, which was some encouragement 
for him to begin his hopes anew. But God was pleased 
to cross him again in the same kind and place the next 
year; for going for London he found much favour with 
his creditors and other friends, so as they employed him 
again for Malaga the next spring, but then being just 
come out of the strait’s mouth, they were taken with 
such a violent tempest as drave his ship and three or four 
more upon the same place where he was wrecked the 
former year. No man knoweth either love or hatred by 
all that is before them in this life, when all things come 
alike to all, and the same events oft times happen to the 
righteous which do to the wicked, that we may learn not 
to trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who 
giveth the sons of men lichly all things to enjoy. 

Another ship, built at Cambridge, in New England, 
and sailing for the Canaries in the year 1645, was set up¬ 
on by an Irish man of war, which had seventy men and 
twenty pieces of ordnance ; the New England ship had 
but fourteen pieces and about thirty men. They were 
grappled and boarded, and forced to fight side by side near 
a whole day; but a shot taking in the steerage of the I- 
rishman, they could not bring her to any more; by 
which accident they escaped their hands, notwithstand¬ 
ing they had received one shot between wind and water, 
which had much endangered them, but that God pre¬ 
served them, so as they got off clear, and lost but two 
men in the fight, yet was damnified in her merchandize 
between two and three hundred pounds. 

Another deplorable Joss befei New England the same 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


527 

year, wherein New Haven was principally concerned, and 
the southern parts of the country ; for the inhabitants of 
that town, being Londoners, were very desirous to fall 
into a way of traffick, in which they were better skilled 
than in matters of husbandry ; and to that end had built 
a ship of 100 tons, which they freighted for London, 
intending thereby to lay some foundation of a future 
trade ; but either by the ill form of her building, or by 
the shifting of her lading, (which was wheat, which is 
apt to shift its place in storms,) the vessel miscarried, and 
in her seventy persons, some of whom were of the prin¬ 
cipal part of the inhabitants, with all the wealth they 
could gather together. The loss of persons and goods 
was sadly bewailed by all that colony, it being attended 
with so many solemn circumstances that they Were all at 
a loss to know how to understand the mind of God 
therein, but were forced after all to acquiesce in the sove¬ 
reignty and wisdom of the Almighty, who worketh all 
things according to the counsel of his own will, and ren* 
dereth to none account of his ways. God can make 
contentment with poverty greater gain to his people than 
riches and wealth without his presence and blessing. 

One Capt. Cromwell, in the year 1645, (about ten years 
before, he had been a common seaman in the Massa¬ 
chusetts,) having been out with one Capt. Jackson, upon a 
privateering design, (or in king James his phrase, com¬ 
mitting of a splendidumfur turn,} with a commission from 
the earl of Warwick, and having a commission of depu¬ 
tation from that captain, had taken four or five Spanish\ 
vessels, and in some of them great riches, and intending 
for New England to empty himself there when he was 
full, where he had been supplied when he was empty, 
was by strange providence driven into Plymouth, where 
they tarried about fourteen days, and had opportunity 
with the psalmist, (if with the same spirit,) to disperse 
and give liberally to the poor; for that sort of men are 
observed to spend as freely and lightly as they get. It 
fell out while they were there, that a drunken fellow (who 
hid. been in continual quarrels all the voyage,) drew his 
rapier upon the captain, when he was reproved by him 


GENERAL HISTORY 


528 

two or three times, but at the last the captain struck him 
on the forehead with the hilt of his sword, which made a 
small wound, but he refusing to have it searched and 
dressed that day, died of it, or of his drinking, the next 
after; whereupon Capt. Cromwell w^as tried by a coun¬ 
cil of war, (such as could be gathered together at Ply¬ 
mouth,) and was acquitted, though the coroner’s jury 
found that he died of the wound ; for they saw that by 
his commission he had power of martial law. Thus God 
oft times doth justly order, that he that takes the sword, 
shall perish by the sword. 

This Capt. Cromwell coming to Boston with his three 
vessels and his Spanish wealth, might have been enter¬ 
tained in the best house of Boston, but was of so noble 
a disposition, that having in his mean estate been enter¬ 
tained by a poor man in a thatched house, when others 
were not so free to have done it; he said, he would not 
now leave him, when he might do him good, and there¬ 
fore always took up his quarters in the same place, and 
where he at last ended his days, after some following 
voyages of like nature. It was said of this Cromwell, 
that he was like Caesar; Ccesus ex utero mater no, and 
that he never saw either father or mother, or they him; 
and it is like the Spaniards in the West Indies wished 
they had never seen him neither. 

In the end of September, 1646, one William Waldron, 
a member of the church of Dover, (received into the 
church in the corrupt beginning of it,) a man given to 
drunkenness and contention, for which he w T as after cast 
out, and upon some formal repentance taken in again, 
coming alone from Saco, where he undertook the office 
of a recorder, was drowned as he passed over a small 
river called Kennebunk, but his body not found till 
about a month after. Those that through intemperance 
are wont to drown themselves in wine, are too often 
through imprudence drowned at last in water. 

In the same year one Mary Martin fell into a sad mis¬ 
carriage, whereby she brought herself to a violent and 
untimely death. Her father had been a merchant of old 
Plymouth, and her grandfather had been mayor of that 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


5S9 

town. The father being fallen in his estate came into 
Casco Bay, in New England, and after some time hav¬ 
ing occasion to return back to England, left behind him 
two daughters, comely maidens, and of modest behaviour 
for aught appeared; but not taking that course for their 
bestowing in his absence, as the care and wisdom of a 
father should have done, the eldest was left in the house 
of one Mr. Mitten, a married man, who was soon so cap- 
tivated with her person and behaviour, that he attempted 
her chastity, which she, not having such strength of vir¬ 
tue to resist as she should, yielded unto, though with 
much reluctancy of spirit, and as it was reported, begged 
of God to be delivered from the temptation, and if ever 
she were overtaken again, would leave herself to his justice 
to be made a publick example, as indeed it came to pass, 
for not taking heed to herself, nor minding her promise, 
she was overtaken the third time with the same sin. But af¬ 
terwards going into service at Boston and finding herself to 
have conceived, she was not able to bear the shame of 
the discovery, (being in so much favour w’ith her mis¬ 
tress also, that she would not allow of the least suspicion 
herself or suggestion of the fear of it from others,) so as 
she wholly concealed it till the time of her delivery, when 
she was alone by herself in a dark room, and used vio¬ 
lence to destroy the child she had brought forth, a first 
and a second time before she effected it, and then wrapt 
it up in her chest for fifteen days, till her master and mis¬ 
tress went on ship board, being bound for England ; on 
which occasion she was put to remove to another house, 
where she was charged by some that had suspected her 
before, and now found she had been delivered of a child. 
She at first denied the fact of murthering it, and said it 
was stillborn, but upon search it was found in her chest, 
and being made to touch the face of it before the jury, 
the blood came fresh thereinto, whereupon she confessed 
the whole truth. She carried it very penitently in prison, 
and at the time of her suffering, which gave hopes to the 
standers by of the truth of her repentance, justifying 
God from the first time of her falling into the sin till the 
last time of her suffering; and it was very observable, 
67 


530 


GENERAL HISTORY 


that as she confessed she had twice attempted to murther 
her child before she could effect it, so through the un¬ 
skilfulness of the executioner, they were forced to tura 
her off the ladder twice before she could die. Thus 
the foolishness of the sons and daughters of men makes 
them choose sin rather than shame, till at last they are 
covered with shame for their sin. The way of sin is a 
dangerous path, and the further any pass on therein, 
the more unable they are to return therefrom, till they 
descend down to the chambers of death in the pursuit 
thereof. 

In the depth of winter, in the year 1647, in a very 
tempestuous night, the fort of Say brook fell on fire, none 
knows how, whereby all the buildings within the pallisa- 
do were burnt down, with the goods, so as Capt. Mason 
with his wife and child could hardly escape. The loss was 
esteemed at a thousand pounds and better. Where the 
iron is blunt we must use the more strength, and where 
the matter is so combustible as their dwellings are in 
New England, we must use the more care to preserve 
them. 

In June 1648, one Margaret Jones, of Charlestown, 
was indicted for a witch, and executed for it. She was 
proved to have such a malignant touch that whomsoever 
she touched (man, woman, or child,) with any affection 
of displeasure, were taken presently with deafness, vom¬ 
iting, or other violent pains or sickness. Soon after she 
was executed, a ship riding over against Charlestown, 
of 300 tons, having in her hold an hundred and twenty 
tons of ballast, and eighty horses aboard her for the Bar- 
badoes, was on a sudden observed to roll, as if she would 
have turned over. The husband of that witch, lately 
executed, had desired passage in that ship to Barbadoes, 
which not obtaining, that accident was observed to follow. 
Notice being given of this to the magistrates then sitting 
in court at Boston, a warrant was sent to apprehend him, 
and as the officer was passing therewith over the ferry, 
one asked if he could not tame the vessel, seeing he 
could sometimes tame men; he answered, I have that 
here, which it may be will tame her and make her quiet. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


581 

shewing his warrant, and at the same instant the ship be¬ 
gan to stop her motion and swim upright, which had 
continued rolling after a strange manner about twelve 
hours, and after Jones was in prison she never moved in 
that kind any more. 

The 11th of January, 1648, an idle fellow that used to 
go home drunken from Boston to Winnisimet, was often 
told he would be drowned at last; and that night, passing 
over the water in a tempestuous time, when he was far 
in drink, perished in the w r ater by the way. Another 
that had been aboard ship late on the Saturday night to 
make merry, and detained over long by the seamens’ in¬ 
vitation, the boat turning over upon the ice, he was 
drowned by the shore, though three seamen waded out. 
He that was drowned was noted to be of good conversa¬ 
tion, and commendable in religion, but only drawn away 
by idle company. God will be sanctified of ail them 
that draw near unto him. 

Two young persons were drowned about that time in 
a sad manner, one a boy of about seven years old, ran 
down upon the ice towards a boat he saw there with a 
staff in his hand, but the ice breaking under him the stalf 
kept him up till his sister, of about 14 years of age, ran 
down to save her brother, though there were four men 
at hand, that called to her not to go, being themselves 
hastening to save him ; but she not considering, ran has¬ 
tily towards the same place, and so drowned both her¬ 
self and him, being past recovery ere the men could 
come at him, who might have reached ground with their 
feet. The parents had no more sons, which made them 
set their hearts too much upon him, and by their indul¬ 
gence, as was feared, came to lose him on the sudden. 
Four more were drowned that winter by adventuring 
upon the ice. Outward comforts are but crutches, 
which, when we lean too much upon, God suffers them 
many times to fail, that we may stay upon himself. Jt 
is but just the cisterns should either be broken or dried 
up, when we forsake the Fountain to depend upon them. 

In the year 1647, an epidemical sickness passed 
through the whole country of New England, both 


534 


GENERAL HISTORY 


it was ordered, that the ensuing synod should be con¬ 
vened by way of motion only to the churches, and not in 
words of command. 

But whatever gentle words the order was sweetened 
withal, some of the churches could not swallow it, 
especially because some words therein seemed to inti¬ 
mate, that what the assembly should agree upon must be 
presented to the court, that they might give such allow¬ 
ance to it as was meet; from whence it was inferred that 
some intended to have ecclesiastical laws made to bind 
the church, if they should consent to such a synod. The 
principal men who raised the objections were some that 
lately came from England, where such a vast liberty was 
pleaded for by all that rabble of men, that went under 
the name of Independents, whether Anabaptists, Anti- 
nomians, Familists, and Seekers (for the Quaker was 
not then formed into any particular or distinct shape out 
of his materia prima ,) far beyond the moderate limits 
pleaded for by the congregational divines in the assem¬ 
bly at Westminster, such as Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, 
and Mr. Burroughs, &c. (who yet, it may be intending 
to double the Cape of Good Hope, then in view, as was 
thought, tacked about further than they needed to have 
done.) A great part of the parliament also then in being 
inclined much that way, and had by their commission¬ 
ers, sent word to all the English plantations in the West 
Indies and Somer Islands, that all men should enjoy their 
liberty of conscience, and had by their letters also inti¬ 
mated the same to those of New England. Some few of 
the church of Boston adhered to these principles, which 
made them stickle so much against the calling of the sy¬ 
nod at that time, against which they raised a threefold 
objection. 1. That by a liberty already established 
amongst the laws of New England, the elders or minis¬ 
ters of the churches have allowance or liberty to assem¬ 
ble upon all occasions without the compliance of the civil 
authority. 2. It was observed that this motion came 
originally from some of the elders or ministers, and not 
from the court. 3. In the order >vas expressed, that 
what the major part of the assembly should agree upon, 


OF NEW ENGLANB. 


035 


shouM be presented to the court for their confirmation. 
To the first it was answered, that the said liberty was 
granted only for an help in case of extremity, if in time 
to come, either the civil authority should grow opposite 
to the churches or neglect the care of them, and not with 
any intent to practise the same, while the civil rulers 
were as nursing fathers to the churches. To the second 
it was answered, it was not for the churches to inquire 
what or who gave the occasion, but if they thought fit to 
desire the churches to afford them help of council in any 
matters which concerned religion and conscience, it was 
the churches’ duty to yield it to them, for so far as it con¬ 
cerns their command or request, it is an ordinance of 
man, which all are to submit unto for the Lord’s sake, 
without troubling themselves about the occasion or suc¬ 
cess. Ex mails moribus nascuntur bonce leges: Laws are 
not the worse for being occasioned by evil men or evil 
manners. For the third, where the order speaks of the 
major part, it speaks in its own language, and according 
to the practice of the court, where the act of the major 
part is always accounted the act of the court; but it 
never intended thereby to restrain or direct the synod in 
the manner of their proceeding; nor to hinder them, but 
that they might first acquaint the churches with their 
conclusions, and have their assent to them, before they 
did present them to the court, for that is their care ; the 
court’s care is only to provide for their own cognizance, 
and for the inference which was drawn from that clause, 
[that the court might give them such allowance as should 
be meet.] It is both against the rules of reason and char¬ 
ity to infer from thence, any such sanction of the court 
as was supposed, for they say only they will give them 
such allowance as is meet; it cannot thence be inferred, 
that they will put any such sanction or stamp of authori¬ 
ty upon them as should be unmeet. 

This matter was two Lord’s days in agitation with the 
church of Boston, before they could be brought to any 
comfortable conclusion; but on a lecture day interven¬ 
ing, Mr. Norton, teacher of the church at Ipswich, was 
procured to supply the place at Boston, where was a 


GENERAL HISTORY 


534) 

it was ordered, that the ensuing synod should be con¬ 
vened by way of motion only to the churches, and not in 
words of command. 

But whatever gentle words the order was sweetened 
withal, some of the churches could not swallow it, 
especially because some words therein seemed to inti¬ 
mate, that what the assembly should agree upon must be 
presented to the court, that they might give such allow¬ 
ance to it as was meet; from whence it was inferred that 
some intended to have ecclesiastical laws made to bind 
the church, if they should consent to such a synod. The 
principal men who raised the objections were some that 
lately came from England, where such a vast liberty was 
pleaded for by all that rabble of men, that went under 
the name of Independents, whether Anabaptists, Anti- 
nomians, Familists, and Seekers (for the Quaker was 
not then formed into any particular or distinct shape out 
of his materia prima ,) far beyond the moderate limits 
pleaded for by the congregational divines in the assem¬ 
bly at Westminster, such as Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, 
and Mr. Burroughs, &c. (who yet, it may be intending 
to double the Cape of Good Hope, then in view, as was 
thought, tacked about further than they needed to have 
done.) A great part of the parliament also then in being 
inclined much that way, and had by their commission¬ 
ers, sent word to all the English plantations in the West 
Indies and Somer Islands, that all men should enjoy their 
liberty of conscience, and had by their letters also inti¬ 
mated the same to those of New England. Some few of 
the church of Boston adhered to these principles, which 
made them stickle so much against the calling of the sy¬ 
nod at that time, against which they raised a threefold 
objection. 1. That by a liberty already established 
amongst the laws of New England, the elders or minis¬ 
ters of the churches have allowance or liberty to assem¬ 
ble upon all occasions without the compliance of the civil 
authority. 2. It was observed that this motion came 
originally from some of the elders or ministers, and not 
from the court. 3. In the order was expressed, that 
what the major part of the assembly should agree upon, 


OP NEW ENGLAND* 


535 


should be presented to the court for their confirmation. 
To the first it was answered, that the said liberty was 
granted only for an help in case of extremity, if in time 
to come, either the civil authority should grow opposite 
to the churches or neglect the care of them, and not with 
any intent to practise the same, while the civil rulers 
were as nursing fathers to the churches. To the second 
it was answered, it was not for the churches to inquire 
what or who gave the occasion, but if they thought fit to 
desire the churches to afford them help of council in any 
matters which concerned religion and conscience, it was 
the churches’ duty to yield it to them, for so far as it con¬ 
cerns their command or request, it is an ordinance of 
man, which all are to submit unto for the Lord’s sake, 
without troubling themselves about the occasion or suc¬ 
cess. Ex mails moribus nascuntur bonce leges: Laws are 
not the worse for being occasioned by evil men or evil 
manners. For the third, where the order speaks of the 
major part, it speaks in its own language, and according 
to the practice of the court, where the act of the major 
part is always accounted the act of the court; but it 
never intended thereby to restrain or direct the synod in 
the manner of their proceeding; nor to hinder them, but 
that they might first acquaint the churches with their 
conclusions, and have their assent to them, before they 
did present them to the court, for that is their care ; the 
court’s care is only to provide for their own cognizance, 
and for the inference which was drawn from that clause, 
[that the court might give them such allowance as should 
be meet.] It is both against the rules of reason and char¬ 
ity to infer from thence, any such sanction of the court 
as was supposed, for they say only they will give them 
such allowance as is meet; it cannot thence be inferred, 
that they will put any such sanction or stamp of authori¬ 
ty upon them as should be unmeet. 

This matter was two Lord’s days in agitation with the 
church of Boston, before they could be brought to any 
comfortable conclusion ; but on a lecture day interven¬ 
ing, Mr. Norton, teacher of the church at Ipswich, was 
procured to supply the place at Boston, where was a 


536 


GENERAL HISTORY 


great audience, and the subject then handled was .suita¬ 
ble to the occasion, viz. Moses and Aaron kissing each 
other in the mount of God; where he laid down the na¬ 
ture and power of a synod as only consultative, declara¬ 
tive, and decisive, not coercive, &c. and shewing also 
the power of the civil magistrate in calling such assem¬ 
blies, and the duty of churches in yielding obedience to 
the same; he held forth also, the great offence and scan¬ 
dal, which would be given in refusing ; and in the whole 
of his discourse appeared so much strength of reason and 
argument, as was easily able to convince the gainsayer. 
And on the next Lord’s day, after much debate in 
Boston church, it was agreed by the vote of the major 
part, that the elders and three of the brethren should 
be sent as messengers to the synod. It was near winter 
before they could assemble, and few of the elders of the 
other colonies, (though they also were invited,) could be 
present; on which account the synod, after they had sat 
fourteen days, brake up, and adjourned to the 8th of June, 
iu the year 1647. 

The inordinate love of liberty, or fear of restraint, es¬ 
pecially in matters of religion, occasioned at this time 
divers to call in question the power of the civil magis¬ 
trate in matters pertaining to the first table, and there¬ 
fore was that question thoroughly debated in the first 
session of the synod, then called together, who delivered 
their judgment about that question in the proposition 
following: 

A proposition about the magistrate’s power in matters of religion. 

“ The civil magistrate, in matters of religion or of the 
first table hath power, civilly to command or forbid 
things respecting the outward man, which are clearly 
commanded or forbidden in the word, and to inflict suit¬ 
able punishments, according to the nature of the trans¬ 
gressions against the same.” 

Several arguments, with testimonies, for the confirm¬ 
ation and proof of this truth, were annexed thereunto, 
and were printed at London anno 1654, together with a 
discourse of that nature by Mr. Thomas Alien, It was 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


537 - 


bound up with a small treatise about the nature and 
power of synods. But that which was attended princi¬ 
pally in the next meeting of the synod, August 16, 1648, 
was a platform of discipline, to be commended to the 
churches of New England, for a rule of their practice in 
the government of the church, which the assembly, meet¬ 
ing together in the said year, agreed upon, which they 
endeavoured to gather out of the word of God. But for 
a confession of faith, they wholly agreed with that, set 
forth by the assembly of divines at Westminster. 

The platform of discipline was to be presented to the 
churches and general government for their consideration 
and acceptance in the Lord. This was done in Octo¬ 
ber, anno 1648, for the summer of the year 1647 prov¬ 
ing sickly, they were forced to adjourn unto the follow¬ 
ing year. 

Some objections were made against some part thereof 
by some of the deputies of the court in the name of the 
churches and freemen they belonged unto, which being 
answered by some of the elders, to whom it was left 
against the next sessions of the court, they then thank¬ 
fully accepted thereof, and declared their approbation of 
the said platform of discipline, as being for the substance 
thereof, what they had hitherto practised in their church¬ 
es, and did believe to be according to the word of God. 

In the said platform were laid down the principles of the 
congregation discipline, according to which the church¬ 
es of New England have been ever since ordered. These 
principles are now well known in the world, and need 
not therefore here be inserted ; but for the better infor¬ 
mation and satisfaction of the reader, and that none might 
judge of the said churches otherwise than they really 
are, in their constitution and order, the sum of them 
here followeth: 

1. Ecclesiastical policy, church government, or church 
discipline, is nothing else but that form and order that is 
to be observed in the church of Christ upon earth, both 
for the constitution of it and all the administrations that 
are therein to be performed ; the parts of which are all 
of them exactly described in the word of God, and is 
68 


538 


GENERAL HISTORY 


not left in the power of any to alter, add, or diminish 
any thing therein ; the necessary circumstances of which, 
as time and place, &c. are left to men, to be ordered un¬ 
to edification, and not otherwise. 

2. There is a catholick church visible, viz. the com¬ 
pany of those that profess the Christian faith, whether in 
church order or not; but there is no political catholick 
church, the state of the members of the visible church, 
since the coming of christ, being only congregational. 

3. A congregational church, by the institution of 
Christ, is a part of the visible church, consisting of a 
company of saints by calling, united into one body, by 
an holy covenant, for the publick worship of God, and 
the mutual edification one of another in the fellowship 
of the Lord Jesus, the matter of which, as to its qualifi¬ 
cation, ought to be such, as have attained the knowledge 
of the principles of religion, free from gross scandals, 
and with the profession of their faith and repentance, 
walk in blameless obedience to the word of God. As 
to its quantity, it ought not to be of greater number 
than may ordinarily meet together conveniently in one 
place, nor fewer, than may conveniently carry on church 
work. The form of such a church is an agreement, 
consent, or visible covenant, whereby they give up them¬ 
selves unto the Lord, to the observing the ordinances of 
Christ together in the same society. 

4. The fraternity or brotherhood of such a church, is 
the first subject of all ordinary church power, which is 
either a power of office or of privilege. But the power 
of privilege is in the brethren, formally and immediate¬ 
ly ; the other is in them no otherwise, than in that they 
design the persons unto office, who only are to act and 
exercise that power. 

5. The ordinary officers of the church are such, as 
concern their spiritual and moral, temporal and natural 
good ; of the first sort, are pastors, teachers, ruling elders, 
1 Tim. v. 17, in which latter sort, most of the churches 
in New England, as many of the congregational church¬ 
es elsewhere, are not so well satisfied as formerly, ac¬ 
counting ruling eiders should be able to teach. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


6. It is iu the power of the churches, to call their own 
officers and remove them from their office again, if there 
fall out just cause, yet so as the advice of neighbour 
churches, where it may conveniently be done, be first 
had, and they who are to officiate, ought to be tried and 
proved before they be elected. 1 Tim. v, 22. 

7. Elders are to be ordained by imposition of hands, 
which is to be performed by the elders of the same 
church, if it be furnished with any, or those of neighbour 
churches, and may be done by some of the brethren de¬ 
puted thereunto; which latter also is no: disapproved by 
Dr. Hornbeck, the learned professor of divinity at Ley¬ 
den, from Numb, viii, 10. 

8. The power of government in a congregational 
church, ought to proceed after the manner of a mixt ad¬ 
ministration, for in an organick church, no act can be 
consummate without the consent both of the elders and 
the brethren; so as the power of gov ernment, or rule in 
the elders, prejudice not the power of privilege in the 
brethren, nor the power of privilege in them, prejudice 
the power of rule seated in the elders, seeing both may 
sweetly agree togetlier. 

9. For the maintenance of the ministers of the church, 
all that are taught are to communicate to him that teach- 
eth in all good things; and in case of neglect, the ma¬ 
gistrate ought to see that the ministry be duly provided 
for. 

10. For the admission of members, those that have the 
weakest measure of faith, it ought to be accepted in 
them, that desire admission, either by a personal relation 
in publick, or by the elders acquainting the church, with 
what satisfaction they have received from the persons in 
private. The things wherein satisfaction is required, 
are faith and repentance, which ought to be found in all 
church members. 

11. Where members of churches are called to remove 
from one church to another, it is convenient for order’s 
sake, that it be done by letters of recommendation, or of 
dismission. 

12. The censures of the church, which are for the 


GENERAL HISTORY 


540 

preventing, removing, or healing of offences, are excom¬ 
munication or admonition, wherein the church ought to 
proceed according to the rule of Matthew xviii. 15,16, 
17, wherein the offence is to be brought to the church 
by the mouth of the elders. 

13. Particular churches, although they are distinct, 
and so have not one power over another, yet because 
they are united unto Christ, not only as a mystical but as 
a political head, they ought to have communion one with 
another, by way of mutual care, consultation, admoni¬ 
tion, and participation in the same ordinances. 

14. Synods orderly assembled, and rightly proceeding 
according to the pattern of Acts xv. are the ordinance of 
Christ, and if not absolutely necessary to the being, yet 
necessary^ to the well being of churches, for the establish¬ 
ment of truth and peace therein. And many churches 
may so assemble together by their messengers and eld¬ 
ers ; and their directions and determinations, so far as 
consonant to the word of God, are to be received with 
reverence and submission, not only for their agreement 
therewith, (without which they bind not at all,) but also for 
the power whereby they are made, as an ordinance of 
God, appointed thereunto in his word. 

15. Church government and civil government may 
very well stand together, it being the duty of the magis¬ 
trate to take care of matters of religion, and to improve 
his civil authority, for observing the duties commanded 
in the first, as well as in the second table ; seeing the end 
of their office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of 
the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty, but 
also in matters of godliness. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. 

In these propositions are summed up in brief the prin¬ 
ciples of the congregational churches of New England 
as to church government, which is the only point 
wherein they differ from the rest of the reformed church¬ 
es, whether English, Belgick, or Gallick. As for their 
confession of faith and doctrine in all other points of re¬ 
ligion, they of New England vary not from the doc¬ 
trine of the church of England, which generally is re¬ 
ceived in all the reformed churches of Christ in Europe, 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


5U 

In drawing the aforesaid platform, the hand of Mr. 
Thomas Hooker, the famous minister of Hartford, was 
wanting, who had been not a little helpful in the former 
synod, 1637, being July the 7th, 1647, called to his rest 
and to receive his crown amongst those who have turned 
many to righteousness, and to shine as the stars forever 
and ever. Of whose eminent worth the less may be said 
here, considering what is ascribed to him by a reverend 
brother of his own order, in this following epitaph, where¬ 
in there is enough, if some do not think too much said, 
for the setting forth his praise. 

EPITAPHIUM IN OBITUM R MI FRATRIS 

Mri. THO : HOOKERI. 

America, although she doth not boast 
Of all the gold and silver from this coast, 

Lent to her sister Europe’s need, or pride, 

(For that’s repaid her, and much more beside, 

By one rich jewel, which th’ heavens did thence afford, 
As pious Herbert gave his honest word.) 

Yet thinks she may into the catalogue come, 

With Europe, Africk, Asia, for one tomb.* 

Ez. Rogers. 

For piety, prudence, wisdom, zeal, and learning, and 
what else might make him serviceable in the time and 
place he lived in, he might be compared with those of 
greatest note. He needs no other praise than the fruits 
of his own labours in both Englands, which shall pre¬ 
serve an honourable and happy remembrance of him for¬ 
ever. 

August 25, 1649, put a period to the days of that fer¬ 
vent and powerful preacher of the gospel, Mr. Thomas 
Shepard, the worthy pastor of the church of Christ at 
Cambridge. To him may be in his measure applied the 
words of David, “ The zeal of thine house hath consumed 
me,” for he died in the 44th year of his age. In whom 
was found the zeal, fervour, piety, and learning, of an 
eminent, worthy preacher of the gospel. 

* Variations. [From Mather’s Magnalia.j F„d. 

Line 4.and much gain beside, 

5. In one rich pearl, which heaven did thence afford. 

7, Yet thinks, She in the catalogue may come. 



GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LIX. 

General affairs cf the Massachusetts , in New England , 
from 1651 to 1656. 

In the beginning of this lustre, viz. May the 7th, 
1651, Mr. Endicot was again chosen governour, and 
Mr. Dudley deputy governour, which order in the elec¬ 
tion of the chief rulers of that colony was observed in 
the years 1652 and 1653. 

In the general court of the year 1651, Boston grow- 
ing populous, and many occasions thereby intervening, 
that required the administration of justice oftener than 
the stated courts of the county could well attend unto, the 
town was allowed the power of keeping a kind of corpora¬ 
tion court by commissioners chosen by the inhabitants. 
And whereas the people, inhabiting upon the south side of 
Pascataqua river had resigned up their government to 
the Massachusetts, those on the other side in the Pro¬ 
vince of Maine were the same year, 1651, urged with 
the like necessity as the other were; for having run 
themselves aground in their government, and not well 
able to recover the stream again, they were willing to cast 
themselves upon the general court of the Massachusetts, 
who, upon several considerations, past an order and de¬ 
claration about their right and title thereunto, and or¬ 
dered Mr. Bradstreet, Maj. Denison, and Capt. Hathorne 
to treat with the gentlemen of the said province about the 
surrender thereof, as in their best judgments and discre¬ 
tions they should think meet. On which account all 
the towns eastward of the Pascataqua were, within the 
compass of the next two years, taken into the govern¬ 
ment of the Massachusetts in like manner. 

In the year 1652, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Symonds, Capt. 
Wiggin, and Mr. Pendleton, were sent as commission¬ 
ers to summon the inhabitants of Kittery to come in and 
own their subjection to the Massachusetts, as of right 
and proper interest belonging unto them. And being 
assembled together November 16, that year, they sub¬ 
mitted thereunto, their submission being subscribed by 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


043 

above forty of the inhabitants at the same time. The 
like was done at Agamenticus the 22d of the same 
month, the place being afterward called York. In like 
manner in the year following, sciL 1653, commissioners 
were sent from the Massachusetts to take the town of 
Wells into their government, as was done in the places 
last mentioned the year before. And the like also was done 
at Saco, July 5th of the same year, and their submission 
subscribed by sixteen of their inhabitants, who were the 
principal if not the greatest part of their number. Those 
of Cape Porpoise did the like about the same time, twelve 
of which place submitted thereunto. 

To all of these eastern plantations were granted, for 
their encouragement, larger privileges than to the common 
inhabitants of the Massachusetts, scil. all the privileges 
of the freemen, upon the taking the oath that belongeth 
thereunto; and tor the clearing of the right and title of the 
Massachusetts to the said province, some skilful math¬ 
ematicians were ordered that year to run the north line 
of the Massachusetts patent, according to the late inter¬ 
pretation of the bounds thereof; and the line was ac¬ 
cordingly run October 13, 1653. 

And some gentlemen about Pascataqua did, in the year 
1669, raise a considerable contribution for the advan¬ 
tage of the college, by way of gratuity for the kindness 
they received by the patronage of the Massachusetts gov¬ 
ernment, scil. 60 pounds per annum for seven years. 

In the same year was liberty granted for several plan¬ 
tations within the limits of the Massachusetts colony, 
as at Northampton and Hadley, upon Connecticut river, 
and at a pleasant place upon Merrimack river, called 
Chelmsford. Liberty also was granted for a township, 
at an Indian plantation in the way towards Hadley, called 
by the inhabitants Lancaster. Several families had seated 
themselves there ever since the year 1647, but now by 
the addition of a convenient number of inhabitants they 
became a township. 

May 3, 1654, Mr. Bellingham was by the freemen in¬ 
vited to accept of the governour’s place, and Mr. Endi- 
cot called by them to be deputy. This year was the first 


general history 


51 * 

time that the laws of the Massachusetts, for the better 
direction of the people, were ordered to be printed. 

Acd at this court of election, Mr. Wheelwright, hav¬ 
ing given the court and country satisfaction as to those 
things were objected against him in the year 1636, was 
approved as a minister of the town of Hampton, where 
he had by permission preached some years before. 

At this court likewise Mr. John Eliot, minister of 
Roxbury, that had heretofore by them been encouraged 
to go on with preaching the gospel to the Indians, obtain¬ 
ed several parcels of land for the Indians, that gave any 
sincere hopes for their embracingof the Christian religion, 
as at Hasanameset,* a place up into the woods beyond 
Medheld and Mendon, and at Puncapoag, beyond Dor¬ 
chester, as well as Natick, near Dedham, mentioned be¬ 
fore. 

At this time Mr. Henry Dunster, president of Harvard 
College, having entertained thoughts with himself for the 
resignation of his place, upon the account of some dif¬ 
ference between him and some of the overseers, as being 
suspected for too much inclination to antipasdobaptism, 
he had his liberty granted so to do, and the overseers 
took hold of the opportunity to invite Mr. Chauncey, of 
Scituate, to accept of the president’s place, a man of 
great learning and worth, with incomparable diligence 
and labour in his study, which he held to the last, yet of 
the contrary extreme as to baptism, frotn his predeces¬ 
sor ; it being his judgment not only to admit infants to 
baptism, but to wash or dip them all over; an opinion 
not tolerable at all seasons in a cold region, which made 
the notion less dangerous as to the spreading thereof, be¬ 
ing altogether impracticable in so cold a country for the 
greatest part of the year. Thus are men apt to run in¬ 
to extremes with Peter, who would either not be washed 
at all, or else over his whole body. 

In the last year of this lustre, the government of the 
Massachusetts returned to Mr. Endicot, who missed 
not thereof to the end of his life, after this year; the 
deputy’s place in like manner remaining with Mr. Bel¬ 
lingham, till his turn came to be advanced to the high* 

* Grafton. Ed, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 915 

est place, after the decease of the forementioned gentle¬ 
man. 

Two more plantations or townships were this year 
granted, the one at Shashin, upon a'river falling into Mer¬ 
rimack, called Billerica; the other higher above Con¬ 
cord, called Groton. 

Thus did the inhabitants of New England, that it might 
not be forgotten whence they had their original, im¬ 
print some remembrance of their former habitations in 
England upon their new dwellings in America. 

CH/\P. LX. 

A quarrel between the inhabitants of New Haven and the 
Dutch at Manhatoes, the Massachusetts not willing to 
engage therein ; from 1651 to 1656. 

Ever since the uniting of the four colonies of 
New England, in the year 1643, they always had, as an 
obligation, so a Christian inclination, mutually to assist 
and strengthen the hands each of other; yet they all this 
while enjoyed peace and tranquillity in a way of amicable 
intercourse with their neighbours on all sides. But in 
the year 1653, there arose an unhappy difference between 
the colony of New Haven and the Dutch at Manhatoes, 
who had intercepted the trading of the other at Delaware 
with the Indians. And indeed the principal part of the 
inhabitants of New Haven had some thoughts of remov¬ 
ing thither, if they should meet with encouragement suit¬ 
able to so great a change. But the Dutch governotir, 
to prevent any such enterprize, took all opportunities to 
obstruct the proceeding therein, which occasioned much 
altercation amongst the commissioners of the colonies, 
so as they were constrained to adjourn their meetings 
from one place to another, before they could come to a 
settled conclusion; but at the last, those of New Haven 
were persuaded by reason and judgment, or else overrul¬ 
ed by the vote of the rest of the commissioners, to sur¬ 
cease their quarrel, and rather put up a lesser injury of 
that nature, than engage themselves, their friends and al¬ 
lies in a difficult war, the issue of which they could 
69 


Sid 


GENERAL HISTORY 


one of them at the present see, but might all in a little 
time have found to their sorrow. It was declared by 
the general court of the Massachusetts, while the matter 
was under debate, that a bare major part of the commis¬ 
sioners of the colonies had not power to determine the 
justice of offensive war, (which at this time might have 
been of dangerous consequence,) if it should have been 
granted, for then each colony might have been engaged 
in a mischievous war, without their knowledge or con¬ 
sent, if the commissioners of any three colonies deter¬ 
mined thereof. 

The truth is, those of New Haven and the Dutch 
were at variance continually, both under the former gov- 
ernour, Mr. William Kieft, (who returned homeward 
anno 1647,) and so continued under Mr. Stuyvesant, 
that succeeded in his place, maintaining jealousies each 
against other, sometimes (as was thought) upon ground¬ 
less surmises. For in the beginning of the year 1653, 
a rumour was spread through the colonies that the Dutch 
had conspired with the Indians against the English, in¬ 
somuch that April 19th that year there was an extraor¬ 
dinary meeting of the commissioners called at Boston, 
by Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Hibbins, Mr. Nowell, and Mr. 
Glover, to consider of several rumours of reports gath¬ 
ered from the Indians and others, that the Dutch had 
plotted with the Indians, and stirred them up to cut off 
the English. Those who raised, or at least made this 
report, were seven Indians, taken in a canoe by Uncas 
his men, who were four of them Pequots, two were 
strangers, the seventh was said to be employed to poi¬ 
son Uncas, whom therefore they presently killed in a 
rage, for fear he should escape. It was said he was hir¬ 
ed by Ninicraft, one of the Narraganset sachems, who 
was all the winter before at Manhatoes, and that spring 
sent home in a Dutch sloop. The commissioners sent 
sergeant Richard Way and sergeant John Barrell, of Bos¬ 
ton, te> Narraganset to inquire into the truth of those re¬ 
ports. The sachems there denied the thing, but the 
commissioners were so moved with the reports, that they 
urged the necessity of a war with the Dutch, and called 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


047 

in the council of the Massachusetts, advising also with 
the ministers about the matter, but they all dissuaded 
from the war, although they found the presumptions to be 
very strong; and it could not be denied, that there was 
some such design in hand to destroy the English. 

The com.missioners, after a debate with them, were of 
different apprehensions, and could not all of them be in- 
duced to enter upon a war, remembering what Solomon 
saith, “ with good advice make war.” The ministers 
also consulted with, left it with them to consider how 
unexpedient and unsafe it would be for such a people 
as those of New England, to err either in point of law¬ 
fulness or expediency, or both, in a matter of this nature; 
and whether a people, professing to walk in the spirit of 
the gospel of peace, and having to do with a people pre¬ 
tending to the same profession, should not give the 
Dutch governour an opportunity to answer for himself, 
either by purgation, acceptance, or disacceptance of 
some satisfactory propositions for security as the matter 
shall require, by whose answer their call to war or peace 
might be further cleared, and the incolumity of the colo¬ 
nies in the mean time provided for; but April 28 follow¬ 
ing, they received letters from the Dutch governour, ut¬ 
terly denying the charge, and offering to send or come 
himself to clear the matter, though letters from others 
affirmed it, and that the execution of the Indians was has¬ 
tened, and said to be on the election day when the towns 
were naked of inhabitants ; hereupon they presently sent 
Capt. Leveret, Capt. Davis, and Mr. Newman, from 
New Haven, as their agents, with a letter to inquire more 
particularly into the business of the conspiracy charged, 
and to require satisfaction for some former injuries. 
They carried also copies of letters from Gapt. Under¬ 
hill, with the original of nine sagamores’ confessions, with 
their names, declaring the plot. They were ordered also 
to desire the Dutch governour and his council that they 
might meet at Stamford, if they chose that, rather than at 
Manhatoes. Capt. Leveret and Capt. Davis returned to 
Boston May 21 after, and declared what propositions 
they made, and what answers they received for clearing 


548 


GENERAL HISTORY 


themselves; that this matter might be rightly examined, 
the author found, the business proved, and the offender 
might, by his superiours, be duly committed and pun¬ 
ished. 

The Dutch govcrnour propounded, 1. The continu¬ 
ation of neighbourly friendship, without either side taking 
notice of the unhappy differences between their nations 
in Europe, with continuation of trade, mutual justice 
against those that should seek to defraud their creditors, 
because of the differences arisen between the two nations; 
% For the future, to prevent all false reports rising from 
the Indians. The agents complained that their answers 
were dilatory, and not direct, though plausible, and at 
last concluded of accepting their proposals for the fu¬ 
ture, if satisfaction w r ere made for what is past, and re¬ 
turned answer, that as they would do no wrong, so would 
they not suffer their countrymen in those parts to be op¬ 
pressed, they doing nothing to bring it upon themselves. 
Also before their return, they took several testimonies 
from sundry persons, declaring just suspicion of the 
plot, but being taken some of them at the second and 
third hand, were the less to be minded. Some of them 
intimated, that the Dutch governour, Ninicraft, and the 
fiscal, were up in a close room together, sometimes two 
days, which, if true, could only raise suspicion, but af¬ 
ford no certain evidence. 

After this return of their agents, the commissioners 
had much agitation among themselves before they could 
agree. At the last it was teferred to two gentlemen, each 
of them to draw up a draught of the case in difference, 
viz. Mr. Theophilus Eaton, governour of New Haven, 
on the one side, and Maj. Daniel Denison on the other 
side; upon the perusal of which it did not appear that 
the proofs alleged were a sufficient ground for such a 
procedure, and therefore it was judged best to forbear the 
use of the sword till the providence of God should by fur¬ 
ther evidence clear up the case to the consciences of them 
who were concerned in the determination of that matter; 
to which the general court of the Massachusetts assent- 
ed 3 not judging it expedient for those who came into 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


549 

America, to preach and profess the gospel of peace, to 
be over forward to enter into a war with their Christian 
neighbours of the same reformed religion, though of 
another nation, upon slender, or not any considerable 
grounds. By this means, the difference was at the last 
fairly ended, which else might have had a fatal issue to 
one or more of the colonies. 

The Dutch governour, on the other hand, did by his 
letters complain of the hasty departure of the commis¬ 
sioners’ agents, returning also a large declaration in his 
own defense, adding, 

Conscia mens recti famse mendacia ridet. 

And upon further consideration, at a meeting in Sep¬ 
tember 1654, the commissioners of the Massachusetts 
did, under their hands, declare something towards the 
recalling the court’s former interpretation of the articles 
of confederation, owning that six of the commissioners 
had power to determine the justice of a war, and did ac¬ 
knowledge themselves bound to execute the same, so far 
as the said determinations were in themselves just and 
according to God. This the other commissioners ac¬ 
cepted, on condition the general court would declare as 
much. 

But however the colony of New Haven were prevent¬ 
ed from engaging the confederate colonies in a war 
against the Dutch at that time, yet were they not so ful¬ 
ly satisfied in their minds, as to desist from other attempts 
of that nature; for some of the chief of that colony going 
that year for England, prevailed so far with those at that 
time in power, that they obtained a commission for cer¬ 
tain ships and soldiers to seize the Dutch plantation to the 
use of the English ; and the matter had proceeded so 
far, that they were with their vessels and soldiers upon 
the sea; but being long upon the voyage, by reason of 
many interruptions which they met withal, news of the 
peace, concluded between the states of Holland and the 
powers in England, arrived before the fleet, which oc¬ 
casioned the commander in chief to turn his forces 
another way, viz. to attack the French forts about St. 
John’s river, which was obtained w ithout any great re- 


550 


GENERAL HISTORY 


sistance, and those places were thereby reduced into the 
power of the English, and enjoyed by them,till his majes¬ 
ty now reigning was happily restored to the exercise of his 
regal power in England. It is said to be carried on with¬ 
out any other commission, than a verbal one, from some 
of Oliver Cromwell’s commanders at sea, which pos¬ 
sibly was one reason why it was so easily returned into 
the hands of them from whom it was taken not long be¬ 
fore ; nor had it any better success than designs of that 
nature were usually attended with, that were built upon 
such a like foundation. 

When they attacked those French places, the soldiers 
occasionally met with a paper of maxims, with which 
the friars were to be governed in their administration, 
which may sufficiently satisfy the world with what spirit 
and principles those of the catholic religion are acted. 

CHAP. LXI. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England , from 1651 to 
1656. 

The platform of discipline, drawn up in 1647 and 
1648, was at this time under debate, and at the last it pas¬ 
sed the test of the whole general court, both magistrates 
and deputies, and the practice of it was commended to 
all the churches of the jurisdiction. 

In the year 1651, the general court taking it for grant¬ 
ed that the civil power is custos utriusque tabula 1 interpos¬ 
ed their authority in a matter of an ecclesiastical concern¬ 
ment, scil. the choice of a minister by the church of 
Malden, and passed an handsome fine or mulct upon all 
of the church that were actors therein, for calling the said 
minister to his pastoral office, without the consent and 
approbation of neighbouring churches, and allowance 
of the magistrates, (if not against the same,) contrary to 
the approved practice of the country, provided in that 
case. But upon after thoughts, which usually are more 
mature than the sudden and first conceptions of men’s 
minds, the people of Malden themselves came to see, 
and also were willing to acknowledge their miscarriage, 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


551 


and thereby gave occasion for others to acknowledge the 
power of the civil authority in matters of religion, as well 
as in the affairs of righteousness and honesty, according 
to the judgment of all sober divines. 

And indeed let the experience of all reformed churches 
be consulted withal, and it will appear, that disorder and 
confusion of the church will not be avoided by. all the 
determinations, advice, and counsel of synods, or other 
messengers of churches, unless they be a little acuated 
by the civil authority. All men are naturally so wedded 
to their own apprehensions, that unless there be a coer¬ 
cive power to restrain, the order and rule of the gospel 
will not be attended. 

For the preventing of the like inconveniences in the 
country it was soon after made into an order by the gen¬ 
eral court, that no minister should be called unto office 
in any of the churches, within their jurisdiction, without 
the approbation of some of the magistrates, as well as of 
the neighbouring churches; on which ground, in the 
year 1653, the court would not allow the north church 
of Boston to call Mr. Powell, a well gifted, though illite¬ 
rate person, to the stated office of a publick preacher or 
minister; wherefore the people of the town contented 
themselves with his being called to the place of ruling el¬ 
der, that so no occasion might be given thereby for illite¬ 
rate persons, that were not able to instruct all, and con¬ 
vince gainsayers, to intrude themselves into the sacred 
function of the ministry of the gospel. 

And whereas the plantations of New‘England had 
never as yet been acquainted with the way of paying 
tythes, (which none of the reformed churches ever yet 
condemned as unlawful, although it was not looked up¬ 
on as the most convenient for the towns and plantations 
of New England,) for the support of the ministry in the 
several towns, it was now left to the power of every coun¬ 
ty court throughout the whole jurisdiction, to make suf¬ 
ficient provision for the maintenance of the ministry, in 
the respective towns of the colony, and to rectify any de¬ 
fect, upon complaint of any such, for want of means 
whereby comfortably to subsist. 


052 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LXII. 

Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to 
1656. 

Within the compass of this lustre was the Massa¬ 
chusetts deprived of two eminent and worthy persons, 
the one in the magistracy, the other in the ministry; 
which loss was the more to be lamented, in that they left 
neither of them any one in each of their capacities, equal 
with themselves. 

Mr. Dudley, an ancient gentleman, one of the prin¬ 
cipal founders and pillars of the Massachusetts colo¬ 
ny, was called from his station July 31,1653, in the 77th 
year of his age, eminently qualified with those choice vir¬ 
tues, fit for the discharge of the trust, to which he was oft 
called, and wherein he always approved himself a lover 
of justice, and friend of truth, an enemy of all disorder, 
and that always bore a special antipathy against all heresy 
and corrupt doctrine; which made him conclude his own 
epitaph with this character of himself, “ I died no liber¬ 
tine and which gave occasion to a reverend person of 
the clergy, to honour him with this double encomium, 
as well of English as Latin poesy : 

THOMAS DUDLEY, 

HOLD, MAST, WE DY. 

When swelling gusts of antinomian breath, 

Had well nigh wreck’d this little bark to death, 

When oars ’gan crack, and anchors, then we cry, 

Hold firm, brave mast, thy stand, or else we die. 

Our orth’dox mast did hold, we did not die; 

Our mast now roll’d by tk’ board, (poor bark) we cry 
Courage, our pilot, lives, who stills the waves, 

Or midst the surges still his bark he saves. 

EPITAPHIUM. 

Heluo librorum, lectorum bibliotheca 
Communis, sacra syllabus historian, 

Ad mensam comes, bine facundus, rostra disertus- 
Nou cumulus verbis, pondas aemnen erat ? 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


55B 


Morum acris censor, validus defensor amansque, 

Et same, et canoe, catholiege fidei. 

Anglinovi eolumen, sumnium decus, atque senatus, 
Thomas Dudleius conditur hoc tumulo. 

N. R. 

He was the most resolved champion of the truth, above 
all the gentlemen in the country, in the years 1636 and 
1637, at which time was New England’s crisis; when 
many, under pretence of crying up the free grace of 
God in the work of man’s salvation, had well nigh cash¬ 
iered all the grace of God out of their hearts, endeavour¬ 
ing to vilify the grace of sanctification, that thereby they 
might exalt the grace of justification. 

On the 23d of December, 1652, that reverend and ho¬ 
ly man of God, Mr. John Cotton, put off this his earthly 
tabernacle, being entered into the 68th year of his age. 
Hisexcellent learning, profound judgment, eminent grav¬ 
ity, Christian candour, and sweet temper of spirit, where¬ 
by he could very placidly bear those that differed from 
him in their apprehensions, made him most desired 
while he was amongst them, and the more lamented, af¬ 
ter he was removed hence. So equal a contention be¬ 
tween learning and meekness, magnanimity and humili¬ 
ty, is seldom seen in any one person, and therefore did his 
worthy successour not unfitly, in writing his life, give 
him that encomium, which the German Phoenix gave 
unto Luther, “ I,” (saith he, speaking of himself,) “am a 
logician, Pomeramus is a grammarian, Justus Jonas is 
an oratour, but Luther is all.” He was a famous light in 
his generation, a glory to both Englands; one in whom 
was so much of what is desirable in man, as the conscien¬ 
ces of all that knew him appealed unto, is rarely to be 
seen in any one conversant upon the earth. And as con¬ 
cerning any tenet, wherein he may be thought to be sin¬ 
gular, it. must be remembered, that although he was a 
star of the first magnitude, yet he was on this side of that 
place and state where the spirits of just pien are made 
perfect, and when the “ wise shall shine as the brightness of 
the firmament.” He that wrote his life, saith, that might 
he but have received with some proportion to the mea¬ 
sure which he gave to others, he would be found no 
70 


GENERAL HISTORY 


&54) 

debtor to any man upon earth on that account. The 
Jews unto their own question, “why Asa and Jehosha- 
phat removing the idols in the high places, took not also 
away the brazen serpent,” give this answer : “ the fathers 
left a place for Hezekiah to exercise his zeal.” 

In the year 1655, was another general faint cough that 
passed through the whole country of New England, oc¬ 
casioned by some strange distemper or infection of the 
air; it was so epidemical, that few persons escaped a 
touch thereof. It began about the end of June, and was 
so epidemical, that few were able to visit their friends, 
or perform the last testimony of respect to any of their 
relations at any distance. By which, on July the 2d, in 
the year 1655, was put a period to the life and labours of 
that reverend, learned, holy, and worthy minister of the 
gospel, Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, pastor of the church at 
Ipswich, to whom it might be honour enough to say, 
that he was the son of Mr. John Rogers, the famous 
preacher of Dedham, of whom it might be affirmed, that 
he was the only Boanerges of his age, as the reverend 
and learned bishop Brownrigg was not unwilling to own. 
But this his son, treading in his father’s steps, was, though 
not his eldest son, yet heir of a double portion of his 
spirit, and worthy to have transmitted more honour to 
his posterity than he received from those before him, by 
reason of his eminent learning, singular piety, holy zeal, 
with other ministerial abilities. But being always bur¬ 
dened with many bodily infirmities, he was never able to 
polish any of his elucubrations to render them fit for the 
publick, so as thereby the church of God was deprived 
of his elaborate studies, further than his auditory reach¬ 
ed, who were his epistle, as the apostle speaketh, seen 
and read of all that knew them. And indeed the ministry 
of himself, together with that of his worthy colleague, 
had such authority in the hearts of the hearers, that none 
of them, though a great auditory, were in the time of 
their ministry, or since, ever leavened with any corrupt 
doctrine, or heretical principle, which is much as to these 
times wherein we live, which God grant may still con¬ 
tinue. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


bm 


CHAP. LXin. 

The general affairs of New England , from 1656 to 
1661. 

During this whole lustre, the governour’s place fell 
to Mr. Endicot’s lot at every election, as that of the dep¬ 
uty governour to Mr. Bellingham; the which fell out 
in the year 1656, May 14th; in 1657, May the 6th ; in 
1658, May the 19th; in 1659, May the 11th; in 1660, it 
happened on May the 30th; in all which space of time 
did no matter of great moment occur in New England. 

In the year 1656, some care was taken to settle the dif¬ 
ference about the two patents, relating to the land on the 
lower side of Pascataqua river, at Swamscot, between 
Dover and Exeter, where Capt. Wiggin was concerned. 

Several troops of horse were appointed up and down, 
in every shire of the country, for greater security of re¬ 
mote towns, in case they should be assaulted by any en¬ 
emy. There fell out occasions enough to make use of 
them sooner than was expected. 

In the year 1657, the trade with the Indians for furs 
was farmed out to some particular persons, versed in 
that way of dealing, and not long after released. Well 
had it been for New England, if that trade had;never been 
taken up, or had been better ordered, and some more ef¬ 
fectual care taken about it, being observed to be scarce 
ever blest to any person, that meddled much therein. 
At this time also, Harvard College was endowed with 
two thousand acres of land, which in after ages, it is hop¬ 
ed, may turn to better account than at present it is like 
to do. 

Within this compass of years, the colonies of New 
England were deprived of more worthy men, than in 
many before, of the like number. June 5, 1657, Ply¬ 
mouth lost their worthy governour, Mr. William Brad¬ 
ford, who had continued in that place ever since the first 
planting thereof, in a manner with very little intermis¬ 
sion ; the very prop and stay of that colony during all 
the whole series of changes that passed over them. He 


856 


GENERAL HISTORY 


was a person of great gravity and prudence, and of sober 
principles, and for one of that persu ision very pliable, 
gentle and condescending, which occasioned the greater 
lamentation at his funeral obsequies, as if in him the 
people of that small colony had buried all their help and 
hope. But he who made it at the first utterance a divine 
proverb, (in the mount of the Lord it shall be seen,) hath 
in all following ages made it good to the experience of 
his people; in that those, in whom the choice of the 
people in that jurisdiction hath since centered, have been 
furnished with that measure of assistance as hath carried 
them through the difficulties, as they have met withal in 
their government; both Mr. Thomas Prince, that im¬ 
mediately was called to that place, after Mr. Bradford’s 
decease, and Mr. Josiah Winslow, that honourable gen¬ 
tleman who at this time, scil. 1678, supplied that place 
and several years before. 

Not long before, Capt. Standish ended his warfare, 
that was the military chieftain of that colony. He was 
allied to the noble house of Standish, in Lancashire, in¬ 
heriting some of the virtues of that honourable family, 
as well as the name. 

Mr. Ralph Partridge also died about this time, anno 
1658, in a good old age; a man of eminent piety and 
learning, sound judgment, that for above twenty years 
had faithfully dispensed the word of God in that juris¬ 
diction at Duxbury; and notwithstanding the paucity and 
poverty of hjs flock, continued in his work amongst 
them to the last, leaving behind him that honourable tes¬ 
timony of his patience, meekness, and contentation of 
mind. 

In the following year, Mr. Henry Dunster,* the first 
president of Harvard College, ended his pilgrimage at 
Scituate,in Plymouth jurisdiction. His body was solemn¬ 
ly interred at Cambridge, where he had spent the choice 
part of his studies and of his life, and might there have 
continued, if he had been endowed with that wisdom 
which many others have wanted besides himself, to have 
kept his singular opinion to himself, when there was lit¬ 
tle occasion for venting thereof. 

* Dunstarr, Ms, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


55 7 

New Haven also, within this time, lost two of their 
governours, Mr. Eaton and Mr. Newman; of the first 
of whom mention is made. Mr. Thomas Mayhew jun. 
was also in the year 1657 lost, with the whole ship’s com¬ 
pany of Mr. Garret, who were buried in the waves of 
the sea, in their voyage to England, whereby a great stop 
was put to the conversion of the Indians on Martin’s 
Vineyard, of which said Mayhew had been the chief in¬ 
strument under God. But the principal and most mo¬ 
mentous change, that happened within this lustre, was 
the joyful acclamations of the happy restoration of his 
majesty to the royal throne, which had been detained 
from him by the late usurpations; it being now hoped 
that the winter of publick sorrows being over, the peace¬ 
ful voice of the turtle should be heard in the flourishing 
spring approaching, through all the lands of his English 
dominions. An address was sent unto him from thence, 
December 10, 1660, which is as follows: 

To the high and mighty Prince, Charles the second, by the grace 

of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defend¬ 
er of the Faith, &c. 

Most gracious and dread sovereign. 

May it please your majesty, in the day wherein you 
happily say, you know you are king over your British 
Israel, to cast a favourable eye upon your poor Mephibo- 
sheth, now, and by reason of lameness in respect of dis¬ 
tance, not until now, appearing in your presence; we 
mean upon New England, kneeling with the rest of your 
subjects before your majesty as her restored king. We 
forget not our inaptness as to these approaches; we at 
present own such impotence, as renders us unable to 
excuse our irnpotency of speaking unto our lord the 
king; yet contemplating such a king, who hath also seen 
adversity, that he knoweth the hearts of exiles, who him¬ 
self hath been an exile, the aspect of majesty extraordi¬ 
narily influenced, animateth exanimated outcasts, yet 
outcasts as we hope for the truth, to make this address 
unto their prince, hoping to find grace in your sight. 
We present this script, the transcript of our loyal hearts 


ms 


GENERAL HISTORY 


into your royal hands, wherein we crave leave to suppli¬ 
cate your majesty for your gracious protection of us in 
the continuance, both "of our civil as of our religious lib- 
ties, (according to the grantees 5 known end of suing for 
the patent,) conferred upon this plantation by your royal 
father. This, viz. our liberty to walk in the faith of the 
gospel with all good conscience, according to the order 
of the gospel, (unto which the former in these ends of 
the earth is but subservient,) was the cause of our trans¬ 
porting ourselves with our wives, our little ones, and 
our substance, from that pleasant land over the Atlantick 
ocean into the vast wilderness, choosing rather the pure 
scripture worship with a good conscience in this remote 
wilderness amongst the heathen, than the pleasures of 
England, with submission to the impositions of the then so 
disposed, and so far prevailing hierarchy, which we could 
not do without an evil conscience. For this cause we 
are this day in a land which lately was not sown, wherein 
we have conflicted with the sufferings thereof, much lon¬ 
ger than Jacob was in Syria. Our witness is in heaven, 
that we left not our native country upon any dissatisfac¬ 
tion as to the constitution of the civil state. Our lot, af¬ 
ter the example of the good old nonconformists, hath 
been, only to act a passive part throughout these late vi¬ 
cissitudes and successive overturning of states. Our 
separation from our brethren in this desert, hath been 
and is a sufficient bringing to mind the afflictions of Jo¬ 
seph ; but providential exemption of us hereby from the 
late wars and temptations of either party, we account as a 
favour from God; the former clothes us with sackcloth, 
the latter with innocency. What reception, courtesy, and 
equanimity those greater, and others, adherers to the roy¬ 
al interest, who in their adverse changes visited these 
parts, were entertained with amongst us, according to the 
meanness of our condition, we appeal to their own re¬ 
ports. 

Touching complaints put in against us, our humble 
request only is, that for the interim, while we are as 
dumb, by reason of our absence, your majesty would 
permit nothing to make an impression on your royal 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


559 


heart against us, until we have both opportunity and leave 
to answer for ourselves. Few will be nocent, said that 
impleader, if it be enough to deny ; few will be innocent, 
said the then emperour, if it be enough to accuse. Con- 
cerning the quakers, open and capital blasphemers, open 
seducers from the glorious Trinity, the Lord Jesus Christ, 
our Lord Jesus Christ, the blessed gospel, and from the 
holy scriptures as the rule of life, open enemies to the 
government itself, as established in the hands of any but 
men of their own principles, malignant and assiduous 
promoters of doctrines,directly tending to subvert both our 
church and state, after all other means fora long time used 
in vain ; we were at last constrained, for our own safety, 
to pass a sentence of banishment against them, upon pain of 
death. Such was their dangerous, and impetuous, and des¬ 
perate turbulence, both to religion and state, civil and ec¬ 
clesiastical, as that, how unwillingly soever, (could it have 
been avoided,) the magistrate at last, in conscience both 
to God and man, judged himself called for the defence 
of all, to keep the passage with the point of the sword 
held towards them. This could do no harm to him that 
would be .warned thereby ; their wittingly rushing them¬ 
selves thereupon was their own act; we with all humility 
conceive a crime, bringing their blood on their own head. 
The quakers died not because of their other crimes, how 
capital soever, but upon their superadded presumptuous 
and incorrigible contempt of authority, breaking in upon 
us, notwithstanding their sentence of banishment made 
known to them. Had they not been restrained, so far as 
appeared, there was too much cause to fear that we our¬ 
selves must quickly have died, or worse; and such was 
their insolency, that they would not be restrained but by 
death ; nay, had they at last but promised to depart the 
jurisdiction, and not to return without leave from author¬ 
ity, we should have been glad of such an opportunity to 
have said, they should not die. Let not the king hear 
men’s words; your servants are true men, fearing of God 
and the kiwg, not given to change, zealous of govern¬ 
ment order, orthodox and peaceable in Israel. We are 
not seditious as to the interest of Caesar, nor scismaticks 


£60 


GENERAL HISTORY 


as to the matters of religion. We distinguish between 
churches and their impurity, between a living man, 
though not without sickness or infirmity, and no man; 
irregularities, either in ourselves or others, we desire to 
be amended. We could not live without the publick wor¬ 
ship of God, nor permitted the publick worship without 
such a yoke of subscription, and conformities we could 
not consent unto without sin. That we might therefore 
enjoy divine worship without human mixtures, without 
offence to God, man, our own consciences, we with leave, 
but not without tears, departed from our country, kin¬ 
dred, and fathers’ houses, into this Pathmos ; in relation 
whereunto we do not say our garments aie become old, 
by reason of the very long journey, but that ourselves, 
who came away in our strength, are by reason of long 
absence many of us become grey headed, and some of us 
stooping for age. The omission of the prementioned in¬ 
junctions, together with the walking of our churches as 
to the point of order, the congregational way is it where¬ 
in we desire our orthodox brethren Would bear with us. 

Sir, We lie not before your sacred majesty. The Lord 
God of gods, the Lord God of gods knoweth/and Israel 
he shall know ; if it were in rebellion or schism that we 
wittingly left our dwellings in our own country for dwel¬ 
lings in this strange land, save us not this day ! 

Royal Sir, If according to this our humble petition 
and good hope, the God of the spirits of all flesh, the Fa¬ 
ther of mercy, who comforteth the abjects, shall make 
the permission of the bereavement of that all, (for which 
we have and do suffer the loss of all precious, so precious 
in our sight,) as that your royal heart shall be inclined to 
shew unto us the kindness of the Lord in your highness’ 
protection of us in these liberties, for which we hither 
came, which hitherto we have here enjoyed, upon Heze- 
kiah’s speaking comfortably to us as sons, this orphan 
shall not continue fatherless, but grow up as a revived in¬ 
fant, under a nursing father ; these churches shall be 
comforted, a door of hope opened by so signal a pledge 
of the lengthening of their tranquillity ; these poor, naked 
Gentiles, not a few of w 7 hom through grace are come 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


561 


and coming in, shall still see their wonted teachers, with 
encouragement of a more plentiful increase of the king, 
dom of Christ amongst them, and the blessing of the 
poor, afflicted, (and yet we hope,) a people trusting in 
God, shall come upon the head and heart of that great 
king, who was sometimes an exile, as we are, with the 
religious stipulation of our prayers; we prostrate at your 
royal feet, beg pardon for this our boldness, craving, fi¬ 
nally, that our names may be enrolled amongst 

Your majesty’s most humble subjects and suppliants. 

John Endicot, Governour, 

In the name and by the order of the general court of the Massachusetts. 

What acceptance this address found with his majesty, 
may be gathered from the letters, which he ordered to be 
sent to the country, on the 15th of February following, 
a true copy of which here folioweth: 

CHARLES R. 

Trusty and wellbeloved, we greet you well. It hav¬ 
ing pleased Almighty God, after long trial, both of us 
and our people, to touch their hearts at last with a just 
sense of our right, and by their assistance to restore us 
peaceably and without blood, to the exercise of our re¬ 
gal authority, for the good and welfare of the nations 
committed to our charge; we have made it our care to 
settle our lately distracted kingdoms at home, and to ex¬ 
tend our thoughts to increase the trade and advantage of 
our colonies and plantations abroad; amongst which, as 
we consider that of New England to be one of the chief- 
est, having enjoyed and grown up under an orderly es¬ 
tablishment, so we shall not come behind any of our 
royal predecessors, in a just encouragement and protec¬ 
tion of all loving subjects there, whose application unto 
us, since our late happy restoration hath been very ac¬ 
ceptable, and shall not want its due remembrance upon 
all seasonable occasions. Neither shall we forget to make 
you, and all our good people in those parts, equal partak¬ 
ers of those promises of liberty and moderation to ten¬ 
der consciences, expressed in our gracious declarations, 
which, though some persons in this our kingdom, of des- 
7 ! 


GENERAL HISTORY 


perate, disloyal, and unchristian principles, have lately 
abused, to the publick disturbance and their own destruc¬ 
tion, yet we are confident our good subjects in New Eng¬ 
land will make a right use of it, to the glory of God, 
their own spiritual comfort and edification ; and so we 
bid you farewel. 

Given at our court at Whitehall, the 15th of Februa¬ 
ry, 1660, in the thirteenth year of our reign. 

William Morrice. 

CHAP. LXIV. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England , from the year 
1656 to the year 1661. 

The affairs of the church in New England continu¬ 
ed in the same state as before ; and were hitherto order¬ 
ed according to the platform of discipline, set forth in 
the year 1648; but in the beginning of this lustre some 
difficulties began to arise about the enlarging the subject 
of baptism, which unto this time had been administered 
unto those children only, whose immediate parents were 
admitted into full communion in the churches where they 
lived* But now the country came to be increased, and 
sundry families were found, that had many children born 
in them, whose immediate parents had never attempted 
to join to any of the churches, to which they belonged, 
and yet were very much unsatisfied that they could not 
obtain baptism for their children, although themselves 
made no way to be admitted to the Lord’s supper. The 
case was generally apprehended to be difficultly circum¬ 
stanced, as things had hitherto been carried on amongst 
those churches, and did occasion many debates between 
the ministers of the country, many of which were wil¬ 
ling to have baptism enlarged to those in that capacity, 
but knew not well how to bring the matter about, with 
the peace of their churches, where many of their people 
were very scrupulous about any innovation. Questions 
of this nature were first started in the colony of Connect¬ 
icut ; the magistrates of which jurisdiction did, about 
the year 1656, send down several of them about this sub- 


OP NEW ENGLAND, 


563 


ject to the magistrates of the Massachusetts, and they 
mutually called together sundry of the ablest ministers 
of each colony, and recommended to their search and 
consideration some inquiries (about twenty, or one and 
twenty in all,) concerning that business, stated and fram¬ 
ed by themselves; and they met at Boston in New Eng¬ 
land, June 4th, 1657. The result, of their disputation 
and debate about those matters, being agreed upon by all, 
or the greatest part of them, was presented to the ma¬ 
gistrates of each jurisdiction, that so according to the 
first intendments thereof, it might be improved for the 
service of the churches, that belonged to their respec¬ 
tive jurisdictions. These pious and careful nursing fa¬ 
thers of the churches, foreseeing many differences like 
to arise to the disquieting of them, took this prudent 
course for the clearing up the truth in controversy, unto 
universal satisfaction, lest otherwise differences in judg¬ 
ment should beget or occasion uncomfortable animosi¬ 
ties, if not paroxysms of contention, that might more ea¬ 
sily in this way be prevented than healed, if once they 
should break out, which the event made appear too evi¬ 
dent afterwards. Some papers, that contained the pro¬ 
duct of those consultations and debates being sent into 
England, were by him, to whom they were committed, 
afterwards made publick, though not till the year 1659, 
finding that none had taken care for the printing of them 
in New England, as was by him and others at first ex¬ 
pected. The sum and substance of that disputation, 
which was cntituled 

A disputation concerning church members and their children, in 
answer to twenty one questions, 

is as followeth: 

Question 1. Whether any children of confederate pa¬ 
rents be under their parents’covenant, and members with 
them ? 

But why the question was so limitedly expressed, 
4 whether any,’ and not ‘ whether all children of confed¬ 
erate parents,’ will not be hard to conceive, when the 
next questions are made; however, the answer given 
was in the same particular term. 


364 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Answer. Some children of confederate parents are, by 
means of their parents’ covenanting, in covenant also, 
and so members of the church by divine institution. 
This answer was confirmed by sundry arguments, viz. 
1. Because they are in that covenant, for substance, which 
was made with Abraham, Gen. xvii. 7, compared with 
Deut. xxix, 12, 13, etc. 2. Because such children are 
by Christ affirmed to have a place and portion in the 
kingdom of heaven, &c» Matth. xix. 14. Mark x. 14 . 
Luke xviii. 16. 3. Else no children could be baptized, 

baptism being a church ordinance, and a seal of the 
covenant of grace, &c. with many others. 

Quest. 2. Whether all children, of whatever year or 
conditions, were so, as 1. Absent children never brought 
to the church. 2. Born before their parents* covenant¬ 
ing. 3. Incorrigible, or seven, ten, or twelve years old. 
4. Such as desire not to be admitted with their parents 
of such an age ? 

Ans. Only such children, as are in their minority, cove¬ 
nant with their parents; for adult children are to covenant 
in theii own persons. The w hole household of Lydia, the 
jailer and others were baptized ; and a child at the ages 
mentioned, is injans in foro eccles'ue. 

Quest. 3. Till what age shall they enter into covenant 
with their parents, whether sixteen, twenty one, &c. ? 

Ans. As long as in respect of age or capacity they 
cannot, according to ordinary account, be supposed able 
to act tor themsel ves, so long they shall enter in by means 
of tht ir parents’ covenant; because, whilst they are chil¬ 
dren, and in their minority, they are not otherwise capa¬ 
ble ol covenanting. Ishmael was admitted to the seal 
by *us father’s covenant, at thirteen years of age. Gen. 
xvii. 25. 

Quest. 4 What discipline a child is subject to, from 
seven to sixteen years old? 

Reply 1. Church discipline is taken either more large¬ 
ly, tor the act of a church member, dispensed to a church 
member as such by way of rebuke, &c. Luke xvii. 3, 4. 
Matth. xviii 15, or more strictly for the act of the whole 
church, dispensed to a member thereof, as m case of pub- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


065 


lick rebuke, he. Matth. xviii. 17. 2 Cor. ii. 3. 1 Tim. 

i. 20, In the first sense, children in their minority are 
subject to church discipline immediately, but not in the 
second. 

2. It is the duty of the elders and church to call upon 
parents to bring up their children in the nurture and ad¬ 
monition of the Lord. Ephe. vi. 4. 

3. Besides their subjection to ecclesiastical discipline, 
they are also subject to civil discipline, whether domes¬ 
tical, scholastical, or magistratical. 

Quest. 5. Whether a father may twice covenant for 
his children in minority in several churches. 

Rep. 1. When a parent is called to remove from one 
church to another, he is also called to enter into cove¬ 
nant in that church to which he removes. 

2. When the parent, thus removing, entereth into cov¬ 
enant, his children then in minority covenant in him; 
the child, and the power of government over him, must 
go together. 

Quest. 6. Whether the end of a deputy covenant be 
not to supply personal incapacity, or whether children, 
ripe for personal covenanting in respect of age, should 
covenant by a deputy, as others that are unable thereun¬ 
to? 

Ans. 1. Children in minority, whose immediate pa¬ 
rents are in church covenant, do covenant in their parents, 
as in answer to question 1. 

2. Children adult ought to covenant in their own per¬ 
sons, as may be gathered from Deut. xxvi. 17, 18, 19, 
and xxix. 10, and Josh. xxiv. 18, 27. Nehem. ix. ult. 
and x. 28. 

Quest. 7. Whether as large qualifications be not re¬ 
quired of a member’s child to the participation of the 
Lord’s Supper and other privileges, as were requirable 
of his parents at their first entrance ? 

Rep. The holding forth of faith and repentance with 
mi ability to examine themselves by way of confession to 
the judgment of charity, were all requirable in the parent 
for admission into the church to full communion, and 
the same is requisite to the regular admission of the pa- 


566 


GENERAL HISTORY 


rents’ child, being grown adult, unto his full communion 
with the church. The sum of the answer amounts to 
thus much : 1. That they are to have faith and repent¬ 
ance. 2. That this faith and repentance must appear to 
others. 

Quest. 8. Whether by covenant seed is meant the 
seed of immediate parents only, or of remote also ? 

Ans. The gospel, by covenant seed, intends only the 
seed of immediate parents in church covenant, as appears 
from 1 Cor. vii. 14. It can no where else expediently 
be bounded. JDepinge ubi scitam . 

Quest. 9. Whether adopted children and bound ser¬ 
vants be covenant seed ? 

Ans. Adopted children and infant servants, regularly 
and absolutely subjected to the government and dispose 
of such heads of families as are in church covenant, though 
they cannot be said to be their natural seed, yet in regard 
the scriptures, (according to the judgment of many godly 
learned,) extend to them the same covenant privileges 
with their natural seed ; we judge not any churches 
who are like minded with them for their practice herein. 
All which, notwithstanding, yet we desire at present to 
leave this question without all prejudice on our parts to 
after free disquisition. 

Quest. 10. Whether the child, admitted by his father’s 
covenant, be also a deputy for his seed, without or before 
personal covenanting; or without or before like personal 
qualifications in kind, as his father was to enjoy when he 
became a deputy ? 

Rep. It is the duty of infants who confederate in their 
parents, (as in answer to question 1,) when grown up to 
years of discretion, though not yet fit for the Lord’s 
supper, to own the covenant they made with their pa¬ 
rents, by entering thereinto in their own persons; and it 
is the duty of the church to call upon them for the per¬ 
formance thereof; and if being called upon they shall re¬ 
fuse the performance of this great duty, or otherwise 
continue scandalous, they are liable to be censured for 
the same by the church. And in case they understand 
the grounds of religion, are not scandalous, and solemn- 


OF NEW ENGLANI). 


567 


ly own the covenant in their own persons, wherein they 
give up both themselves and their children unto the Lord, 
and desire baptism for them, we (with due reverence to 
any godly, learned, that may dissent,) see not sufficient 
cause to deny baptism unto their children. 

This proposition was consented unto by a synod, called 
to meet at Boston, not long after, viz. 1662. They add, 
that the same may be said concerning the children of such 
persons who beingdead, or necessarily absent, either did 
or do give the church cause, in judgment of charity, to 
look at them as thus qualified, or, had they been called 
thereunto, would have thus acted. 

Quest. 11. Whether children, begotten by an excom¬ 
municate person, he so remaining, are to be baptized ? 

A ns. We cannot, for the present, answer the argu¬ 
ments for the negative, for the promise made to the seed 
belongs only to the seed of immediate parents in cove¬ 
nant now under the gospel; and such as are excom¬ 
municate, are to be looked upon as heathen and publi¬ 
cans. 

Quest. 12. Whether a child born of a person justly 
censurable, yet not actually excommunicate, be to be 
baptized? 

Ans. We answer affirmatively, for divine institution, 
which is the foundation of the covenant membership of 
the child, imputes only the covenant, and not any other 
act of the parents to the child. 

Quest. 13. Whether a member’s child’s unfitness 
for seals disableth not his seed for membership or bap¬ 
tism ? 

Ans. This question is answered in the 10th, agreeing 
in scope therewith. 

Quest. 14. Whether a member’s child be censurable 
for any thing but scandalous actions, and not also for ig¬ 
norance and inexperience ? 

Ans. A member’s child, (like as it is with all other 
members,) is censurable only for scandalous sins, conse¬ 
quently for ignorance and inexperience,when scandalous. 
Matth. xviii. 15, 18. 1 Cor. v* 11. 

Quest. 15. Whether a member’s child must only ex« 




GENERAL HISTORY 


amine himself, and may not be examined by others of his 
fitness for seals ? 

Ans. It is a duty of a member’s child to examine 
himself, and yet he is also subject to the examination of 
others, because the elders are to give an account, Heb. 
xiii. 18, and therefore must take an account; and it ap¬ 
pertained to them to see that the holy things be not defil¬ 
ed by the access of any unclean or unworthy person. 

Quest. 16. Whether any officers must examine in 
private, or else in publick before the church? 

Ans. Concerning their examination in private before 
the elders, the former reasons conclude affirmatively. 
It is spiritual wisdom by preparing the stones before 
hand, to prevent after noise in the building, 1 Kings, 
vii. 6. 

Quest. 17. Whether the same grown member’s child 
must not be examined of his charitable experience be¬ 
fore baptism, as well as before the Lord’s supper ? 

Ans. We think the elders do well to take an account 
of children concerning the principles of religion, accord¬ 
ing to their capacity, before they be baptized. But if 
children be yet in minority, their right unto baptism be¬ 
ing founded upon the covenant made in their parents, 
this examination is to be looked as conducing to the 
better application, but not to the being of their baptism. 

Quest. 18. Whether baptized children, sent away for 
settlement, and not intending to return, are continually 
to be accounted members ? 

Ans. Baptized children, though locally removed from 
the church unto which they do belong, are to be account¬ 
ed members, until dismission, death, or censure, dis¬ 
solve the relation. 

Quest. 19. Whether historical faith and a blameless 
life fit a member’s child for all ordinances and privi¬ 
leges, and he must be examined only about them ? 

Ans. Not only historical faith and a blameless life, but 
also such an holding forth of faith and repentance as un¬ 
to judgment of charity, sheweth an ability to examino 
themselves and discern the Lord’s body, is requisite to 
fit a member’s child for all ordinances and privileges, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


and his blameless life notwithstanding, a member’s 
child is to be examined concerning the other qualifica¬ 
tions. 

Quest. 20. Whether if a church member barely say, 
it repents me, though seventy times seven times follow¬ 
ing, he relapse into the same gross evils, as lying, slander, 
oppression, &c. he be to be forgiven, and not censured ? 

Ans. Notwithstanding a brother offends seventy times 
seven times, i. e. many times, a definite number being put 
for an indefinite, yet whilst God enables him to repent, it 
is our duty to forgive. But to say in words, I repent, and 
to gainsay it in, deeds, is, according to scripture, not to 
repent; yet an ingenuous and solemn profession of repent¬ 
ance, nothing appearing to the contrary, is to be accepted 
as true repentance in the judgment of charity. 1 Cor. 
xiii. 7. 

Quest. 21. Whether a member under offence, and not 
censured, or not with the highest censure, can authori¬ 
tatively be denied the Lord’s supper, or other church pri¬ 
vileges ? 

Ans. None but the church can authoritatively deny 
to the member his access unto theLord’s supper, because 
the power thereof is only delegated to that subject. Mat. 
xviii. 17. Neither can the church deny unto a member 
his access to the Lord’s supper, until she hath regularly 
judged him to be an offender; and the first act whereby 
he is judicially declared so to be, is admonition, whereby 
he is made judicially unclean ; Levit. xxii. 3, 4, 5, 6. 
and is thereby authoritatively denied to come unto the 
Lord’s supper. All which notwithstanding, there are 
cases wherein a brother apparently discerned to be in a 
condition rendering him an unworthy communicant, 
should he proceed to the Lord’s supper, may and ought 
regularly to be advised to forbear, and it is his duty to 
hearken thereunto; yet none should forbear to come wor¬ 
thily, which is their duty, because to their private appre¬ 
hension, another is supposed, (at least,) to come unwor¬ 
thily, which is his sin. 

The answer to these questions was drawn up at Bos¬ 
ton, June 19, 1657, and presented according as Is men- 
72 


570 


GENERAL HISTORY 


tioned before ; and was generally accepted by all those 
that rested satisfied in tiie determination of the following 
synod about the question concerning the subject of bap¬ 
tism, although the practice thereof was but gradually 
introduced into the churches of New England. And 
it is well known that some of the ablest ministers of the 
country, that were most forward and ready to promote 
these resolves, never durst adventure upon the practice 
thereof, for fear of making a breach in their respective 
churches. And some that were at that time otherwise 
persuaded, have, since then, altered their minds upon ma¬ 
ture consideration, and have also strongly engaged on 
the other hand and written judiciously in the defence 
thereof; and cleared it up to all, that it is no other, that* 
what was consonant not only to scripture, reason and 
antiquity, but to the apprehension and judgment of the 
first fathers of the churches of New England, as may be 
seen in Mr. Increase Mather his learned treatise on that 
subject, published not long since. 

And as this disputation had its first rise in the colony 
of Connecticut, so was there much difference and conten¬ 
tion raided at Hartford, where was the principal church of 
the jurisdiction, between Mr. Samuel Stone, their teach¬ 
er, and the rest of the church, occasioned at the first on 
some such account; insomuch that sundry members of 
that church, ha ving rent themselves off from that church, 
removed themselves to another place higher up that riv¬ 
er; where they seated themselves and gathered into a dis¬ 
tinct church in way of schism, as the rest of the church 
accounted. So that it came at the last to an open breach, 
which could not be healed or made up amongst them¬ 
selves, which put them upon a necessity of calling a con¬ 
vention of the messengers of sundry churches in the 
Massachusetts, who met together at Boston in the year 
I6o9 ; and upon a full hearing of ail the matters in con¬ 
troversy therein, they made a reconciliation between 
them, and those that irregularly departed away in that 
manner being convinced of their mistake, freely ac- 
knowleged it, which made the closure of that breach the 
more cordial and real; many paroxisms of contention 

* than.. Ed. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


87i 

in those churches having had the like comfortable issue, 
by the blessed influences of the Prince of Peace upon the 
use of the same means. 

CHAP. LXV. 

The plantations of New England troubled with the Qua¬ 
kers—Laws made against them by the general court of 
the Massachusetts within the space of this lustre , from 
1655 to 1660. 

About this time, the people called quakers had sent 
their emissaries to preach the gospel, (doubtless not the 
everlasting gospel which the apostle was sent to preach,) 
amongst the colonies of New England. Those of the 
Massachusetts considering what the apostle Paul speak¬ 
ing,* of holding him accursed that preacheth any other 
gospel, made very sharp laws against them, if it might 
have been to have prevented their troubling of the place 
with their strange and perverse doctrii ies. But the event 
succeeded not according to expectation; for divers of 
that sort repaired thither, as if they intended to have brav¬ 
ed authority, which occasioned the apprehending of seve¬ 
ral of them, who were prosecuted according to the laws 
lately enacted; which, after such and such steps and de¬ 
grees mentioned therein, doth proscribe them, upon pain 
of death. June the 1st, in the year lo60, Mary D\er, 
rebelliously returning after that sentence passed upon 
her, was sentenced to suffer death at the place of execu¬ 
tion, yet had liberty to pass for England at the next ses¬ 
sion of the court; the which she (as was hoped and de¬ 
sired,) attended not, as Joseph Nicholson and Jane his 
wife did, that by returning alter the like sentence passed 
upon them had brought themselves into the same prernu- 
nire, which some that wished them well persuaded unto, 
or to remove elsewhere ; by which means the execution 
of that fatal sentence was prevented on them. But Ma¬ 
ry Dyer wilfully returning, the authority of the place 
knew not how to deliver her from the severity of the law, 
which was the portion of two others of that sort of peo¬ 
ple, much about that time, viz. William Robinson and 

* speaketh. Ed. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


57S 

Marmaduke Stevenson, and soon after there was’ set 
out a declaration of the general court, justifying their 
proceedings. 

A declaration of the general court of the Massachusetts, holden 
at Boston, October 18, 1659, and printed by their order. Ed¬ 
ward Rawson, Secretary. 

Although the justice of our proceedings against Wil¬ 
liam Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer, 
supported by the authority of this court, the laws of the 
country, and the law of God, may rather persuade us to 
expect encouragement and commendation from all pru¬ 
dent and pious men, than convince us of any necessity 
to apologize for the same; yet forasmuch as men of 
weaker parts, out of pity and commiseration, (a com¬ 
mendable and Christian virtue, yet easily abused, and sus¬ 
ceptible of sinister and dangerous impressions,) for want 
of full information, may be less satisfied, and men of per- 
verser principles may take occasion hereby to calumniate 
us and render us as bloody persecutors—to satisfy the 
one and stop the mouths of the other, we thought it re¬ 
quisite to declare:—That about three years since, divers 
persons, professing themselves quakers, (of whose perni¬ 
cious opinions and practices we had received intelligence 
from good hands, both from Barbados and England,) 
arrived at Boston, whose persons were only secured to 
be sent away by the first opportunity, without censure or 
punishment, although their professed tenets, turbulent 
and contemptuous behaviour to authority, would have 
justified a severer animadversion, yet the prudence of 
this court was exercised only in making provision to se¬ 
cure the peace and order here established against their 
attempts, whose design (we were well assured of by our 
own experience, as well as by the example of their pre¬ 
decessors in Munster,) was to undermine and ruin the 
same. And accordingly a law was made and published, 
prohibiting all masters of ships to bring any quakers in¬ 
to this jurisdiction, and themselves from coming in, on 
penalty of the house of correction till they could be sent 
away. Notwithstanding winch, by a back door, they 
found entrance, and the penalty inflicted upon themselves 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


573 


proving insufficient to restrain their impudent and inso¬ 
lent obtrusions, was increased by the loss of the ears of 
those that offended the second time; which also being 
too weak a defence against their impetuous fanatick fury, 
necessitated us to endeavour our security ; and upon se¬ 
rious consideration, after the former experiment, by their 
incessant assaults, a law was made, that such persons 
should be banished on pain of death, according to the 
example of England in their provision against jesuits, 
which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last 
court of assistants against the parties above named, and 
they either returning or continuing presumptuously in 
this jurisdiction, after the time limited, were apprehend¬ 
ed, and owning themselves to be the persons banished, 
were sentenced by the court to death, according to the 
law aforesaid, which hath been executed upon two of 
them. Mary Dyer, upon the petition of her son, and 
the mercy and clemency of this court, had liberty to de¬ 
part within two days, which she hath accepted of. The 
consideration of our gradual proceedings will vindicate 
us from the clamorous accusations of severity ; our own 
just and necessary defence calling upon us (other means 
failing,) to offer the point which the se persons have vio¬ 
lently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby become 
felonesde se, which might it have been prevented, and the 
sovereign law, salus populi , been preserved. Our former 
proceedings, as well as the sparing of Mary D\er upon 
an inconsiderable intercession, will manifestly evince 
we desire their lives, absent, rather than their death, pre¬ 
sent. 

The executing of the said sentence was and is ac¬ 
counted by sundry that heard thereof very harsh. All 
that can be said in the defence thereof amounts to thus 
much: That the inhabitants of the place having pur¬ 
chased the country for themselves, they accounted it an 
unreasonable injury for any to come presumptuously, 
without license or allowance, to live amongst them, and 
to sow the seeds of their dangerous and perverse prin¬ 
ciples amongst the inhabitants, tending to the subversion 
of all that was good, whether sacred or civil; and there- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


574 

fore thought themselves bound to hold out the sharp 
against any that should attempt, without leave, to thrust 
themselves amongst them; which renders them that ob¬ 
stinately and wilfully would so do felones de se , like them 
that will break into a man’s dwelling house, whether he 
will or no. 

That law seems to have been made only as a provision 
to have diverted any such from settling amongst them ; 
which, when it was discerned it would not prove a meet 
expedient for the end, would have been waved without 
doubt by the power of the court that made it, had not the 
king’s most excellent majesty, according to his princely 
clemency, written to the country to forbear all corporal 
punishment of the quakers not long after, in the year 
1661, from which time the execution of the former laws 
was forthwith suspended. 

One Mrs. Hibbins, in the year 1650, was arraigned for 
a witch after her husband’s death. The **** found her 
guilty, but the magistrates consented not, so the matter 
came to the general court, where she was condemned by 
the deputies, (the first example in that kind,) and execut¬ 
ed. Voxpopuli went sore against her, and w T as the chief- 
est part of the evidence against her, as some thought. It 
fared with her, in some sense as it did with Joan of Arc, 
in France, executed by the duke of Bedford in Henry 
the fifth’s time; the which some counted a saint, and some 
a witch. Many times, persons of hard favour and tur¬ 
bulent passions are apt to be condemned by the common 
people for witches, upon very slight grounds. Some ob¬ 
served solemn remarks of providence set upon those who 
were very forward to condemn her, and brand others 
with the like infamous reproach on such grounds, about 
that time. Others have said that Mr. Hibbins’ losing 500 
pounds at once, by the carelessness of Mr. Terice the 
shipmaster, it so discomposed his wife’s spirit that she 
scarce ever was well settled in her mind afterward, but 
grew very turbulent in her passion and discontented, on 
which occasions she was cast out of the church, and then 
charged to be a witch, giving too much occasion by her 
strange carriage to common people so to judge. 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


m 


CHAP. LXVI. 

General affairs cf the Massachusetts , from the year 1661 
to 1666. 

In the beginning of this lustre, the same governour 
and deputy governour were, by the joint consent of the 
Massachusetts, chosen that were before, viz. Mr. Endi- 
cot and Mr. Bellingham, and so continued to 1665, with 
this only alteration, that in the last year, viz. 1665, Mr. 
Endicot being taken away, Mr. Bellingham succeeded 
him in his place* The aforesaid gentleman died in a 
good old age, honoured by all as one that had well de¬ 
served both of church and common weal, and was hon¬ 
ourably interred at Boston, March 23, 1665. 

Not many matters of moment occurred in this lustre 
of years, in New England, but what concerned the trans¬ 
actions in reference to our gracious sovereign, king 
Charles the second. 

And because about this time of his majesty’s happy 
restoration, an odd kind of book was unhappily printed 
by one of the ministers of lNew England, (that had spent 
his time to hetter purpose, on sundry accounts, in the 
years forepast,) that gave great distaste to the general 
court, as savouring too much of a fifth monarchy spirit; 
at least sundry expressions were used therein justly of¬ 
fensive to the kingly government of England, (though 
not intentionally by the author, who hath always profes¬ 
sed and practised better :) Publick testimony was borne 
against the said book by the censure of the general 
court; the justice of which censure, (as is said,) was ac¬ 
knowledged by the author himself. 

But that which doth beyond all exception clear the 
people of New England from any tincture of a rebellious 
or fanatical spirit, (however they may have been, by some 
that knew nothing of them by hearsays, misrepresented,) 
is their voluntary proclaiming his majesty, after informa¬ 
tion of his happy returning to the exercise of his royal 
power in his three kingdoms ; which was solemnly done 
on the 8th of August, 1661, by special order of the gen- 


576 


OEXERAL HISTORY 


eral court; to which may be added, that during the times 
of the late usurpation, there was never any other power i 
owned and pubiickly declared and submitted unto ; 
which is more than can be said of any other of his majes¬ 
ty’s plantations abroad, although it is well known that 
the same was expected, and the country was courted 
thereunto, by the person who is notv laid asleep in the 
dark house of the grave with his weapons under his head, 
though he were a terrour in the land k of the living, for a 
long time before. 

In the end of this year, 1661, the general court being 
called together, agreed to send over Mr. Bradstreet and 
Mr. Norton as their messengers, to represent the loyalty 
of the people of New England to his majesty, and to im¬ 
plore his grace and favour towards the country. They 
took their voyage in February, and returned back in Sep¬ 
tember following, having had a favourable reception 
with his majesty, and a concession of several acts of royal 
grace and favour, betokening all due encouragement for 
their proceedings in those parts of America, to the fur¬ 
ther advancing of his majesty’s interest there; which 
made them return like Noah’s dove with an oiive branch 
of peace in their mouths and hands, bringing back with 
them a gracious letter from his majesty, the contents of 
which were to this purpose, viz. 

That his majesty was well satisfied with their expres¬ 
sions of loyalty, duty, and good affection; that he receiv¬ 
ed them into his gracious protection, and would cherish 
them with best encouragement, confirming their patent 
and privileges; and, that he would pardon all crimes 
past, excepting such persons as stood attainted ; adding, 
that the late ill times had an influence into that colony, 
and that the privileges of the freemen should be further 
enlarged ; and further, since freedom and liberty of con¬ 
science was the chief ground of that plantation, that the 
like liberty and freedom be allowed duly to such as de¬ 
sire to perform their devotions after the manner of Eng¬ 
land, yet without indulgence to quakers, enemies to all 
government; scil. to all such as shall use their liberty 
without disturbance; and that all writs, processes with 


()¥ NEW ENGLAND. 


577 

indictments, should be made and sent forth in his majes¬ 
ty’s name, by all magistrates, secretaries, clerks, and all 
officers, that were concerned in publick writings; all 
which have been from that time carefully observed, and 
some former laws repealed, that were the ground of the 
former practice, a»:d new ones substituted in their room, 
requiring the observation of the premises; in which way 
tilings were quietly carried on without any great diffi¬ 
culty or trouble the two following years. Yet, notwith¬ 
standing all those expressions of favour, in the year 
1664, his majesty was pleased to depute some commis¬ 
sioners to take an account of the state of the colonies of 
New England, furnishing them with ample power for 
the rectifying any thing they should find amiss, or oth¬ 
erwise to commend it to his majesty’s further care and 
ordering. They were but four in number; the two 
principal of whom were Col. Nichols and Col. Cart¬ 
wright, who were both of them eminently qualified with 
abilities fit to manage such a concern, nor yet wanting in 
resolution to carry on any honourable design for the pro¬ 
moting his majesty’s interest, in any of those plantations 
whither they were sent. 

But their principal business being to reduce the Dutch 
plantation at the Manhatos to the obedience of his ma¬ 
jesty, wherein as soon as ever they expressed their de¬ 
sire of the assistance of the Massachusetts, in raising of 
forces to the number of two hundred, to join with such 
as they brought along with them, it was readily compli¬ 
ed with ; but before any such force could be raised and 
carried to the place, it was partly by the interpositions of 
some agents sent from the Massachusetts and the rest of 
the colonies, and partly by other prudent considerations, 
peaceably resigned up into the hands of his majesty’s 
commissioners, and so was the will of the Massachusetts, 
by those honourable gentlemen accepted for the deed. 

Divine providence seemed to favour the design, in 
that so considerable a place of strength and so easily ten¬ 
able, was so speedily reduced without the loss of one 
man’s life ; and without doubt the right and title of the 
English to the place was beyond all exception, which 
73 


578 


GENERAL HISTORY 


possibly made the former possessours un willing todispute 
it with their swrrds’ poi»t; nor did the Dutch suffer by 
their yielding, bei g ever since treated upon all accounts 
as friends and allies, and not as foreigners or strangers. 

This business being so well over, the commissioners 
had the better opportunity, and with the more speed, to 
attend their other affairs in the colonies of New England, 
which with g»*eat intenseness was pursued soon after. 

They had, upon their first arrival, delivered a letter 
from his majesty to the general court of the Massachu¬ 
setts, wherein he was pleased thus to preface : 44 Having 
taken very much to heart the welfare and advancement 
of those our plantations in America, and particularly 
that of New England, which in truth hath been a good 
example of industry and sobriety to all the rest, where¬ 
by God hath blessed it, &e. we have thought fit, seeing 
we cannot in person visit those our so distant dominions, 
&c. to send such commissioners thither, as may in our 
name visit the same,”Sic. addingat the last, “as we have 
had this resolution and purpose, since our first happy 
arrival in England, to send commissioners thither, &c. 
so we have had many reasons occur since to confirm us 
in that resolution, and to hasten the execution thereof,” 
Amongst other reasons reckoned up, one was to confer 
about his majesty’s former letter of June 28, 1662, and 
their answer thereunto, of Nov. 25 following, against 
which it seems some exception was taken: the con¬ 
ferring about which with those of the Massachusetts, 
was one part of their instructions. 

His majesty’s commission with the instructions, were 
presented to the Massachusetts under several heads, and 
it was done gradually and by piecemeal, wiiich occa¬ 
sioned many and longdehates between the said commis¬ 
sioners and the general court; upo i which through some 
unhappy mistakes there was not that right understand¬ 
ing bet wixt them which was desired, the which it may be 
thought better in this place to pass over with silence, than 
to run into the several particulars thereof, forasmuch 
as all the foresaid gentlemen, to whom the said com¬ 
mission was granted, have sometime since been called to 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


579 


give an account in another world; their proceedings* 
therefore, shall not here be brought under any further dis¬ 
course. But for the general court of the Massachusetts* 
something that was propounded to them seemed very 
grievous, viz. the bringing upon them a court of appeals 
in matters of judicature, that had fallen under the cog¬ 
nizance of the courts in the country ; for the preventing 
of which inconvenience, it was determined by the said 
court to send a further address to his majesty upon the 
account of one of the commissioners, in whom was ob- 
served a greater animosity than is usual against the 
country in general, supposed to arise from a deep rooted 
prejudice of his mind against the church discipline used 
there ; which might indeed call forth the moroseness of 
his natural temper, which manifested itself in sundry 
harsh expressions, which probably occasioned some to 
look upon him as a professed enemy. For they observed 
he was never willing to accept of any common courtesy 
from any of the inhabitants, as if he had had some spe¬ 
cial antipathy against them all in general; but the contra¬ 
ry is known by some that hacl occasion of more free con¬ 
verse with him, to whom he always discovered much ci¬ 
vility in his behaviour. But where he had received any 
disgust from any ruder sort of the people, as he occasion¬ 
ally passed up and down the country, it is not unlike 
that he might highly resent the same, and could not re¬ 
frain from an open discovery thereof upon other occa¬ 
sions; which certainly, without prejudice be it spoken, 
did his majesty no little disservice as to the matters then 
before them; for it laid so great a discouragement upon 
the minds of those who had been long treating about 
things of difference, that it put the general court upon 
a resolution forthwith to make that other address to his 
majesty, to prevent, if possible, the imposing such com¬ 
missioners upon the country, whose power might be at¬ 
tended with no little inconvenience and trouble for the 
future, if persons of his spirit and temper should chance 
to be employed therein. 

What is here spoken is not intended in the least to re¬ 
flect upon the persons of any of the honourable com mis- 


580 


GENERAL HISTORY 


sioners aforesaid, but only to hint a further reason why 
the motion made by them took so little place with the 
general court at that time. Although it is not unworthy 
the observation of the reader, that the providence of 
the Almighty did by solemn accidents upon sundry per¬ 
sons bear witness against them, who were full fraught 
with an expectation of great changes like to fall out in 
New England upon the sending over the commissioners, 
which his majesty and his council saw great reason to 
do, to secure his interest in those parts, and settle the 
bounds of their plantations against the approaches of for¬ 
eigners. But those who, on that occasion, expected a 
change in the government of the colonies, or alteration 
of the religion there established, were miserably disap¬ 
pointed of their hopes. 

One Mr. Stevens, a young merchant that went to Eng¬ 
land about this time, informed much against the country; 
but returning a little before the commissioners came, 
was suddenly and strangely smitten with an incurable 
malady at Boston, and being moved by some about hint 
to send for some of the ministers to pray with or for 
him, he desperately refused, and charged that none of 
these black crows (meaning the ministers) should follow 
his corpse to the grave, and so died. His comrade, one 
Kirk, that had sent his testimony by him to England, 
was drowned, as he went soon after to Barbados. Also 
one Capt. Isam, about Pascataqua, hearing of a commis¬ 
sion to come over thither, hasted to England to further 
it; and coming back in the same ships, soon after he 
came ashore, was seized with a loathsome disease, in 
which he rotted by piecemeal, and being turned from 
house to house, at last he miserably died thereby, some¬ 
where about Pascataqua river. 

Another young man, that was related to one of the 
commissioners, having given out sundry vaunting speech¬ 
es against the country, pleasing himself to declare what 
would ere long be done to New England, himself was 
soon after taken away by death, before his eyes saw their 
arrival. Mention is made of another of the like spirit, 
that spent some time in New England to take some no- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


581 


tice of the strength of the place, the number of soldiers 
in each town, with the situation of the harbours, but be¬ 
ing bound for Barbados, as he was ready to set sail from 
Nantasket, fell overboard into the water, and was never 
seen more. 

Not to mention the miscarrying of sundry papers and 
writings, sent over into England full of complaints against 
the country of New England, many of which were ei¬ 
ther lost in the vessel by which they were sent, or else 
were flung overboard by some who had, out of an evil 
mind, promised to deliver them, but in distress of weath¬ 
er and of mind, cast them overboard into the sea, lest 
they should prove the Jonases of their ship, as in part 
hath been touched already. More particular instances 
might be given, if it were judged convenient. But to 
return to what was before intimated, about the commis¬ 
sioners. It is a necessary and general rule to give to 
any man an allowance as to the bias and grain of his nat¬ 
ural temper; some men are naturally morose, saturnine, 
suspicious, which qualities render them less desirable 
companions, yet must not be thought to unfit them for 
employment and business of great weight and moment, 
which notwithstanding the disadvantages forementioned, 
they may be fully accomplished to discharge; which 
was most true of Col. Cartwright, one of the commis¬ 
sioners, and principally intended in the premises. 

After the reducing of the Dutch, the said commission¬ 
ers returned three of them to Boston, taking their way 
through some of the other colonies, where they attempted 
to settle things in the best manner they could, and as 
they apprehended, most conducing to his majesty’s ad¬ 
vantage. 

Some time before the court of election, scil. before 
the 25th of March in the said year 1665, happened the 
death of Mr. Endicot, which occasioned some change 
in the persons of the governour and deputy.. For Mr. 
Bellingham was that year called to the chief place of gov¬ 
ernment, which he held, by annual election, to his death, 
as did Mr, Willoughby that of the deputy’s place also, 
to which he was that year in like manner chosen by the 


§82 


GENERAL HISTORY 


general consent of the freemen, who apprehending the 
danger of some change, resolvedly fixed their choice up¬ 
on such persons as they judged most likely to maintain 
the government in that same state, wherein it hath been 
heretofore, without the least alteration or change. 

But before the said commissioners went to Plymouth, 
they desired, 1. That all the people might be called to¬ 
gether, at the court of election, to see the kindness and 
favour the king had for the people here. 2. That some 
might be appointed to go with them to shew them the 
bounds of their patent, which was readily assented unto; 
but for the first, the governour and council did not un¬ 
derstand the reason thereof, and doubted some inconve¬ 
nience, especially when the people live so remote. It is 
no more safe for the body politick, than for the body nat¬ 
ural, to have all the spirits retire inward from the extreme 
part to the center. Col. Cartwright, when he observed 
a non-attendance like to follow upon his motion, uttered 
some harsh and angry words, not needful here to be in¬ 
serted. Men that are naturally of a cholerick and touchy 
disposition are very apt to take fire. Some further or¬ 
der was issued by the said commissioners about the Nar- 
raganset country, which, at that time, was denominated 
the king’s province, declaring that none had power to 
dispose of any conquered lands, but what were within 
their original grants, without authority derived from them, 
under their hands and seals. The like was done at War¬ 
wick, and all in reference to some complaints made of 
injustice done on the east side of Pancatuke river. 

But after the dispatch of thi gsin Plymouth, they, i.e, 
the commissioners, returned in an obscure manner to 
Boston. Concerning their deportment therein, it was 
matter of observation, and of no little dissatisfaction, that 
thereby they pre\ented the civility and respect that was 
both intended and prepared for them in sundry places; 
the reason of which, as in charity may be supposed, was 
touched upon bdore. Soon after their arrival at Boston, 
they were met by Col. Nichols, that was lately come 
from Manhatos, now, (in honour of his royal highness, 
to whom it was granted by his majesty,) New York. Be- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


583 


ing all met together, they fell close upon the business of' 
their commission, or the matter principally, (as was sup¬ 
posed,) intended with the Massachusetts. They there¬ 
fore took the first opportunity to communicate their in¬ 
structions to the general court, concerning such things 
as they had order, by their commission, to inquire into. 
The court complained, that they were acquainted with 
their instructions by piecemeal and not all at once, by 
which means they might have taken a /iew of them to¬ 
gether, and so have been in a better capacity to have re¬ 
turned an answer to more satisfaction ; but being neces¬ 
sitated to attend the order, in which the commissioners 
intended to proceed, they at last complied. There was 
a pretty large debate betwixt them, and the general court 
were very slow to grant what was proposed in the sub¬ 
jecting of the power of the country to a court of appeals, 
wherein things were to be issued by the power of the 
commissioners without any jury. 

At the last, to put the matter to a final conclusion, the 
commissioners resolved to sit as a court of appeals, and 
took notice of two cases, one criminal, the other a civil 
action, to answer unto which they summoned the gover- 
nour and company of the Massachusetts; who, upon seri¬ 
ous consideration, chose rather to commit themselves and 
$heir affairs to his majesty’s judgment, than to attend 
such a commission of appeals, or of oyer and terminer. 
Some that were the more cordial asserters of the royal 
interest in the Massachusetts, wished that some other 
cases had fallen under their cognizance, than those that 
were pitched upon, which it is thought best not to men¬ 
tion, either the particulars or the circumstances of them, 
lest it should any ways reflect upon the honour of their 
persons or their commission, especially since there is 
none of them now left behind to return an answer in any 
thing, by way of defence, or to shew the ground of their 
proceedings. 

Offence was taken at the order of the general court, in 
declaring their purpose not to attend the summons of the 
commissioners by sound of a trumpet. But many in 
the general court apprehended that such a concern ought 


sm 


general History 


to be done in that way, which would make their intention 
the more publick, for preventing any confusion that else 
might have happened. Immediately hereupon, scil. 
May 24, 1665, the commissioners declared they would 
treat no more with the court, that would not own their 
authority and power of determining matters of difference, 
whether civil or criminal, without a jury. And soon af¬ 
ter, they took their leave of Boston, and repaired, Col. 
Nichols to the government of New York, and the other 
three to the eastward, beyond and about the parts of Pas- 
cataqua river, where they summoned the people togeth¬ 
er, many of whom made show of a desire to be taken 
into his majesty’s government; the advantage of which, 
above any another, was laid before them by the three 
commissioners then present. Now it must be minded, 
that as to the Province of Maine, there were two sorts that 
pretended a right to the government thereof: one that 
derived their power from Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ title, 
the other derived theirs from the general court of the 
Massachusetts. For about this time, or not long before, 
an agent, sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ heir, had put 
the people of Yorkshire, or Province of Maine, into 
some distractions, by pretending to exercise government 
there, upon the account of the patent of the Province of 
Maine, whereupon the general court of the Massachu¬ 
setts declared their purpose still to exert their authority 
over that part of the country, requiring the inhabitants to 
continue their obedience thereunto; intimating also their 
intent to give an account to his majesty of the reasons 
why they so do, by presenting some kind of map of the 
bounds of their northern line. 

But the commissioners passed an act to enervate the 
claim of both parties, having first received a petition 
from sundry of the inhabitants to his majesty, ard sup¬ 
posing the desire of the petitioners was to be taken into 
his majesty’s government and protection, they did ac¬ 
cordingly receive them, and appointed several persons 
for justices of the peace in the said Province of Maine, 
viz, Capt. Champernoon, Mr. Joseline, Mr. Ryshworth, 
of York, and Mr. Robert Cutts, of Kittery, and some 


OF NEW ENGLAND^ 


585 


others, eleven in all, giving power and authority to any 
three of them, or more, to meet together, as other magis¬ 
trates formerly used to do, and to hear and determine all 
causes, civil or criminal, and order all affairs of the said 
province for the peace and safety thereof, according to 
the laws of England, as near as may be ; and this to be 
done until his majesty appoint another government: for¬ 
bidding as well Gorges’ commissioners, as the corpora¬ 
tion of the Massachusetts, to exercise any further power 
of government there, by virtue of their pretended rights, 
till his majesty 5 s pleasure were further known. This was 
done in the June or July, in the year 1665. 

After the settling of these things in this sort, in th.e 
Province of Maine, the commissioners proceeded fur¬ 
ther eastward, where they reduced things to as good or¬ 
der as they could, taking care to prevent any quarrel be¬ 
twixt the Indians in those parts, (who it seems in those 
times gave some occasion of jealousy,) and the English, 
directing what course should be taken for redress, if any 
injury were offered on either side, before they should do 
any acts of hostility one against another. It had been 
well for those parts if these ways had been attended, 
which were by them prescribed, for then might much 
of the mischief have been prevented, which fell out in the 
years following; of which more is said in the following 
narrative, which hereunto may be annexed. 

After things were thus ordered by those commissioners, 
they returned back towards the Massachusetts, preparing 
two of them to ship themselves for England, Sir Robert 
Carr and Col. Cartwright; but it seems one of them, 
viz. Sir Robert Carr, was arrested with a sickness as soon 
as ever he was landed in England, which in a few days 
put a period to his life, as well as his commission, and 
called him to give an account thereof before an higher 
tribunal. The other, viz. Col. Cartwright, had taken 
exact account of all the transactions that had passed here 
under his cognizance; but falling into the hands of the 
Dutch he hardly escaped with his life, losing all his pa¬ 
pers and writings. From them, likewise, he met with 
pretty harsh and coarse usage, they putting a gag into 
74 


d'86 


GENERAL HISTORY 


his mouth, which, (it is said,) he threatened to some in 
New England that pleased him not, in some of his ad¬ 
ministrations ; and losing his writings no doubt was pre¬ 
vented of the exactness of his account of things here, up¬ 
on his return, which depended now only upon the 
strength of his memory, whereby some trouble possibly 
also was saved, which might have fallen out, in reference 
to some of the plantations in New England. And proba¬ 
bly the war that immediately before broke out between the 
English and the Dutch, and was not yet ended, turned 
aside some other designs, which some had thought upon 
for the ordering those plantations, which hath of late fallen 
under debate upon another occasion, of which the scries 
of the history will call to speak more afterwards. 

Things being left in this sort in the plantations about 
Pascataqua, those of the Province of Maine remained in 
the state wherein they were left by those three commis¬ 
sioners for two or three years; but for the plantations on 
the south side of Pascataqua, viz. Portsmouth, Dover, 
and Exeter, some of their inhabitants, soon after they, 
i. e. the commissioners, left the country, addressed them¬ 
selves to the Massachusetts’ court for an opportunity to 
clear some aspersions cast on that government they were 
settled under before. Whereupon three or four gentlemen 
were sent by the general court with commission to act 
somethingfor the settling the peace of those places; who, 
assembling the people of Portsmouth and Dover togeth¬ 
er, told them, that whereas some had petitioned against 
the Bay government, if any such grievance were made 
known they would acquaint the court, and so redress 
might be had. But instead of that, about thirty of the 
inhabitants of Dover, by a petition jto the general court, 
desired the continuance of their government over them. 
To the same purpose did about the like number of 
of Portsmouth petition about October following, where¬ 
by they cleared themselves from having any hand in such 
petitions, as complained of their government as an usurpa¬ 
tion. The like was done from some of Exeter. Some 
other petitions had been in like manner presented to the 
commissioners from about the parts of Providence and 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


587 

Warwick against the Massachusetts, as namely, by Sam¬ 
uel Gorton and his complices, wherein were many strange 
allegations, but very far from truth ; a thing little minded 
by the said Gorton, to which reply was made by the 
court to vindicate their proceedings. 

This year the general court of the Massachusetts vot¬ 
ed to send a present, to the value of 500 pounds, for ac¬ 
commodation of his majesty’s navy, which was gracious¬ 
ly accepted, as was said. 

CHAP. LXVII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England , from the year 
1661 to 1666. 

In the beginning of this lustre, some questions were 
raised amongst the churches and people of the Massa¬ 
chusetts ; one was about the extent of baptism, viz. 
whether the children of some parents might not be ad¬ 
mitted to baptism, though they themselves were never 
yet admitted to full communion with the church, at the 
Lord’s table; about which case, the country was strange¬ 
ly divided. The other was about the extent of com¬ 
munion, that ought to be between particular churches 
that are seated together, and live under the same civil 
government. For the discussing of both these questions, 
the general court of the Massachusetts, in their second 
session in the year 1661, did order and desire, that the 
churches within their jurisdiction would send their eld¬ 
ers and messengers of the said churches, to meet at Bos¬ 
ton the next spring, to determine those practical points of 
difference about church discipline. The elders and 
messengers of the said churches did assemble accord¬ 
ingly, in the year 1662, and delivered their determina¬ 
tion to the court, who ordered the result of the said synod 
to be forthwith printed, and commended the practice 
thereof to all the churches in their jurisdiction. 

An answer of the ministers, and other messengers of the churches, 
assembled at Boston, in the year 1662, to the questions pro¬ 
pounded to them by order of the general court. 

Question 1. Who are the subjects of baptism ? 


888 


GENERAL HISTORY 


Answer. The answer may be given in the following 
propositions. 

1. They that, according to scripture, are members of 
the visible church, are the subjects of baptism. 

2. The members of the visible church, according to 
scripture, are confederate visible believers in particular 
churches, and their infant seed, i. e. children in minority, 
whose next parents are one or both in covenant. 

3. The infant seed of confederate visible believers 
are members of the same church with their parents; and, 
when grown up, are personally under the watch, disci¬ 
pline, and government of that church. 

4. Those adult persons are not therefore to be admit¬ 
ted to full communion, merely because they are and con¬ 
tinue members, without such further qualifications as 
the word of God requireth thereunto. 

5. Such church members, who are admitted in minor¬ 
ity, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publickly 
professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life, 
and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, 
wherein they give up themselves and their children to 
the Lord, and subject themselves to the government 
of Christ in the church, their children are to be baptized. 

6. Such church members, who either by death or 
some other extraordinary providence, have been inevita¬ 
bly hindered from publick acting as aforesaid, yet hav£ 
given the church cause in judgment of charity to look 
at them as so qualified, and such as, had they been called 
thereunto, would have so acted, their children are to be 
baptized. 

7. The members of orthodox churches, being sound 
in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and present¬ 
ing due testimony thereof, these occasionally coming 
from one church to another, may have their children 
baptized in the church whither they come, by virtue of 
communion of churches; but if they remove their habit¬ 
ation, they ought orderly to covenant and subject them¬ 
selves to the government of Christ in the church, where 
they settle their abode, and so their children to be bap¬ 
tized; it being the churches duty to receive such un- 


OF NEW ENGLAND# 589 

to communion, so far as they are regularly fit for the 
same. 

Quest. 2. Whether, according to the word of God, 
there ought to be a consociation of churches, and what 
should be the manner of it ? 

Ans. The answer may be briefly given in the propo¬ 
sitions following. 

1. Every church, or particular congregation of visible 
saints, in gospel order, being furnished with a presbyte¬ 
ry, at least with a teaching elder, and walking together in 
truth and peace, hath received from the Lord Jesus full 
power and authority, ecclesiastical within itself, regularly 
to administer all the ordinances of Christ, and is not un¬ 
der any other ecclesiastical jurisdiction whatsoever; for 
to such a church Christ hath given the keys of the king¬ 
dom of heaven, that what they bind or loose on earth, 
shall be bound or loosed in heaven. Matt. xvi. 19, &c. 
Matt, xviii. 17, 18. Actsxiv. 23. Tit. i.5. Matt. xxviii f 
19, 20. Acts vi. 4. 1 Cor. iv. 1, and v. 4, 12. Acts xx. 
28. 1 Tim. v. 17, and iii. 5. 

Hence it follows, that consociation of churches is not 
to hinder the exercise of this power, but by counsel 
from the word of God, to direct and strengthen the same 
upon all just occasions. 

2. The churches of Christ do stand in a sisterly rela¬ 
tion each to other, Cant. viii. 8, being united in the same 
faith and order, Eph. iv. 5. Col. ii. 5, to walk by the 
same rule, Phil. iii. 16, in the exercise of the same ordi¬ 
nances for the same ends, Eph. iv. 11, 12, 13. 1 Cor. 
xvi. 1, under one and the same political head, the Lord 
Jesus Christ. Eph. i. 22, 23# Eph. iv. 5. Rev. ii. 1, 
which union infers a communion suitable thereunto. 

3. Communion of churches is the faithful improve¬ 
ment of the gifts of Christ, bestowed upon them for his 
service and glory, and their mutual good and edification, 
according to capacity and opportunity, i.e. to seek and 
accept of help one from another, by prayer, counsel, and 
advice, &c. 

4. Consociation of churches is their mutual and sol¬ 
emn agreement to exercise communion in such acts as 


§90 


GENERAL HISTORY 


aforesaid amongst themselves, with special reference to 
those churches, which by providence are planted in a 
convenient vicinity; though with liberty reserved with* 
out offence, to make use of others, as the nature of the 
case, or the advantage of opportunity, may lead there¬ 
unto. 

5. The churches of Christ in New England, having 
so fair an opportunity for it, it is meet to be commended 
to them as their duty thus to consociate. 

6. The manner of the churches’ agreement herein, or 
entering into this gonsociation, may be by each church’s 
open consenting unto the things here declared, in answer 
to this second question. 

7. The manner of exercising and practising that 
communion, which this consent or agreement especially 
tendeth unto, may be by making use occasionally of el¬ 
ders, or able brethren of other churches, or by the more 
solemn meetings of both ciders and messengers in lesser 
or greater councils, as the matter shall require. 

These propositions, by way of answer to the two ques* 
lions, were assented unto by the greater part by far of 
the assembly. Some few did manifest their dissent, and 
afterward in print opposed it, viz. the answer to the first 
question, as Mr. Chauncy, the president of the college, 
in his Anti-Synodalia, and the Rev. Mr. Davenport. 
The first was replied unto by Mr. Allen; the second by 
the Rev. Mr. Richard Mather. Some think that Mr. 
Davenport’s book hath overthrown the propositions of 
the synod, according to their own principles; although 
they approve not his judgment in the case, whoare fora 
larger latitude about baptism, as Dr. Owen and Dr. Good¬ 
win, in whose account, the seed of the faithful are the 
subject of baptism, whether thei? parents are confederate 
in particular churches or not; but that is not as yet 
clearly evinced to satisfaction. 

But as some were studying how baptism might be 
enlarged and extended to the seed of the faithful in their 
several generations; there were others as studious to de¬ 
prive all inadult children thereof, and restrain the privi¬ 
lege only to adult believers. A society of that pejsua- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


m 

sion had taken upon them to join themselves together in 
a particular company by themselves, and did administer 
all ordinances amongst themselves in a schismatical way: 
yea, though some, that had taken upon them the power of 
such administrations, were themselves under the sentence 
of excommunication from other churches, which former¬ 
ly they belonged unto. This company, continuing their 
assembling together, after they had been warned by the 
court to forbear, were sentenced by the court to be dis¬ 
franchised if they were freemen; and if they obstinately 
continued in their practice to be committed to prison 
upon conviction before one magistrate, or the county 
court, until the general court should take further order. 
By this severity it was expected they should have been 
restrained, but it proved otherwise. The bent of all men’s 
natures makes it true, nitimur in vetitum; and like wa¬ 
ters that are pent up, they swell the more, so came it 
to pass with these persons who would not forbear, unless 
the laws had been sharpened to a greater degree of se¬ 
verity than the authority of the place were willing to 
execute on that account. 

CHAP. LXVIII. 

The general affairs of New England , from the year .1666 
to 167i. 

During this lustre of years, there was little altera¬ 
tion in the government of the Massachusetts ; Mr. Bel¬ 
lingham holding the first place of government, as Mr. 
Willoughby did the second, to the end thereof. Nor 
was there any matters of great moment that happened, 
besides granting of liberty for several townships, unless 
the reverting of the Province of Maine to the government 
of the Massachusetts as heretofore ; the occasion and 
manner thereof shall presently be related. 

In the year 1667, liberty was granted for erecting a 
new plantation or township, at a place about thirty or for¬ 
ty miles west from Roxbury,called Mendon, and peopled 
by some that removed from thence. There was another 
like grant the same year at Brookfield, a commodious 


General history 


place for entertainment of travellers betwixt the Massa¬ 
chusetts and Connecticut, situate about twenty five miles 
from Springfield, toward Boston ; the liberty had been 
granted before in the year 1660, but it was renewed this 
year, six or seven families being settled there, the gran- 
tees having forfeited their first grant. The ordering of 
the place fell into the court’s power, which was no disad¬ 
vantage of the township, the management thereof being 
by the court committed to the care of two or three pru¬ 
dent persons, fitter to carry on a design of that nature 
than the whole village was. 

These two villages last named were erected in an un¬ 
happy hour, for before ten years were expired they were 
utterly ruined and destroyed by the Indians, and notone 
stick left standing of any building erected there; as may 
be seen more at large in the narrative of the troubles with 
the Indians. Marlborough, ten miles beyond Sudbury, 
on the road towards Connecticut, (a plat of which was 
this year laid out and presented to the court,) escaped 
very hardly ; one half thereof being in like manner des¬ 
troyed by the barbarous Indians in the years 1675 and 
1676. Another village was granted likewise about this 
time, called Westfield, seven miles westward from Spring- 
field, which hardly escaped the fury of the Indians in that 
late rebellion. 

In the year 1666, two hundred and fifty persons, driven 
off from St. Christophers, and coming to Boston, were 
there relieved till they could be transported back to some 
of the Caribbee islands, or otherwise disposed of accord¬ 
ing to their desire. In the following year certain infor¬ 
mations being brought to the Massachusetts of some 
distress his majesty’s fleet was in, at the Caribbee islands, 
for want of provision, a motion was made by some mer¬ 
chants of the said place for sending away present supply; 
which being quickened by the general court at Boston, 
was forthwith dispatched away, and came seasonably to 
their relief. 

In the year 1670, a law was made in the Massachu¬ 
setts for giving liberty to administrators to sell lands for 
payment of the debts of the deceased, with the leave of 
the court; an order very just and necessary to make 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


593 


men honest, and careful to pay their debts before they 
leave the world; in that place where men often die seiz¬ 
ed of much land, and little other estates, so as creditors 
would be extremely damnified, without the provision of 
some such law. 

CHAP. LXIX. 

The Province of Maine returns to the government of the 
Massachusetts: the occasion and manner, how it was 
brought about . 

The government of the Province of Maine, called 
Yorkshire, having been interrupted for near three years, 
and the people there like to be reduced to a confused an¬ 
archy, for want of a settled order of government; upon 
some application made to the general court of the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, by some principal persons in the said Pro¬ 
vince, the court counted it their duty to God and the 
king to declare their resolution to exert their power and 
jurisdiction over the province or county of York, as for¬ 
merly; and did accordingly, in the year 1668, set out a 
declaration to require the inhabitants there settled, to 
yield obedience to the laws of their jurisdiction, as they 
had been orderly published, and to issue out warrants for 
choosing officers, in order to settling affairs there, as in 
times past; which was done accordingly, and commis¬ 
sioners appointed to keep a court in the usual manner 
and time as before, ordering Nathaniel Masterson, the 
marshal, to require the constable to publish the said order. 
The commissioners, appointed by the general court to 
manage the business, were Maj, John Leverett, Mr. Ed¬ 
ward Ting; assistants, Mr. Richard Waldron and Maj. 
Robert Pike. 

And to prevent misinformation about that affair, it is 
thought meet to annex hereunto an authentick copy of the 
court’s order to the said commissioners, with a relation 
of the procedure therein, forasmuch as the same hath 
been publickly misrecited, to the disadvantage of the 
Massachusetts’ government, and the persons principally 
concerned in the managing thereof. 

75 


594? GENERAL HISTORY 

The court’s order and declaration for the settlement and govern¬ 
ment in Yorkshire. 

Whereas this colony of the Massachusetts, in observ¬ 
ance of the trust to them committed by his majesty’s roy¬ 
al charter, with the full and free consent and submission 
of the inhabitants of the county of York, for sundry years 
did exercise government over the people of that county; 
and whereas about three years now past, some interrup¬ 
tion hath been made to the peace of that place and order 
there established, by the imposition of some, who, pre¬ 
tending to serve his majesty’s interest, with unjust asper¬ 
sions and reflections upon this government, here estab- 
ished by his royal charter, have unwarrantably drawn 
the inhabitants of that county to submission unto officers 
that have no royal warranty, thereby infringing the liberty 
of our charter, and depriving the people now settled of 
their just privileges ; the effect whereof doth now appear 
to be not only a disservice to his majesty, but also the 
reducing of a people that were found under an orderly 
establishment to a confused anarchy: the premises be¬ 
ing duly considered, this court doth judge meet, as in 
duty they stand bound to God and his majesty, to declare 
their resolution again to exert their power of jurisdiction 
over the inhabitants of the said county of York; and do 
hereby accordingly, in his majesty’s name, require all 
and every of the inhabitants there settled, to yield obedi¬ 
ence to the laws of this colony, as they have been orderly 
published ; and to all such officers as shall be there le¬ 
gally establised, by authority of his majesty’s royal char¬ 
ter, and the order of our commissioners, whom this 
court hath nominated and impowered to settle all officers, 
necessary for the government of the people there, and to 
keep a court this present summer, the first Tuesday in 
July, at Yorktown, as hath been formerly accustomed. 
And for that end we have commanded our secretary to 
issue out warrants to the inhabitants there, in their respec¬ 
tive towns, to meet to choose jurors, both grand and pe¬ 
tit, constables, and other officers, for the service of that 
county, as the law required). The said warrants to be 
directed unto Nathaniel Masterson, who is by this court 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


593 


appointed the marshal of that court as formerly, and by 
him, the said warrants are to be delivered to the seve¬ 
ral constables, to be accordingly executed. A due ob¬ 
servance whereof, with an orderly return to be made to 
the court, to be held as aforesaid, is hereby required of all 
persons, respectively concerned, as they will answer the 
contrary at their peril. By the court. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 

A copy of the Warrant. 

You are hereby required, in his majesty’s name, forth? 
with to deliver the order of the general court, above writ¬ 
ten, to the constable of York, who is alike required forth¬ 
with to assemble the freemen and inhabitants together, 
and then publickly and audibly to read the order above 
written7and to signify to them, that they are hereby re¬ 
quired in his majesty’s name, to choose meet and fit per¬ 
sons for associates, grand and petit jurymen, to serve at 
the county court, to be held at York, as in the order 
aforesaid of the general court is expressed, and hereof 
not to fail. 

To Maj. Gen. John Leverett, and Mr. Edward Ting ; Capt. Wal¬ 
dron, and Capt. Robert Pike. 

You are hereby authorized and required to repair to 
York, in the county of Yorkshire, and there you, or any 
two of you, whereof Maj. Gen. Leverett shall be one, to 
keep a county court, according as the law directs; and in 
case you meet with any person or persons, under the pre¬ 
tence of any other authority, that shall swerve from the 
due obedience they owe to this jurisdiction, under his 
majesty’s royal charter, to which they have submitted and 
engaged themselves, that you call before you all such 
persons, and bring them to a due trial, and to proceed to 
sentence, as the merit of their offences shall require. 

Furthermore, you are authorized and commissionated 
to establish and confirm all officers and commissioners, 
civil and military, as you shall judge meet, for the securi¬ 
ty and preserving of order and peace in the said courts of 
York. And for the better enabling you to effect the 
same, you are hereby authorized, from the date of these 


m 


GENERAL HISTORY 


presents, to act and do all such things, preparatory to the 
keeping of courts and settling of peace in the said coun¬ 
ty, as in your discretions you shall judge meet. And all 
officers, civil and military, within this jurisdiction, and all 
other inhabitants, are hereby required to be assistant un¬ 
to you, as the matter shall require ; and you are to ren¬ 
der an account of what you shall do herein, to this court, 
at the next session in October. 

This court hath caused the seal of the colony to be 
affixed, and signed by the governour, May the 20th, 1668. 

The court having heard the return of their honoured 
commissioners, who were employed by this honoured 
court for the reducing the county of Yorkshire to the 
obedience of this government, do, with all thankfulness, 
acknowledge their good service therein, and do also al¬ 
low and approve of what they have done in that affair, 
and do order the same to be entered into the publick re¬ 
cords, and is as followeth : 

“ Upon receipt of this court’s commission, which is 
recorded in the last session, we presently appointed Pe¬ 
ter Wyer clerk of the writs ; and hearing marshal Master- 
son, appointed by the court, was imprisoned, we appoint¬ 
ed another marshal by warrant under our hands; but 
the former marshal being set at liberty again, the other 
did not act. The court being by law to be kept in York, 
the first Tuesday in July, 1668, being the seventh day of 
the month, we repaired to York upon Monday to 6th day. 
Mr. Jocelin, and several others, styled justices of the 
peace, coming nigh to the ordinary, where we were be¬ 
fore the door, after salutes passed, they told us they de¬ 
sired to speak with us in the morning. To their desire 
we complied, and gave them a meeting, where we ac¬ 
quainted them we were ready to hear what they had to 
say ; but not as sent to treat with them about what we had 
to do, by virtue of the general court’s commission. Tney 
acquainted us that they had lately received a pacquet 
from Col. Nichols, his letter to the governour and magis¬ 
trates of the Massachusetts colony, which they desired 
us to read ; and first, their commission, the which we 


OF NEW NEGLAND. 


m 


read, and having read them, we told them that those con- 
cerned the general court, and had been under their con¬ 
sideration, all but the letter from Col. Nichols, and that 
they had sent their declaration into the country, so that 
we had nothing to say, only that we did not understand 
that the commissioners had power to make any such 
temporary settlement, his majesty having before him the 
case; for, that the Massachusetts had in obedience sent 
their reasons why they did not deliver up the govern¬ 
ment of that country to Mr. Gorge, which was according 
t.o his majesty’s command. Then Mr. Jocelin told us, 
there was not above five or six of a town for us; to 
which we replied, we should see by the returns made to 
the court’s warrants and appearance; and further told 
them we must attend our commission, in prosecution 
whereof we should attend his majesty and the country’s 
service, not our own, and if we met with opposition, we 
should advise what to do. Many other things passed, 
but with mutual respect, they said they must attend their 
commission. We parted and repaired to the meeting¬ 
house, and there opened the court by reading our com¬ 
mission publickly, and declaring to the people where¬ 
fore we came, whereto there was great silence and at¬ 
tention. Then by the marshal we called for the towns’ 
returns, to be brought in for the election of associates; 
and returns were made from five towns, the other two 
being hindered (as they said) by the justices; yet in one 
of them above half the electors sent in their votes. 
Whilst the court was busy in opening, sorting, and tell¬ 
ing the votes, the justices came up, and without doors 
by some instrument, made proclamation, that all should 
attend to hear his majesty’s commands; upon which, 
order was given to the marshal, and accordingly he made 
proclamation, that if any had any command from his 
majesty, they coming and shewing it to the court, the 
court was open and ready to hear the same. Thereupon 
these gentlemen came in, and manifested their desire that 
what they had shewn to us in private might be read in 
court to the people; to whom we replied, that the court 
was in the midst of their business, in opening the returns 


598 


UENERAX. HISTORY 


of the country from the several towns of election, and so 
soon as that was over, and after dinner, they should have 
their desire granted. So they left us, and we proceeded to 
see who were chosen associates, had the returns of the 
jurymen and their names entered, both the grand jury 
and that of trials, also of the constables, but did not swear 
any one, but adjourned the court and went to dinner; in 
which time we heard that the gentlemen were going to 
the meeting house to sit as an assembly, they having be¬ 
fore issued out their warrants for the towns to send their 
deputies; whereupon we sent to speak with them after 
dinner. They returned they would, provided we would 
not proceed any further, till we spake with them. We sent 
them word we did engage it; they sent us word they 
would meet with us at the meeting house; and presently 
after their marshal and Nathaniel Phillips went up and 
down, and at all publick places published a paper or 
writing; whom meeting upon their return, it was demand¬ 
ed what and upon what authority they had published to 
the people to make a disturbance ; they answered, they 
published what they had in the king’s name. They were 
demanded to shew their order or authority; they an¬ 
swered, that was for their security : so refusing to shew 
it, they were committed to the marshal. Then we went 
to court, where w^e found the house full, and the gentle- 
men to have taken up our seats; so room being made, 
ive went up to them and told them we expected other 
things than that they would have put such an affront up¬ 
on the court, nor should such motions hinder us from 
prosecuting our commission; we could keep the court 
elsewhere. Some of the people began to speak, but we 
commanded silence, and the officer was commanded by 
us to clear the court, whereupon the people departed, 
and Mr. Jocelin spake to some nigh him to depart; so 
they coming from the seat, we came to private discourse, 
and they insisted to have their commission and the king’s 
mandamus of 166 o to be read. We told them we would 
perform what we had promised, when the court was set; so 
we repaired to our seat, and they, being set by us, desired 
»hat their commission might be read, which was done, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


599 


and the ground of it expressed to be from the people’s 
petitioning, who were told they could best give answer 
thereto, but said nothing ; then that part of the manda¬ 
mus of 1666, which they desired might be read, was 
read. After which they desired, that Col. Nichols’ let¬ 
ter, to the governour and magistrates of the Massachu¬ 
setts, might be read; but that not being of concernment to 
them there, save only for information of the justices, of 
what had passed from them to the governour and magis¬ 
trates, to whom it was directed, it was refused. Some 
short account being publickly given, that that which had 
been read for the matter, having been before and under 
the consideration of the general court, they had the de¬ 
claration of their intendments ; in prosecution whereof, 
we were commissionated to keep court and settle the 
country, the which work we had begun, and, God will¬ 
ing, should perform, to fulfil the trust committed to us. 
And having declared to the people, that we were not in¬ 
sensible how that at the time of the interruption of the 
government in the year 1665, by such of the gentlemen 
of the king’s commissioners, that were then upon the 
place, they had manifested their displeasure by telling the 
people, that the Massachusetts were traitors, rebels, and 
disobedient to his majesty, the reward whereof within 
one year they said should be retributt d; yet we told them, 
that through the good hand of God and the king’s fa¬ 
vour, the Massachusetts were an authority to assert their 
right of government there, by virtue of the royal charter 
derived to them from his majesty’s royal predecessors; 
and that we did not doubt but that the Massachusetts 
colony’s actings for the forwarding his majesty’s service 
would outspeak others’ words, where there was nothing 
but words for themselves and against us; which done, 
the gentlemen left us, and we proceeded to the work of 
the court, to impannel the grand jury, gave them their 
oaths. One of them, viz. Mr. Roger Piaisted, expressed 
publickly that he was sent by the town he lived in, and 
accordingly he had applied himself to the major genera!, 
more privately, to know how we reassumed the govern¬ 
ment and how they were to submit; which he now men- 


600 


GENERAL HISTORY 


tionecl in publick, that he might render himself faithful 
to them that sent him : to which he was answered in pub- 
lick, as he had been in private, that we reassumed the 
government by virtue of the charter, and that they were 
to have the privilege with ourselves in the other counties. 
We had also from Scarborough a paper presented, which 
herewith we present to the court; then having sworn the 
constables present, impannelled the jury for trials, sw®rn 
them, and committed what actions were entered and pro¬ 
secuted to them; in this time the gentlemen sent to de¬ 
sire, that at our leisure time they might speak with us. 
They were sent for, and presented us with a paper; after 
we had received it, we attended to settle the business of 
the military officers and trainbands, and commissioned 
for York, Job Alcock, lieutenant, Arthur Bragdon, en¬ 
sign ; for Wells, John Littlefield, lieutenant, Francis Lit¬ 
tlefield, jun. ensign; for Scarborough, Andrew Angur, 
lieutenant; for Falmouth, George Ingerficld, lieutenant; 
forKittery, Charles Frost, captain, Roger Plaisted, lieu¬ 
tenant, John Gattery, ensign; for Saco, Bryan Pendle¬ 
ton, major, and he to settle Blackpoint. Mr. Knight, of 
Wells, the morning before we came away, being Thurs¬ 
day 9th of July, came and took his oath in court to serve 
as an associate. The court made an order for a court to 
be held, 15th of September, there at York; and for that end 
continued the commission to Capt. Waldron and Capt. 
Pike and others, for the better strengthening the author¬ 
ity upon the place, as by their commission may appear. 
The associates that are now in place, are Maj. Pendleton, 
Mr. Francis Cotterell, Mr. Knight, of Wells, Mr. Ray ns, 
of York, Mr. Roger Plaisted, of Kittery; which is hum¬ 
bly submitted to the honoured general court, as the re¬ 
turn of your humble servants, this 23d of October, 1668. 

John Lev erett, 
Edward Ting, 
Richard Waldron. 

In this order and manner did the Province of Maine 
return to the government of the Massachusetts, without 
any other force, threatening, or violence, whatever hath 
bee« to the contrary judged, reported, and published, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


601 


by any other person or persons, to the prejudice and dis¬ 
advantage of the truth, and the credit of them that were 
called to act therein. 


CHAP. LXX. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts , from the vear 
1666 to 1671. 

Ever since the late synod, held in Boston in the 
year 1662, for the debating the two questions, viz. about 
the subject of baptism and consociation of churches, 
hath arisen some trouble in the country; for in the agi¬ 
tation and determination of those questions, several things 
were delivered for undeniable positions, which sundry of 
the ministers and many of the members of the churches 
throughout the country, were ready to reflect upon, as 
innovations without scripture warrant, and that would 
have a direct tendency to undermine the liberty of the 
churches, as well as to abate, if not corrupt, the purity of 
them; which occasioned much opposition against the 
receiving the foresaid determinations in many of the 
churches of the Massachusetts, as well as in some of the 
neighbour colonies. And peradventure the controversy 
was at times managed with too much animosity, until by 
degrees in many of the churches within the respective 
colonies of New England, viz. as to the owning of those 
for members of the particular churches they belong to, 
who were baptized in their infancy, and when they came 
to adult years, are willing to submit to the discipline of 
the church, and are found orthodox in their judgments, 
arid without scandal in their lives. 

They who are willing, in that whereto they have al¬ 
ready attained, to walk by the same rule, and mind the 
same thing, i. e. peaceably and orderly, according to 
what they have received, may expect, that though they 
are at the present, in some things otherwise minded, that 
God shall even reveal this unto them in his own time and 
way. 

The controversy mentioned was not a little strength¬ 
ened and revived bv an occasion about that time, or not 
76 


602 


GENERAL HISTORY 


long before falling out: For after the church of Boston 
was destitute of a teaching elder, by the sudden and un¬ 
expected death of Mr. John Norton, they having made 
sundry fruitless endeavours to supply themselves, at 
last, by a general consent of the principal part of the 
church, they addressed themselves to the reverend and 
worthy Mr. John Davenport, the pastor of New Haven, a 
person beyond exception and compare for all ministerial 
abilities, and upon that account highly esteemed and ac¬ 
cepted in either Englands. The reverend person, as was 
understood by them, that were most solicitous to gain him 
to Boston, was strongly bent in his spirit to remove from 
the place where he was settled before, in regard of alte¬ 
ration like to ensue in their civil government, that whole 
colony being accidentally wrapped within the bounds of 
the patent, not long before obtained for Connecticut col¬ 
ony. Not many motives need be used to draw them 
that have a natural propension to come. On the other 
hand, some of the members of Boston church, and those 
not inconsiderable, either to their number or other circum¬ 
stances, were averse to the inviting the said reverend per¬ 
son, so as that they desired liberty of withdrawing, or of 
being a church by themselves, in case their brethren 
were resolved to proceed on in their choice; not out of 
dislike of his worth and abilities, but in regard of his de¬ 
clared judgment in opposition to the determination of the 
late synod in 1662 , which was apprehended by some like 
to become a ball of contention among the churches of 
the Massachusetts; but every consideration of this na¬ 
ture was swallowed up by the incomparable worth of the 
person, by such as had already made their choice. In 
fine, much trouble was occasioned thereby, one part of 
the church of Boston being as resolved and fixed in their 
negative, as the rest were in the affirmative, so as not to 
be included in the choice. This difference was soon 
after pretty well composed, when the dissenters found 
a way, by the interposition and advice of the messengers 
of sundry neighbour churches, to gather into a distinct 
church-society by themselves. But many of them, who 
were not so well satisfied in the doing thereof, were soon 
after ready to think that factum vaiet. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


603 


It was feared that those two churches would, like the 
river Davus, running betwixt the same banks of great 
Danubius, yet to keep their distinct channels, and hold 
no other communion than that of civil commerce one 
with another; yet, as it was then hoped, time and pa¬ 
tience hath since that time, viz. anno 1680, brought 
things about to almost a perfect coalescence. 

But that famous and first church of Boston was not 
long happy in the enjoyment of Mr. Davenport, their 
reverend pastor, who was removed from them by an ap- 
oplectical distemper on March 16, 1670, after they had 
flourished under his ministry three or four years, and sat 
under the shadow of his doctrine, as it were, with great 
delight, and found the fruit thereof sweet to their taste. 
It is not unworthy our notice, that though he had near 
attained the eightieth year of his age, yet was he of that 
vivacity, that the strength of his memory, profoundness 
of his judgment, floridness of his elocution, were little, 
if at all abated in him. His loss would have been more 
deeply laid to heart, if it had not been in a great measure 
made up by the seasonable supply of another reverend 
preacher, Mr. John Oxenbridge, who, not without the di¬ 
rection of a special providence, was brought to the place 
not long before the removal of the other ; by whose pi¬ 
ous and prudent endeavours, the former breach was in a 
likely way of healing ; at least, things tended much that 
way all the time of his shining in the golden candlestick 
of that church : a double portion of whose spirit rest 
upon them who may succeed, he also being removed by 
sudden death, anno 1675. 

Hitherto it had pleased the Father of lights to bless the 
New England churches with the continuance of many 
worthy and eminent divines, not only of such who at 
first removed with their brethren, at the first planting of 
the country, but of many others who were raised up 
there; but about this time, they were bereft of a great 
number of them, within the compass of a few years. 

The setting of so many bright stars, (and some of them 
of the first magnitude,) in New England’s firmament, 
seemed to presage a sad night of darkness and trouble 


GENERAL HI9T0RY 


001 * 

not unlike ere long to ensue, which, in a great measure, 
hath since come to pass. 

The first labourer of note, who was, within this com- 
pass of years, taken out of the harvest, was Mr. John 
Wilson, the apostolical pastor of the first church of Bos¬ 
ton. Amongst New England’s worthies, he well deserv¬ 
ed to be ranked amongst the first three ; scil. for his zeal, 
faith, holiness, humility, and Christian charity, which is 
the grace that crowns all other virtues, and wherein he 
most excelled, and without which all other gifts will ren¬ 
der a man, of how great abilities soever, but as a sound¬ 
ing brass, and as a tinkling cymbal; and when faith and 
hope shall cease, as to the exercise of them, then shall 
charity, which remaineth, shine with its greatest lustre 
and glory. 

It hath been observed by some, that a great part of 
New England’s prosperity came along with Mr. Hooker 
and Mr. Cotton ; it may as truly be said, that it remained 
there, in a great part, by Mr. Wilson’s means, who, by his 
faith and prayers, kept off* the storm from New England 
all his own time, as some have said of Luther, concern¬ 
ing Germany, and of which this good man had some se¬ 
cret and strong persuasions, as he did intimate to some of 
his most confident friends, scil. that no publick judg¬ 
ment or calamity should come upon the country in his 
time; what hath fallen out since, is well known to the 
world. 

He departed this life, August 7th, 1667, in the 79th 
year of his age, having been thirty seven years pastor of 
the said church of Boston. 

The next that, about this time, followed this aged pro¬ 
phet to the house of the grave, was one of the youngest 
of the sons of the prophets, (for death keeps no order in 
his assignments,) Mr. Samuel Shepard, second son of 
that famous preacher, well known by his zealous preach¬ 
ing and other learned labours, Mr. Thomas Shepard. 
This son of his was called from Christ’s plough, by an 
untimely sickness, as soon almost as he had put his hand 
thereunto, early in the spring of his life, as well as of the 
year, about 1668, in the very flower of his youth, bios- 


. OP NEW ENGLAND. 605 

soming with hopes of greater fruitfulness in the vine* 
yard, if he might have continued longer therein. 

On the 9th of July, in the same year, likewise was 
that faithful and painful preacher of the gospel, Mr. Jon¬ 
athan Mitchell, dismissed to his rest. He was born at 
Halifax, in Yorkshire, of pious and worthy parents, but 
transplanted in his tender years into the nursery at Har¬ 
vard College, where, a few years, he made such profi¬ 
ciency, as outstripping his equals, he was advanced to a 
fellowship in the same college, wherein he so behaved 
himself by the fame of his worth and learning, that seve¬ 
ral churches in the country bespake an interest in him, 
against such time as he was like to launch forth into pub- 
lick employment in the ministry. The church of Hart¬ 
ford, upon the river of Connecticut, were not without 
hope of redintigrating their loss of that famous pastor, 
Mr. Hooker, by the supply of this hopeful proficient; 
but the church of Cambridge, in whose arms he had 
received his education, being altogether destitute, by the 
death of their eminent pastor, the other churches were 
easily persuaded to quit their claim, and he came to be 
ordained pastor of the church at Cambridge, anno 1650. 
It was looked upon as no small favour of God, not only 
to that church, to have their breach so fully made up by 
one of the same spirit and principles with their former 
pastor, but also to the country, in supplying that place 
with a person so well qualified w ith the gifts of learning, 
piety, zeal, and prudence, for the better seasoning those 
who, in their younger years, are dedicated to the service 
of the ministry, with the like spirit of gravity, zeal, and 
holiness, wherein his example and doctrine were emi¬ 
nently blessed, to the great advantage of sundry worthy 
preachers of the gospel, bred up in that school of the 
prophets in his time. He was an over hard student, such 
an heluo librorum, that he could spare no time for recrea¬ 
tion, but only for necessary repast, by which it was 
thought he much prejudiced his health, by the putrefac¬ 
tion of the humours in a plethorick body, which brought 
upon him a putrid fever, that debilitated his vital spirits 
in a little time, and brought him to the very gates of 


606 


GENERAL HISTORY 


death, before standers by were apprehensive of any dan¬ 
ger in his disease, or whither it was tending. 

Not to dilate further upon his eminent worth, a neigh¬ 
bour minister hath given it him, in full measure, running 
over, as he well deserved, in this following epitaph : 

Here lies the darling of his time, 

Mitchell, expired in his prime, 

Who, four years short of forty seven, 

Was found full ripe, and pluck’d for heaven ; 

Was full of prudent zeal, and love, 

Faith, patience, wisdom from above ; 

New England’s stay, next age’s story, 

The churches* gem, the college glory. 

Angels may speak him, ah ! not I, 

(Whose worth’s above hyperbole,) 

But for our loss, wcre’t in my power, 

I’d weep an everlasting shower. J. S. 

He died about the three or four and fortieth year of 
his age, as did his famous predecessor. 

Another eminent and hopeful minister of the gospel, 
which New England was bereaved of this year, was Mr. 
John Eliot, born and bred up in New England, the 
eldest son of the worthy minister of the gospel, Mr. 
John Eliot, of Roxbury, who hath taken so much pains 
to acquaint the Indians of New England with the reli¬ 
gion of the English, and with the knowledge of the gospel. 
This his eldest son, (who for his years was nullisecundus 
as to all literature and other gifts, both of nature and grace, 
which made him so generally acceptable to all, that had 
opportunity of partaking of his labours, or the least ac¬ 
quaintance with him ; yet) herein was noted to excel all 
his contemporaries, in that by the advice and conduct of 
his father, through his own industry and diligence, he 
had attained such skill in the Indian language, that he 
was able familiarly to discourse with them and instruct 
them, yea, frequently travelled up and down the country 
to take all opportunities to preach unto them the word 
of life. The untimely removal of himself, with some 
others in like manner qualified and devoted to that work, 
hath been to seme a ground of fear, that the great harvest 
of converting the heathens in America, is not yet fully 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


607 


Gome, although there are many hopeful and comfortable 
gleanings, as may be seen afterwards in what follows, not 
unworthy the labours and pains that hath been by any 
bestowed in that work. 

Besides the forementioned, in 1668 and the following 
years were sundry other eminent ministers of the gospel 
in New England removed by the stroke of death, whose 
memory it is thought meet in the following catalogue^ 
commend to the notice of posterity. 

Mr. Henry Flint, pastor of the church at Braintree, 
(his worthy colleague, Mr, Thompson, a man of great 
worth and learning, zeal, and piety, in his former time, 
having, in a dark cloud of melancholy left the world, in 
the year 1666,) died April 27, 1668. 

Mr. Richard Mather, a solid and grave divine, teach¬ 
er of the church at Dorchester, died April 22, 1669. 

Mr. John Reyner, pastor of the church at Dover, died 
April 3, 1669. 

Mr. Zechariah Symmes, pastor of the church at 
Charlestown, died February 4, 1670. 

Mr. John Allin, pastor of the church at Dedham, died 
August 26, 1670. 

Mr. Charles Chauncey, who in the eightieth year of 
his age, being president of Harvard College, died Feb¬ 
ruary 19, 1671.* 

All, or most of whom, are well known by their abili¬ 
ties, as well abroad as at home, in the press as well as in 
the pulpit, especially by their labours in and about the 
controversy of church government; of whose facul¬ 
ties, success, and skill therein, the reader may best make 
a judgment, by perusing their own writings, long since 
extant in the world. 

There hath been much opposition and vehement dis- 
putings betwixt wise, learned, and holy men about this 
point, yet the righteous and the wise and their works are 
in the hand of the Lord, and the fire shall try every man’s 
work of what sort it is, and therefore not to judge by 
prejudice, or with respect of persons. The ministers of 
New England have given an account to the world, of 
their way and of their practice, wherein they differ from 
* 167 %, i.e.1672. Ed. 


608 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the rest of the reformed churches ; and doubtless no det¬ 
riment will accrue to others, by leaving them to enjoy the 
liberty of their own apprehensions. 

But not to look only on the dark side of the cloud; 
during the time of these sad and sorrowful occurrences, 
were some others called forth, either to enter upon or to 
make more open and manifest progress in the ministry, 
ordained for the edifying of the body of Christ, and per¬ 
fecting the saints. 

At the town of Portsmouth, seated on the southern 
banks of Patcataqua river, the inhabitants having been 
several years instructed by the painful and able ministry 
of Mr. Joshua Moody, and guided by his prudent con¬ 
duct, did a considerable number of them join themselves 
together in church fellowship, over whom the said Mr. 
Moody was ordained pastor, 1671. 

At the same time, Mr. John Reyner was ordained pas¬ 
tor at the church at Dover, in the room of his father, 
lately deceased there in the year 1669. Much about the 
same time was Mr. Dummcr ordained pastor of the 
church at York, in the Province of Maine. 

During these intervals of time, several contentious 
breaches, that happened in sundry of the churches of 
the Massachusetts, were orderly composed, though not 
without the interposition of the civil magistrate, who is 
custos utriusque tabula , which it is thought meet rather to 
intimate in this place, than pass over with silence, seeing 
thereby a full answer is given to the main objections that 
use to be made against the congregational churches of 
New England, as if there was no way found to end dif¬ 
ferences, that might occasionally arise in or amongst the 
churches of that constitution. 

Their usual way of ending all differences, is by the im¬ 
proving the help of neighbour churches, who, by their 
elders and other messengers meeting together, are wont 
to deliberate and give their advice concerning any matter 
of difference; in which case, w here there appeared an 
unanimous consent in the said messengers, all parties 
concerned were found always ready to acquiesce therein. 
But in case of any differing apprehensions of the said 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


009 


messengers amongst themselves, or in case of any con¬ 
tumacy in any of the offending parties, the civil magis¬ 
trates’ help being’implored by them that are aggrieved, 
that useth always to put a final end to all matters of con¬ 
troversy amongst any of their churches. 

In like manner do all protestant divines allow a power 
in the civil magistrate, not only in worldly regiment, 
but also in spiritual, for the preservation of the church, 
i. e. in cases temporal, so far as belongeth to the outward 
preservation, not to the personal administration of them, 
which is the substance of our English oath of suprema¬ 
cy, as a learned man observes. 

It is true, that in the primitive times, infidels were con¬ 
verted to the faith, aud churches established and kept 
up, when there was no assistance, but rather opposition 
from the princes of the earth, as saith the same author. 
And the benefit we have now, by Christian magistrates, 
was then more abundantly supplied, by the miracles 
wrought, and the constant direction and care of apostol- 
ick and extraordinary persons, who were gifted by Christ 
for the purpose ; but in following times, the ordinary- 
helps and external means, for the upholding and main¬ 
taining of peace and truth in the churches, soil, in way 
of a civil power, is only a pious and Christian magistracy, 
where a nation is blessed with it, so as by the help of the 
ecclesiastical and the civil power, acting in a way of 
subordination each unto other, all differences arising may 
easily be composed there, as well as in any other place, 
as instances might easily be given, of the issue of some 
late differences in several of the churches there of late, as 
namely, at Newbury, Salem, and at Salisbury, the par¬ 
ticulars whereof need not here be inserted. By such 
means hath truth and order been maintained, peace re¬ 
stored unto the several churches within the jurisdictions 
of New England, in all former times, since the first plant¬ 
ing, and may accordingly be expected for the future. 


77 


610 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LXXI. 

Genci'dl affairs of the Massachusetts,from the year 1671 
to 1676. 

In the beginning of this last epocha, or series of 
years, Mr. Bellingham was again chosen governour of 
the Massachusetts, and Maj. John Leverett, (to whose 
lot it had fallen some years before to be the major general 
of the Massachusetts colony,) was at the same time, May 
31, 1671, called by the general consent of the electors 
to be deputy governour, in the room of Mr. Willoughby, 
that formerly supplied that place, and always by his grav¬ 
ity and prudence, as well as by his integrity and faithful¬ 
ness, well becoming the dignity thereof. 

In the year 1672, Harvard College being decayed, a 
liberal contribution was granted for rebuilding the same, 
which was so far promoted from that time, that in the 
year 1677, a fair and stately edifice of brick was erected 
anew, not far from the place where the former stood, and 
so far finished that the publick acts of the commence¬ 
ment were there performed, over which God send or 
confirm and continue a president, for the carrying on of 
that hopeful work, that so the glory of the succeeding 
may in all respects equal and exceed that of the former 
generation. 

In the end of the year 1672 an end was put to the life 
and government of Mr. Bellingham, a very ancient gen¬ 
tleman, having spun a long thread of above eighty 
years; he was a great justiciary, a notable hater of 
bribes, firm and fixed in any resolution he entertained, 
of larger comprehension than expression, like a vessel 
whose vent holdeth no good proportion with its capacity 
to contain, a disadvantage to a publick person ; had he 
not been a little too much overpowered with the humour of 
melancholy in his natural constitution, (the infirmities of 
which tincture did now and then appear in his dispensing 
of justice,) he had been very well qualified for a gover¬ 
nour. He had been bred a lawyer, yet turned strangely, 
although upon very pious considerations, as some have 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


6ii 


judged, out of the ordinary road thereof, in the making 
of his last will and testament, which defect, if there 
were any, was abundantly supplied by the power of the 
general court, so as that no prejudice did arise to his 
successours about his estate. 

In the following year, 1673, May 7th, Maj. John Lev- 
erett was invited by the free and general consent of the 
freemen of the Massachusetts, to take the governour’s 
place after him, which he held ever since unto his life’s 
end. His choice at this time was a little remarkable, in 
that he, being one of the junior magistrates, was called 
first to be deputy, then governour, which according to 
the usual course of succession belonged to the senior. 
Thus many times things so fall out that the last shall be 
first. What his administration hath been in the time 
past, as to wisdom, justice, courage, and liberality is 
known to all, in that which is to come, is left to be re¬ 
lated by them to whose lot it may fall to \\ rite the epi¬ 
logue of New England story, which God grant it may 
not prove so tragical as it hath been in the four last years 
preceding. But as is well known, since God took him 
out of this troublesome world, March L6, 1678, he hath 
in his merciful providence, called one to preside as chief 
in authority over the colony of the Massachusetts, who, by 
his sage wisdom, and long experience, (even ever since 
the first coming over of the patentees,) hath been found 
the best able to take upon him the conduct of affairs in 
those difficult times, that have since happened, sufficient to 
have tried the wisdom of all that preceded in that station . 

This year, Monsieur Colve, coining with a few ships 
and soldiers from the West Indies, surprized the fort at 
Manhatos, or New York, in the absence of Col. Love¬ 
lace, the governour, under his highness the duke of York, 
which might have proved no small disadvantage to the 
colonies of New England, the Dutch having thereby an 
opportunity to seize many of their vessels, as they pas¬ 
sed to and from the West Indies, who were wont to stop 
on the other side of the Cape Shoals; and many of their 
vessels were, during the time he held the place, surpriz¬ 
ed by his orders, which put the country upon a resolu- 


618 


UENEKAL HISTORY 


tion to secure their vessels on that side of the cape; but 
by good providence the quarrel betwixt the English and 
the Dutch being ended, those places were again peacea¬ 
bly surrendered into the hands of the English, so as from 
that time free intercourse and traffick being allowed for 
the trading vessels, it is hoped the country may now 
flourish for the future more than formerly. 

The court of election, from the beginning of this lus¬ 
tre, fell out in 1671, May 31; 1672, May 15; 1673, 
May 7; 1674, May 27; 1675, May 12; 1676, May 3; 
1677, May 27; in every of which, since the year 1672, 
unless in 1678, May 8, when Mr. Bradstreet was first 
chosen governour, and Mr. Danforth, of Cambridge, 
deputy, Maj. Leverett hath been honoured with the place 
of governour over the Massachusetts colony. And the 
principal transactions which have since happened there, 
relate either to their troubles with the Indians, (of which 
more may be seen in the narrative forementioned, and 
the continuation thereof in the following chapter,) or else 
to the controversy which lately arose, and is yet depend¬ 
ing between the heirs of one Capt. Mason and Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, who have several times complained 
against the said colony to his majesty, and by reiterated 
petitions, requested for an hearing thereof before him, 
have by much importunity, at last obtained their de¬ 
sire. 

The substance of their complaint was, that whereas, 
as they pretended a grant had been made by the council 
of Plymouth to the said Capt. John Mason and Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, of a distinct Province to each of them, 
the one called Hampshire, the other Maine, both in the 
years 1621, 1622, and 1629 and 1635, and that they had, 
by the expense of many thousand pounds there, taken 
possession by their agents, yet that they had been dispos¬ 
sessed thereof, by violence and strong hand, by some 
persons employed by the government of the said colony 
of the Massachusetts, and notwithstanding all applica¬ 
tions made unto them, could obtain no redress or relief 
of their injuries and wrongs, &c. 

By these kind of petitions they prevailed so far as to 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


613 


obtain letters from his majesty, March 10th, 167£ re¬ 
quiring the colony aforesaid to send over agents to ap¬ 
pear before him in six months after the receipt of the 
said letters, with full instructions impowered to answer 
for them, that so they might receive his royal determin¬ 
ation in that matter depending for judgment before him. 
This command of his majesty was carefully observed 
by the Massachusetts, and notwithstanding the many 
difficulties they were at that time incumbered withal, 
by reason of their war with the Indians, and the great 
distance of place, and other sad calamities, they deputed 
as their agents, Mr. William Stoughton and Mr. Buck- 
ley, to take that service upon them, who were ready to 
attend his majesty’s pleasure at Whitehall, within the 
time limited in his royal letters ; and not long after, up¬ 
on a just hearing of the allegations of each party, his ma¬ 
jesty was pleased to give his final determination, wherein 
he saw cause to confirm unto the Massachusetts their 
charter, with the original bounds of the same, contrary 
to the expectation of the petitioners, who had, at least 
one of them, endeavoured by sundry allegations, to have 
vacated the same; and the Province of Maine was also, 
by the said determination, not altered, but left to the 
heirs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, both as to the soil and 
government. But as for the Province, which was de¬ 
manded by Mr. Mason, his plea not being made for any 
right of government, himself was left at liberty to take 
his course at law to recover his interest, whatever it was, 
in the soil. But how the government of the said Pro¬ 
vince shall be disposed of, was then left to his majesty’s 
determination, who then gave his subjects in that coun¬ 
try a ground of hope, that as they have given a good ex¬ 
ample to all the rest of his plantations in America, of in¬ 
dustry and sobriety, so they shall not want any due en¬ 
couragement from himself, both of protection, and an 
equal participation of all other acts of his royal grace and 
favour, which others already have had, or hereafter have 
hope to receive. 

The gentlemen forenamed, having been detained in 
England for the space of three years, to give answer to 


GENERAL HISTORY 


6l4i 

such allegations as Mr. Mason and his adherents had giv¬ 
en in against them, at the last were for the present dis¬ 
missed, upon demand of others to be sent in their room 
with more full instructions and power to make answer 
to whatever the lords commissioners for foreign planta¬ 
tions should see cause to require satisfaction in, in refer¬ 
ence not only to the claims of Mr. Robert Mason afore¬ 
said, but also to make answer to whatever else might be 
alleged about the charter of the Massachusetts and the 
regulation thereof. Accordingly Mr. William Stoughton 
and Mr. Peter Buckley returning home in the year 1679, 
there were two other gentlemen deputed in their room 
to attend that service, viz. Mr. Joseph Dudley, and Mr. 
John Richards, who were sent to England in the year 
1682, which was as soon as things could be prepared and 
dispatched for their journey, which they safely accom¬ 
plished, arriving at London about the latter end of Au¬ 
gust in the same year. Not long before, the honoured 
gentleman, Edward Cranfield, Esq. appointed by his 
majesty’s special commission to be governour of New 
Hampshire, arrived there, a Province situate between the 
river Merrimack and Pascataqua, challenged by Mr. 
Mason to be his propriety, concerning whose right there¬ 
unto, at this time, subjudice lis est; and because many 
motions have been occasioned by the pretensions of said 
Mr. Mason, it may not be amiss to take a view of the 
several grants made to his grandfather, Capt. John Ma¬ 
son, in former times, with the opinion of a great lawyer, 
Sir William Jones, the king’s attorney, about them. 

The copy of a grant made- by the council of Plymouth, to Capt. 

John Mason, of the land betwixt Naumkeag and Merrimack, 

in New England, anno 1621 . 

“This indenture, made the 9th of March, anno 1621, 
the 19th year of the reign of our sovereign lord, James, by 
the grace of God, &c. between the president and council 
of New England on the one part, and John Mason, gent. 
&c. on the other part witnesseth, that whereas our sove¬ 
reign lord, king* James, for the making a plantation and es¬ 
tablishing a colony,&c. Nowthisindenturefurther witnes- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


615 


seth, that the said president and council, of their full, free 
and mutual consent, as well to the end that all the lands, 
woods, waters, islands, &c. hereafter in these presents 
mentioned, may be wholly and entirely invested, appro- 
printed, severed and settled in and upon the said John Ma¬ 
son, his heirs and assigns forever; as for divers special 
services for the advancement of the said plantation, and 
other good causes, and considerations them especially 
hereunto moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold, 
assigned, enfeoffed, set over and confirmed, and by these 
presents do give, &c. unto the said John Mason, his heirs 
and assigns, all that part of the sea coast in New Eng¬ 
land, being a great head land, or cape, and lying in the 
northernmost parts of the Massachusetts country, and to 
the northeastwards of the great river of the Massachu¬ 
setts, stretching itself out into the sea eastwards five 
leagues or thereabouts, and lying betwixt the latitude 
of 42 and 43 degrees or thereabouts, and commonly 
called and known by the name of Tragabigsenda, or 
Cape Anne, with the north, south, and east shores there¬ 
of ; the back bounds toward the main land to begin at 
the head of the next great river, to the southward of the 
said cape, which runs up into the country of the main 
land westward, and supposed to be called Naumkeag, or 
by what other name or names the said river is, or may 
be called, and to a river lying to the northwestward of the 
said cape, and to the furthest head of the said river, from 
which period to cross over land to the head of the other 
great river which lies southward of the foresaid cape, 
where the perambulation began, and half way over, that 
is to say, to the midst of either of the said two rivers 
which bounds or limits the aforesaid lands, both on the 
north and south thereof, together with the great isle or 
island, henceforth to be called Isle Mason, lying near or 
before the bay, harbour, or river of Agawam, together 
with all the sects, isles, or islands adjoining to any part 
of the precincts of the lands aforesaid, or lying within 
three miles of any part of the same, as also all the lands, 
soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, 
pearls, and precious stones, woods, quarries, marshes, 


GENERAL HISTORY 


m 

waters, lakes, fishings, hunting, hawking, fowling, com¬ 
modities and hereditaments whatsoever, with all and sin¬ 
gular their appurtenances, together with all prerogatives, 
rights, royalties, jurisdictions, privileges, franchises, pre- 
eminencies, liberties, marine power, as also the escheats 
and casualties thereof, with all the state, right, title, in¬ 
terest, claim and demand whatsoever, which the said 
president and council, and their successors, of right 
ought to have or claim, in or to the said portions of land, 
and other the premises as is aforesaid.” 

But this grant being only sealed with the council’s 
seal, but unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor posses¬ 
sion ever given with the grant, Sir William Jones, the 
king’s attorney general, concludes, that having no other 
confirmation but the council’s seal, and there being also 
no entry of them upon record, it is not good in law, nei¬ 
ther according to the law of England nor of New Eng¬ 
land, they having no particular law of their own, (to his 
knowledge,) which differs from the law of England, as to 
the manner of passing lands; therefore, he saith, he doth 
not see how those grants can be good ; and further, he 
saith that Mr. Mason’s rights to any of the lands which 
he claims, that lie within the jurisdiction of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, ought to be tried upon the place, liable to such 
appeals as the charter allows, if it allows any; all which 
appears by a writing under his hand, bearing date g 18th 
Sept. 1679, which he gave to the agents of New England, 
then present at London. 

Besides the forementioned grant, made to Capt. John 
Mason for Cape Anne, he obtained another grant from 
the said council of Plymouth, bearing date August 10th, 
1622, which was made both to him and to Sir Ferdinan- 
do Gorges, from Merrimack to Sagadahock, a copy of 
which it seems is yet extant, although it appears not, that 
ever the said grant was signed, sealed, or witnessed, by 
any order of the council. 

There is another like copy of such a grant, made to 
Sir Fcrdinando Gorges and Capt. J. Mason, bearing date 
the 17th of November, 1629. 

There was the copy of another grant made to the said 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


617 

Capt. John Mason for all the land from Naumkeag to Pas- 
cataqua river, bearing date April 22, in the 11th year of 
king Charles the First, scil. anno 1635, much what of 
the same tenour with the first grant, 1621. 

At the court of pleas, held at Portsmouth, in New 
England, in February 1682, this last grant was princi¬ 
pally insisted upon, in a suit commenced against one 
Mr. Wadley of Exeter, and it was there attested under 
oath, by Mr. Chamberlain, secretary of the Province of 
New Hampshire, and by one Mr. Reynes, that they had 
compared the said grant of April 22, 1635, with the ori¬ 
ginal, and that it was a true copy, although it did notap- 
pear that the said grant was either signed, sealed, or wit¬ 
nessed. It being manifest also, that the said council of 
Plymouth was to consist of forty persons, who had the 
sole power of granting any lands in the country of New 
England from the degrees of 40 to 48 of north latitude, 
provided it was done by the major part of them, or of a 
major part of a lawful assembly of the said council, under 
their common seal, which not appearing, and the lands 
questioned in that suit had been for a long time, viz. 
near fifty years, occupied by others, the jury found for 
the defendant; upon which the plaintiff appealed, the 
issue of which is yet depending, till it be heard and de¬ 
termined by the authority appealed unto. 

But as to the lands between Naumkeag and Merri¬ 
mack, demanded by Mr. Mason, although they are well 
known to be included within the limits of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, as appeared before the lords chief justices, to¬ 
gether with the rest of the honourable commissioners, 
that had the hearing of the case concerning the bounds of 
the Massachusetts patent ; the whole case is thus de¬ 
termined by his majesty’s attorney general aforesaid. 

The case of the governour and company of the Massachusetts 
Bay, in New England, in America. 

3° Nov. 14° Jac. The whole tract of New England 
was granted to forty persons, lords and others, by the 
name of the Council of New England established at Ply¬ 
mouth, whereby power is given them to set out lands and 
78 


618 


GENERAL HISTORY 


hereditaments to adventurers and planters, as should by 
a commission of survey and distribution executed, be 
named. 

19° Martii, 1628. The said council grant the Massa¬ 
chusetts colony to Roswell and others. 

4° Martii. 4° Car. l mi - The grant to Roswell, &c. 
was by letters patents, confirmed to the said proprietors 
and others their associates, who were then incorporat¬ 
ed 4 ,w r ith power of government granted to them, and of 
making laws not repugnant to the laws of England. 

The company, in pursuance of this grant of the coun¬ 
cil at Plymouth and charter from the king, transport 
themselves and make a settlement upon the said lands, 
distributing the same from time to time, freely to adven¬ 
turers and planters, without any rent reserved to the 
company, yet so that where the said lands were posses¬ 
sed by the natives, the planters did also purchase from 
them. 

May 1657. It is enacted by the laws of the place— 
That any person who had, by himself, his grantees, or 
assigns, before the law about inheritances, 14th October 
1652, possessed and occupied, as his or their proper 
right, in fee simple, any houses or lands there, and 
should so continue without disturbance, let, suit, or de¬ 
nial, legally made, by having the claims of any person 
thereto entered with the recorder of the county, and such 
claim prosecuted to effect, within five years, next after 
the 20th of that present May, 1657; every such proprie¬ 
tor, their heirs and assigns, shall forever hereafter enjoy 
the same, without any lawful let, suit, disturbance, or 
denial, by any other claim of any person or persons what¬ 
soever, any law or custom to the contrary notwithstand¬ 
ing. 

No claim made of the lands in question within the 
time limited. In 1635, the pat. of 30 Novris. 14° Jac. 
surrendered. 

Mr. Mason’s title, 9th Martii, 1621. Mr. Mason, by 
grant from the council at Plymouth, under their common 
seal, to his ancestor, John Mason, claims some ten towns 
within the Massachusetts bounds of their patent, to be 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


610 


called Mariana, to hold to him and his heirs, in free and 
common soccage, &c. subject to the exceptions in the 
grant to the grand council, yielding a fifth part of all ore 
found, to his majesty, and another fifth part to the council, 
with a letter of attorney to the chief officer there for the 
time being, for delivery of possession and seizin to the 
grantee, Mason, or his attorney. 

Note. The grant only sealed with the council’s seal, 
unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor possession ever 
given with the grant. 

10 August, 1622. The said council grant, alien, sell, 
and confirm to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John 
Mason, their heirs and assigns, all the lands lying be¬ 
tween the rivers Merrimack and Sagadahock. 

Note, as in the grant of 1621. 

7 Nov. 1629. The said council grant part of the 
premises to Capt. John Mason, single, and his heirs, ex¬ 
tending between the rivers of Merrimack and Pascat- 
aqua. 

1631. Noteas above. The same council did again 
grant a small parcel of the premises granted to Sir Fer¬ 
dinando Gorges and Capt. J. Mason, unto the said Sir 
Ferdinando and Capt. Mason, with about six or seven 
others, their associates, lying on both sides the river of 
Pascataqua, upon which lands some settlement was made 
and some part thereof divided between the said grantees 
and adventurers after, 1631. 

April 1635. Capt. John Mason obtains a new grant 
from the said great council, of all the lands from Naum- 
keag river to Patcataqua river, by the name of New 
Hampshire; at which time all that part of the lands so 
granted, which are now contained within the bounds of 
the Massachusetts, were actually distributed to, and 
planted by the inhabitants of that colony, by virtue of 
their grants from the said council, anno 1628, 1629. 

The whole matter in difference was referred to the two 
lord chief justices, by his majesty and council. 

They, after a solemn hearing of council on both sides, 
reported unto his majesty ; That as to the right of the 
soil of the Province of New Hampshire and Maine, they 


6£0 


GENERAL HISTORY 


could give no opinion, not having proper parties before 
them, it appearing that not the Massachusetts company, 
but the ten tenents had the right of soil and whole ben¬ 
efit thereof, and yet were not summoned to defend their 
titles. 

As to Mr. Mason’s right of government within the 
soil he claimed: Their lpps. and indeed his own coun¬ 
sel, agreed he had none, the great council of Plymouth, 
under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer 
government to any. 

As to the bounds of the Massachusetts colony: Their 
lpps. have, by their said report, excluded thereout the 
four towns of Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, and Hamp¬ 
ton, parcel of Mr. Mason’s claim, but determined the re¬ 
mainder of his claim to be within their bounds ; which 
report was confirmed by his majesty in council. 

1 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason’s grant, being only un¬ 
der the council of Plymouth’s seal, unwitnessed, and 
without any entry or record of them any where* without 
seizin endorsed, and no possession having ever gone 
along with them, be valid inlaw, to out about fifty years 
possession, a title under the government of the Massa¬ 
chusetts, and a purchase from the natives? 

[Ans.] I think it is not good, according to the 
law of England, and New England having no particular 
law of their own, (to my knowledge,) which differs from 
the law of England, as to the manner of passing lands 
I do not see how many of these grants can be good. 

Or admitting they be good in law: 

2 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason be not estopt by the 
law of the place as above, having not made his claim 
thereto, within the time prescribed ? 

[Ans.] If Mr. Mason’s estate do lie within the juris¬ 
diction of ihe assembly who made this law, and that this 
assembly were rightly constituted, according to the pow r 
er given by charter, I think Mr. Mason was bound by 
this law, vyhich I look upon to be a reasonable law, and 
agreeing in reason with the law of England. 

And if Mr. Mason have right thereto^: 

3 Quer. Whether ought not that right be tried on the 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


624 

place, ten of the towns claimed by him remaining with** 
in the Massachusetts jurisdiction, by the chief justice’s 
report ? 

[Ans,] I think his right ought to be tried upon the 
place, for so much thereof as lies within the Massachu¬ 
setts jurisdiction, liable to such appeal as the charter al¬ 
lows, if it allows any. 

4 Quer. Or if triable here, by what court can it prop¬ 
erly be so, whether in one of the four courts at West¬ 
minster, or upon a special commission, and how, in your 
judgment, whether by jury or otherwise? 

[Ans.] It cannot properly be tried here, by any of the 
four courts, but according to the law of the place, if it 
lie within any jurisdiction ; and if within none, the king 
may erect courts to proceed according to the law of Eng¬ 
land, unless altered by the legislative power of the place. 

18 Sept. 1679. W. Jones. 


CHAP. LXXII. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England , from the year 
1671 to the year 1685. 

The solemn and awful dispensations of the Almighty 
towards the people of New England of late, have made 
all the wise hearted among them fear that he had a con¬ 
troversy with them, having written his displeasure in the 
dismal characters of contagious sickness, and of the 
sword of war, as well as other disastrous events and sad 
calamities. Many endeavours were used, by sundry sol¬ 
emn days of humiliation, to find out the cause why the 
Lord contended with them. They conceived that person¬ 
al afflictions did oftentimes come only for probation, but 
as to publick calamities it is not usually so, as they ap¬ 
prehended, especially when by a continued series of pro¬ 
vidences God seems to be pleading against a people as 
he did against Israel in David’s time; and as he had 
seemed to do with them for divers years. At the last, 
the general court of the Massachusetts saw’ cause to as¬ 
semble all the ministers and messengers of the churches 
yvithin their jurisdiction in a general synod at Boston, 


$22 


GENERAL HISTORY 


September 10, 1679, to whom these two questions were 
propounded to debate upon : 

Quest. 1. What are the evils that have provoked the 
Lord to bring his judgments on New England ? 

Quest. 2. What is to be done that so these evils may - 
be reformed. 

In answer to the first, it was determined by the joint 
consent of the whole assembly, that beside a great and 
visibly decay of the power of godliness, amongst many 
professors in their churches, there was likewise too much 
cause to fear, that several vices, especially pride, intem¬ 
perance, and worldly mindedness, began to bud forth 
amongst them, which were the evils that used to bring 
the wrath of God upon the Gentiles of old; therefore it 
need not be wondered at, if God should bring sharp af¬ 
flictions upon the country for the preventing or reform¬ 
ing these grosser evils, that so such noisome weeds 
might timely be rooted out, and not suffered to spread 
and take place in the garden of God. Accordingly, the 
said assembly advised, that for the reforming all the fore- 
mentioned evils, that in the first place, all that were above 
others in place, would, as to their practice, become very 
exemplary unto others, it being incident to the people of 
all ages to follow those that are above them, that so, if 
any of the sins of the times were found, in any degree, 
among those, or any of them that were leaders, either 
as to civil or ecclesiastical order, reformation in them 
would have an happy influence upon many others, as 
Moses and Joshua, being to reform others, began with 
what concerned themselves. So, also, that care should 
be taken for the revising of the platform of discipline, 
drawn up by a synod there anno 1648, which might be a 
good means to recover those that had erred from the 
truth, and to prevent apostacy for the future, and that by 
the renewing of covenant, their churches and admin¬ 
istrations should be reduced to that their primitive pat¬ 
tern. 

Furthermore, also, forasmuch as it hath been observ¬ 
ed, that some have reflected upon the New English 
churches for their defect in not publishing to the world 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


623 


a confession of their faith, as if their principles were un¬ 
known, although it had been long since declared, that as 
to matters of doctrine they agreed with other reformed 
churches; nor was any thing referring to doctrine, but 
what concerns worship and discipline, that caused their 
predecessors to remove into the deserts of America, 
while it was a land not sown, that there they might have 
liberty to practise accordingly. Therefore, this synod 
last convened, having in their second session, which was 
May 12, 1680, consulted, and considered of a confession 
of faith, they unanimously agreed, that a confession of 
faith, according to that which was drawn up by the min¬ 
isters and messengers of the congregational churches, 
who met at the Savoy in London, [being for the most 
part, some small variations excepted, the same with that 
which was agreed upon first by the assembly at West¬ 
minster, and had been approved by a general assembly 
in Scotland, as well as by the synod at Cambridge, in 
New England, anno 1648,) should be compiled, which 
being publickly twice read and examined, was approved 
of. The little variation which they made from the one, 
in compliance with the other, may be seen by those who 
please to compare them. But for the main, they chose 
to express themselves in the words of those reverend as¬ 
semblies, that they might, with one heart and mouth, glo¬ 
rify God and our Lord Jesus Christ. But as to what 
concerns church government, they refer to the platform 
of discipline, agreed upon by the messengers of their 
churches anno 1648, solemnly owned and confirmed in 
their last synod. 

The general court of the Massachusetts, October 15, 
1679, having perused the result of the late synod, judge 
it meet to commend the same to the serious consideration 
of all the churches and people within their jurisdiction, 
enjoining and requiring all persons in their respective 
capacities, to a careful and diligent reformation of all 
those provoking evils mentioned therein, according to 
the true intent thereof, that so the anger and displeasure 
of God, that hath been many ways manifested, may be 
averted from his people, and his favour and blessing ob- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


024 

tained as in former times ; to that end they ordered the 
same to be printed, as accordingly they did the confes¬ 
sion of faith and platform of discipline, for the benefit 
of the churches of New England in present and after 
times. 

Since the publishing the acts of the late synod at Bos¬ 
ton, one John Russell, a Wedderdop’d shoemaker at 
Woburn, in New England, taking notice of an expres¬ 
sion in ©ne clause thereof, under the breach of the se¬ 
cond commandment, rendering those of that persuasion 
as guilty of the breach thereof, viz. that they do no bet¬ 
ter than set up an altar against God’s altar; and of some 
expressions likewise in a small treatise, since that time 
published by one of the principal ministers of the coun¬ 
try, judiciously and learnedly asserting and proving the 
divine right of infant baptism, did in the year following 
stitch up a small pamphlet, styled by him, “ A brief 
narrative of some considerable passages concerning the 
first gathering and further progress of a church of Christ 
in gospel order, in Boston, in New England,” &c. where¬ 
in he endeavours to clear the innocency of those com¬ 
monly, (though falsely, as he says,) called anabaptists. 
Surely he was not well aware of the old adage, ne sutor 
ultra crepidam , or else he would not have made such 
botching work. For although the simple cobbler of Ag¬ 
awam, his countryman, who in the year 1645 used many 
honest stitches to much better purpose, in helping to re¬ 
pair his native country, lamentably tattered in the upper 
leather and sole; out of which it may not be much amiss 
to borrow a few of his lifts, which those of his profession 
may make good use of, before they offer any more of 
their ware to an open market. 

“ 1. To entreat them to consider what an high pitch 
of boldness it is for man to cut a principal ordinance out 
of the kingdom of God, if it be but to make a disloca¬ 
tion, which so far disgoods the ordinance, I fear it alto¬ 
gether unhallows it; to transplace or transtime a stated 
institution of Jesus Christ, without his direction, I think 
is to destroy it. 

“ 2* What a cruelty it is to divest children of that only 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


625 


external privilege which their heavenly Father hath be- 
queathed them, to interest them visibly in himself, his 
Son, his Spirit, his covenant of grace, and the tender 
bosom of their careful mother, the church. 

“ 3. What an inhumanity it is to deprive parents of 
that comfort they may take, from the baptism of their 
infants, dying in their childhood. 

“ 4. How unseasonably and unkindly it is* to inter- 
turb the state and church with their Amalekitish onsets, 
when they are in their extreme pangs of travail with their 
lives. 

“ 5. To take a thorough view of those who have per- 
ambled this bye path, being sometimes in the crouds of 
foreign Wedderdopers, i. e. anabaptists; and prying into 
their inward frames with the best eyes I had, I could not 
but observe these disguised guises in the generality of 
them. 1. A flat formality of spirit, without salt or sa¬ 
vour, in the spiritualities of Christ, as if their religion 
had begun and ended in their opinion. 2. A shallow 
slighting of such as dissent from them, appearing too 
often in their faces, speeches, and carriages. 3. A fee¬ 
ble yet peremptory obstinacy ; seldom are any of them 
reclaimed. 4. A shameful sliding into other such tar- 
pauline tenets, to keep themselves dry from the showers 
of justice, as a rational mind would never entertain, if it 
were not errour-blasted from heaven and hell. I should 
as shrewdly suspect that opinion, that will cordially cor- 
rive* with two or three sottish errours, as that faith that 
can professedly live with two or three sordid sins. God is 
as jealous of his ordinances as men are of their opinions.” 

Thus far the Simple Cobbler, p. 16, 17,18, a little of 
whose stirrup might have served to have better endoc- 
trinated the unstable shoemaker of Woburn, who though 
himself uttered it as an argument of divine favour to his 
opinions, that none of them of that persuasion died of 
the contagious sickness of the small pox, whereof so ma¬ 
ny hundred died at Boston, yet they that survived him 
may take notice also, that God, in whose hands are all 

* From Latin, corrivor, “ to flow together from different streams.’* 

Plin. Ed. 


79 


626 


GENERAL HISTORY 


men’s times, did not suffer him to live above a year in 
the said Boston, whither he had translated himself, lest 
he should further translate others from the truth ; yet is 
not that of the poet to be forgotten, careat successibus , 
opto , &c. It is too often seen, that those new secta¬ 
ries, that go about to unchurch all other Christian socie¬ 
ties, do at last unchurch themselves, and from anabap¬ 
tists become sebaptists, then seekers, and at last ranters ; 
it being more usual for them, that out of a giddy, unsta¬ 
ble mind have wandered from the truth, to run into the 
contrary extreme, than to close with the mean principles 
of truth and soberness, which they have at first deserted 
without cause. It hath been likewise a common obser¬ 
vation, that these Wedderdoping, new sort of Christians 
have proved but the materia prima of all the corrupt 
opinions that Christian religion hath of late days, since 
the reformation of Luther, been besmeared withal. Let 
men take heed of attempting a new way to heaven, by a 
ladder of lying figments of their own, lest thereby they 
be thrown the deeper into hell, as saith the same author. 

But to return to what is in hand, and give this gospel 
ordered church, (as J. Russell terms them,) what is their 
due from an historian. As for the persons of those seven 
he apologizes for, it may more easily be granted, that 
they were good in the main, than that it w r as a good work 
for God they were engaged in. Boni homines are some¬ 
times found male feriati, i.e. good men may be found to be 
ill employed, as Peter was, whom Christ rebukes and calls 
satan, and bids get behind him. Whether any of them 
absolutely did deserve to be delivered to satan for their 
obstinacy in their opinions or other miscarriages, which 
either through weakness of their judgments or strength 
of their passions, which in defence of their opinions or 
practices they ran into, or whether there were not more 
acrimony of the salt than sweetness of the gospel spirit 
of peace, in those that managed the discipline of the 
church against some of them, that had been in the com¬ 
munion of some of the churches thereabout, must hot 
be here discussed, only some sober Christians that were 
of their own profession, viz. in opposition to infant bap- 


OF NEW ENGLAND 


tism, have said that they could not but look upon their 
way to be evil, and such as could not be justified. It 
hath possibly also been observed by some, that though 
slow bellied Cretians, as Paul speaks to Titus, are to be 
rebuked sharply, that they may be sound in the faith, yet 
men of a grave and serious spirit and of sober conversa¬ 
tions, as Thomas Gold and some of the rest were said 
to be, would easier in all likelihood have been reclaimed 
from the errour of their judgments by gentler means of 
persuasion and long suffering, than by the corrosives of 
severity and sharp censures of the church, which if it 
were granted, yet that can give no colour to their irregular 
and hasty casting themselves into the mould of a partic¬ 
ular church, under the specious varnish of a church in 
gospel order, consisting only of a few giddy sectaries, 
that fondly conceit themselves to be an orderly church, 
when their very coalition is explicitly not only without, 
but against the consent of all the rest of the churches 
in the place, as well as the order of the civil authority. 

I shall conclude with the last words of the late synod :* 
“ Inasmuch as a thorough and hearty reformation is ne¬ 
cessary in order to obtaining peace with God, and all 
outward means will be ineffectual unto that end, except 
the Lord pour down his Spirit from on high, it doth 
therefore concern us to cry mightily unto God, both in 
ordinary and extraordinary manner, that he would be 
pleased to rain down righteousness upon usand that 
the north wind would awake, and the south come and 
blow, that the spices thereof may flow out, that the whole 
church of Christ in these deserts of America may be 
found unto her beloved, as an orchard of pomegranates 
with all pleasant fruits. 

CHAP. LXXIII. 

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years , from 
1671 to 1676. 

Much hurt done by thunder and lightning about 
these times. To those mentioned before may be added 

* Reforming Synod, A. D. 1679. En. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


several awful strokes of thunder and lightning within 
the bounds of Ipswich, viz. the great oak in that called 
Scott’s lane, which on a Saturday night in August, anno 
1668, (or 1667,) was broken all apieces, and some logs 
rent off from it, as much and more than a man could lift, 
were flung several rods from the place. A man in the 
house next to the place was struck down with the crack 
of thunder, but had no other hurt. 

In the year 1670, the barn of one Edward Allin, in 
Ipswich, was fired with lightning in the time of harvest, 
with sixteen loads of barley newly carried thereinto. 
Several of the harvest men were but newly gone out of 
the barn into the dwelling house, and so their destruction 
was prevented thereby. 

May 18, 1671, the house of Sergeant Perkins in Ips¬ 
wich, was smitten with lightning, while many were met 
together at the repetition of the sermon that day preach¬ 
ed, it being the Lord’s day ; several breaches were made 
in the timber work, and some persons were struck down 
therewith, yet came to life again. Sergeant Perkins him¬ 
self had his waistcoat pierced with many holes like 
goose shot, yet had no other considerable harm,only beat¬ 
en down, as if he had been dead for the present. 

In the year 1671, a whirlwind at Cape Anne passed 
through the neck of land that makes one side of the har¬ 
bour towards the main sea; its space or breadth was 
about forty feet from the sea to the harbour, but it went 
with such violence that it bore away whatever it met in 
the way, both small and great trees, and the boughs of 
trees, that on each side hung over that glade, were broken 
off and carried away therewith. A gieat rock that stood 
up in the harbour, as it passed along, was scarce able to 
withstand the fury of it, without being turned over. 

About that time, or not many years before, some of 
the inhabitants of Ipswich, on the northwest side of the 
river, in a thunder storm, saw a sheet of fire, as they im¬ 
agined, fall down just before the house of Mr. W. H. 
but it reached not the house, only rent the body of an 
oak that stood not far from it. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


0S9 


CHAP. LXXIV. 

A further continuation of the narrative of the troubles 
with the Indians in JYew England , from April 1677 
to June 1680. 

An attempt was made against our Indian enemies, 
by way of a diversion, in the spring of the last year, 
1677, by treating with the Mohawks or Mawques In¬ 
dians, partly to secure them to be our friends, as hither¬ 
to they had been, and partly to see if they could not be 
induced to prosecute their inbred antipathy against our 
Indian enemies, with whom they have had a long and 
deadly feud heretofore. Something was done that way 
by the help and advice of Maj. Andros, the governour 
of New York; and probably the fear thereof was the on¬ 
ly thing that awed the Indians about Pemaquid into a 
stricter correspondency and more ready compliance with 
the English ; but the truth of this will be judged by the 
event hereafter. 

A long, troublesome, and hazardous journey was un¬ 
dertaken by the Hon. Maj. Pinchon, of Springfield, and 
Mr. Richards, of Hartford, in behalf of those two colo¬ 
nies : they were followed with as much success as they 
could expect. The Mawque Indians made a great shew 
of cordial friendship to the English, and bitter enmity to 
the Indians that have risen against them, making large 
promises of pursuing their quarrel against them, to the 
uttermost of their power; but distance of the place, and 
difficulty of the journey, hath prevented any great mat¬ 
ter of effect in that kind, as was expected. 

For though some of them armed themselves and came 
down within the territories of those Indians, that have of 
late so much infested the English plantations, yet the 
distance between their own place and that of the other 
Indians was so great, that they did little execution upon 
their own or our enemies. The most good it is hoped 
they did, was by the rumour of their coming down upon 
the backs of our enemies; it being known to be their nat¬ 
ural temper to be very fearful of any evil while it is far off. 


GENERAL HISTORY 


mo 

and very stupid and blockish, whenever it actually falls 
upon them. 

Some of the country were not well satisfied in the de¬ 
sign, as questioning the lawfulness of making use of their 
help, as they were heathen; but the general court, and the 
most considerate of the country, apprehended it lawful 
to make use of any advantage Providence put into their 
hands, whereby to weaken or abate the force and power 
of their enemies. 

Abraham entered into a confederacy with the Amo- 
rites, among whom he sojourned, and made use of their 
assistance to assist him in the vindicating of the quarrel 
of his kinsman, Lot, and recovering of him and his family 
out of the hands of the common enemy of them all. 
That which was now done by the general court of the 
Massachusetts was no other. And this further benefit 
did redound to them thereby, that blind Will, a sagamore 
at Pascataqua, that was a secret enemy of the English, 
and one contrived much of the mischief that was done 
by the Indians of those parts against the English, was 
killed by those Mohawks or Mawques, as they ranged 
through those woods in the beginning of the year 1677, 
which the English much rejoiced in, although they knew 
not well how to put him to death themselves, because 
he pretended a kind of friendship towards them, with¬ 
out provoking the other Indians, his neighbours, against 
whom they had no such cause of exception. 

• But to return to the other part of the narrative, con¬ 
cerning the further mischief acted by the Indians east¬ 
ward against the English in those parts. 

It was hoped in the beginning of that year, 1677, that 
the warfare of New England had been accomplished, 
but it appeared by the sequel that the storm was not yet 
over, nor were they as yet called to put on beauty for 
ashes, or the garments of praise for heaviness. For early 
in the spring that year, the country was alarmed with 
the uncomfortable news of the slaughter of nine of the 
garrison left before winter at Kennebeck, who going se¬ 
curely to Arowsick island to inter some of the English, 
that were left unburied before winter, and not having 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


631 


seen an Indian stir for many weeks together, were ap¬ 
prehensive of no danger till they fell into the same; for 
as they went to perform the funeral obsequies to their 
Christian friends, they were suddenly surprised by a num¬ 
ber of Indians that intercepted them, before they could 
recover their boat, and so all cut off but three or four 
that hardly escaped by some other way than they came; 
which doleful accident put the governour and council 
upon a resolution to fetch off the rest of the garrison, not 
accounting it worth the while to run so much hazard to 
secure it; so that poor remnant returning back, arrived at 
Boston with Capt. Hunting, who was sent for them, 
April the 19th, 1677. 

The soldiers being thus drawn off from the garrison, 
more mischief was done by the barbarous enemy in scat¬ 
tering parties down lower towards Pascataqua, for April 
6th three were killed at the town of Wells, and April the 
12th two more, the one named John Weld, the other 
Benjamin Storer. 

About the same time a man and a boy were fowling 
in the marshes, and suddenly the boy espied seven In¬ 
dians coming near them, while the man was mending his 
flint; but at the notice, suddenly rising, he presently 
scared them away by holding out his gun and saying, 
“ you rogues, I have been looking for you.” 

About April the 7th, six or seven men were slain by 
the Indians near York, while they were at work two 
miles from the town, whereof one was the son of Lieut. 
Smith of Winnisimet, near Boston, a very hopeful 
young man, who went in his brother’s room, yet his 
brother’s turn is to come soon after. April the 14th, 
Simon and Andrew, the two brethren in iniquity, with a 
few more, adventured to come over Pascataqua river on 
Portsmouth side, when they burnt one house within four 
or five miles of the town, and took a maid and a young 
woman captive; one of them had a young child in her 
arms, with which not willing to be troubled they gave 
leave to her that held it to leave it with an old woman, 
whom the Indian Simon spared because he said she had 
been kind to his grandmother; yet one of the two cap- 


GENERAL HISTORY 


632 

tives escaped from their hands two days after, as did the 
other April 22, who giving notice of the Indians, (being 
not so narrowly looked to as they used to do others,) 
thirty soldiers were sent in that pursuit into three places, 
by one of which the Indians that had done the mischief 
were to pass, but discovering the English at a distance 
they escaped away through the woods. 

Soon after three more were slain in those woods near 
Portsmouth, whereof one was riding to give notice of 
the danger to others in the outparts of the town, which 
himself it seems could not escape. Two of the men 
slain were very much lamented, being sober* active 
young men ; but the sword, when it hath its commis¬ 
sion, will devour one as well as another. 

April 29, an Indian discovered himself near Wells, on 
purpose, as was judged, to draw out the English into a 
snare. Lieut. Swett, that commanded the garrison, at 
that time left for securing the town, sent out eleven of 
the soldiers under his command to lie in wait in some 
^convenient place; but as they passed along they fell into 
an ambush of the Indians, who shot down two of them 
and mortally wounded a third. The lieutenant hearing 
the guns, sent with all speed upon the enemy, and shot 
down five or six of them; but was prevented of doing 
any considerable spoil upon them by the folly of an Irish¬ 
man that was in his company, who gave the notice of the 
lieutenant’s approach, by calling out aloud, “ here they 
be, here they be for upon that alarum they presently 
ran all away out of sight, and too fast to be pursued. 

May 16, another party of the enemy resolved to try 
their valour once again upon the garrison at Blackpoint, 
not doubting but to carry the place with a bold onset, 
which they made with much resolution and courage, for 
they assaulted the garrison three days together, in which 
space of time they killed three of "the English and took 
one prisoner, whom, as is said, they miserably tormented. 
The garrison, on the other hand, as stoutly defended 
themselves, by the courage and valour of Lieut. Tippin, 
that commanded them, and at last made a successful 
shot upon an Indian, that was observed to be very busy 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


and bold in the assault, whom at that time they deemed 
to be Simon, the arch villain and incendiary of all the 
eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as 
good as himself, who was called Mogg, that had been 
an author of much mischief the year before. The 
slaughter of him much damped the courage of all his 
companions, so as they soon after quitted the siege, flying 
away in eleven canoes towards the eastward ; yet five 
paddled their canoes down towards York, where they 
killed six of the English and took one captive, May 19 
following; and May 23, four days after, one was killed 
at Wells, and one taken by them betwixt York and 
Wells; amongst whom was the eldest son of Lieut. 
Smith forementioned : his younger brother was slain in 
the same town not long before ; so as their father might 
well mourn, as Ephraim did of old, for the evil that be- 
fei his house, the memorial of which was signalized by 
the name Beriah, in remembrance thereof, given his 
next succeeding child. 

May 28, six Indians that were of the English side, 
having drunk too much strong liquor, made them sottish 
and also careless of their lives, so as that next morning 
they were taken prisoners by the enemy Indians, who 
carried them twenty miles up into the woods, where 
they let them loose again, for fear of the Mohawks, 
whose very name is a terrour and dread to them. 

Yet still their malice against us being implacable, they 
ranged from one town to another, observing where they 
could do any further mischief, for June 13, two men up¬ 
on a surprize were suddenly shot down, that belonged 
to Hampton, above two miles distant from the town, for 
two sprightly young men of the place, hearing guns, 
mounted their horses and presently made to that place, 
to see what the matter was, but not looking about them 
so carefully as they should, were both mortally wound¬ 
ed, whereof one was called Edward Colcot, a sober and 
well disposed young man, much lamented at his death 
by all that knew him. He died soon after, if not the next 
day, of his wounds. 

The Indians thus making daily inroads upon these weak 
80 


GENERAL HISTORY 


unfenced places, the governour and council resolved to 
raise new forces, and having had good experience of the 
faithfulness and valour of the Christian Indians about Na¬ 
tick, armed two hundred of them and sent them, together 
with forty English, to prosecute the quarrel against those 
eastward Indians to the full; but not judging aright of he 
number of the enemy, they much underdid their business, 
for besides that the number they sent of English was a 
great deal too small, those that were chosen this bout, to 
take their turns in the service abroad, were many of them 
young, raw, and unexperienced soldiers, who were not 
able to look danger, much less death, in the face, in cool 
blood, by which means it came to pass that the enterprize 
succeeded so ill; for Capt. Swett, with Lieut. Richard¬ 
son, that was sent with him to command the friendly In¬ 
dians, coming to Blackpoint June 28th, he began to try 
the valour and courage of his company before he had 
disciplined them, or had any experience of their ability 
to fight. The very next morning after he had landed 
his men, understanding by his scouts that many of the 
enemies were up and down upon the place, he made too 
much haste to fall upon them, and not mistrusting their 
number, while he was marching upon the edge of an hill 
with one party and his lieutenant with another, the In¬ 
dians that had hid themselves in the swamp on each side 
of the hill, suddenly fired upon the English on both 
sides, which not a little discouraged his young and un¬ 
disciplined company, so as they could not or did not keep 
their ranks; but while some were ready to run and shift 
for themselves, the captain strived to keep them together 
to bring off the dead and wounded men, so long that he 
brought himself and all the company in danger of an ut¬ 
ter overthrow, which soon after took place, for the poor 
unskilful soldiers being scattered were shifting for them¬ 
selves, while a few resolute men of courage bore the brunt 
of the service till they were in a manner all knocked down. 
The lieutenant was killed soon after the first onset, the cap¬ 
tain having received near twenty wounds, yet still held out* 
defending and encouraging of his men, till he was sur¬ 
rounded with more of his enemies than he was able to 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


635 


grapple with, and so was at the last barbarously murder- 
ed by them within a little of the garrison house. There 
were slain at this time somewhat above forty of the Eng. 
lish and twelve of the friendly Indians that assisted, very 
few escaping but were either killed right out or danger¬ 
ously wounded. Thus was another summer spent in 
calamities and miserable occurrents amongst the eastern 
parts; yet was not this all the miseries that the poor Eng¬ 
lish had to endure this year; for after the poor husband¬ 
men and planters had drunk their full share of the cup 
of affliction, that the other sort who trade by sea, and use 
to follow fishing upon those eastern parts might not take 
themselves to be secure, or think better of themselves 
than their brethren, who had suffered all the calamities 
forementioned, July 15 news came of several ketches 
that were surprised, as they lay secure in the harbours, 
whither they used to turn in upon every occasion as they 
were making their fishing voyages. There were near 
twenty of those fishing ketches thus surprised first and 
last, most of which carried five or six men apiece, but 
they being many of them a dull and heavy moulded sort 
of people, that had not either skill or courage to kill any 
thing but fish, were easily taken, and had not heart 
enough either to make resistance when first attacked, nor 
afterward to make any attempt for an escape to free 
themselves, as some did, and so delivered themselves, 
with the slaughter of them that held them prisoners 
aboard their own vessels, when some others, that had 
more courage and spirit than the rest, were sadly destroy¬ 
ed for want of courage in them that were in their ves¬ 
sels, to stand by them while they were attempting to de¬ 
liver themselves, which was the case of one or two of 
the vessels, whose companions were all cut off by that 
means. 

But the Indians finding their inability to manage such 
kind of vessels, much too heavy for them to wield with 
paddles, grew soon after weary of that sport, and were 
pretty willing to return the vessels to the English, after 
they had pillaged out of them what was for their turn. 
The merchants about Salem, to whom the said ketches 


036 


GENERAL HISTORY 


principally belonged, fitted up a vessel in the nature of a 
man of war, which they had furnished with several reso¬ 
lute, stout hands, but they were strangely disappointed of 
coming up with any of the Indian mariners, so as they 
were forced to return without doing any considerable ex¬ 
ecution upon them. 

During these troubles, Maj. Andros, the governour of 
New York, being willing to secure the interest of his 
highness the duke of York in those parts, lest in the ab¬ 
sence of the English, some foreign nation should take 
the advantage of possessing themselves of any part of 
the dominions belonging to our nation, timely sent a 
sloop with a considerable number of soldiers to the parts 
about Pemaquid, which, when the Indians that had all 
this while been up in rebellion, understood, they were at 
the last willing to fall into a kind of amity and friendship. 
In the beginning of August, news of this overture came 
to the Massachusetts, the comfort of which was not a lit¬ 
tle augmented by the certain information that came soon 
after of fifteen English captives returned to the soldiers 
of Maj. Andros, and hopes of a general peace; and the 
confirmation thereof was more increased by the news of 
the return of the rest of the vessels, that were taken by 
the enemy, into the hands of the English. In which pos¬ 
ture were things left in those parts in the beginning of 
winter, and nothing of another nature was discoursed in 
the end of February following, nor yet in the end of 
June that next ensued. 

But the tragical sufferings of the poor English are not 
as yet all accomplished in other parts of the country, for 
about September the 19th following, forty or fifty river 
Indians fell suddenly upon the town of Hatfield, about 
Connecticut, who were a little too secure, and too ready 
to say the bitterness of death was past, because they 
had neither seen nor heard of any enemy in those parts 
for half a year before. But at this time, as a considera¬ 
ble number of the inhabitants of that small village were 
employed in raising the ftame of an house without the 
palisadoes, that defended their houses from any sudden 
incursions of the enemy, they were violently and sudden- 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


637 


lv assaulted by forty or fifty Indians, when they were in 
no capacity to resist or defend themselves, so as several 
were shot down from the top of the house which they 
were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to 
the number of twenty or more, which was made up twen¬ 
ty four with them they carried away the same or the 
next day from Deerfield, whither some of the inhabit¬ 
ants had unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the 
company escaped out of their hands two or three days 
after, who informed that they had passed with their poor 
captives two or three times over the river of Connecticut 
to prevent being pursued. It was said, also, that about a 
fortnight after, the same Indians attempted to take a mill 
at Hadley, two miles from the town, and missing their 
end pretended a kind of parley, and promised to return 
those they had captivated a little before; but it proved but 
one of their usual deceits, whereby they were wont to 
abuse the English; for where, or in what condition, 
those captives are at present, must be the subject of the 
reader’s prayers rather than of the author’s story. 

Yet, since the writingof the premises, Benjamin Wait 
and Stephen Jennings, two men of Hatfield, whose wives 
were amongst the number of the forementioned cap¬ 
tives, having obtained a commission from the govern¬ 
ment of the Massachusetts, pursued after them in the 
depth of winter, (though not with such a number as 
those with which Abram pursued after the army that 
carried captive his kinsman, Lot,) and overtook them 
about Canada, and by the help of the French there seated, 
recovered their wives, wuth other captives, w hich they 
brought back by way of ransom, and not by force of 
arms. 

Their adventure being attended with so many difficul¬ 
ties and dangers, in the depth of winter, not to be paral¬ 
leled with any attempt of that nature since the English 
came into those parts, wherein they were surely led along 
by a divine nutus y as w 7 ell as by the innate love to their 
wives, (which would have afforded matter fora large fic¬ 
tion to some of the ancient poets,) is as folioweth from 
their own mouths. On the 24th of October, 1677, they 


638 


GENERAL HISTORY 


advanced towards Westfield, and from thence to Alba¬ 
ny, where they arrived the Thursday seven night after, 
distant at least two hundred miles from Boston, and in¬ 
stead of being encouraged and furthered in so commend¬ 
able an enterprize, they were by force and strong hand, 
after two or three attempts to pass on towards Canada, 
(whither it was conceived their wives, with the other 
captives, were carried by the Indians,) carried back above 
twenty miles from Sconektoket* to Albany, where they 
were detained prisoners till they could be sent down to 
the governour of New York, upon pretence of an or¬ 
der at that very time newly come from the said gover¬ 
nour, that none, either Christian or pagan, should go that 
way to the French, but first to be sent down to him, 
which was about one hundred miles down Hudson’s riv¬ 
er. Being thither brought, it appeared he had little to say 
to them, and at last, by the intercession of Capt. Brock- 
hurst, they were sent back again to Albany with a pass. 
It was now the 19th of November before they recovered 
that stage. 

And there also they met with no small discourage¬ 
ments, by rumours and other false suggestions, sufficient 
to have diverted the most constant undertakers from 
their purpose, had they not been carried with an invinci¬ 
ble resolution. Thereabouts they tarried till about the 
10th of December, in expectation of having the lakes, 
over which they were to pass, frozen hard enough to 
bear them. They found no small difficulty in procuring 
a pilot; Capt. Salisbury, the governour there, discour¬ 
aging a Frenchman which they had hired from under¬ 
taking that service, so as they were forced to agree with 
a Mohawk Indian to conduct them to the first lake, 
which was sixteen leagues over, which he faithfully per¬ 
formed. It was about the 16th of December when they 
came thither, they found it open, but their pilot finding a 
canoe, fitted it up for them and drew for them a draught 
of the lakes by which they were to pass. They were 
three days passing the first lakes, and then carrying their 
canoe upon their backs two miles over a neck of land, 
they entered the great lake, which the second day, they 

* Schenectady. Ed, 


OP NEW ENGLAND* 


639 


hoping to trust to the ice, left their canoe, but having trav¬ 
elled one day upon the ice they were forced to return back 
to fetch their canoe, and then went by water till they 
came to the land, being windbound six days in the inte¬ 
rim ; so as they made it about the first of January, hav¬ 
ing travelled three days without a bit of bread, or any 
other relief but of some raccoon’s flesh, which they had 
killed in an hollow tree. On the 6th of January they 
came to Shampley,* a small village of ten houses, be¬ 
longing to the French, only by the way they met with a 
bag of biscuit and a bottle of brandy in an empty wig¬ 
wam, with which they were not a little refreshed ; and in 
travelling towards Sorrell, fifty miles distant from thence, 
they came to a lodging of Indians, amongst whom was 
Steven Jennings his wife, by whom they understood how 
hard it was with the rest, yet resolved, according to ad¬ 
vice, to give them good words, and hastened to bargain 
for their redemption. At Sorrell they found five more 
of the captives, two ©f which the Indians had pawned 
for drink ; the remainder of them were in the woods. 
From this place they had two hundred miles to Kebeck,f 
which in the next place they travelled to, where they 
were civilly entertained by the French governour, who 
at the last granted them a guard of eleven persons to¬ 
wards Albany, whither they began to march on the 19th 
of April, 1678, and arrived there 'about the middle of 
May following, having spent sixteen days upon the lake, 
two days in crossing the neck of land betwixt the upper 
branches of Canada and Hudson’s river, w hich they 
came swiftly down in two days more; the rest of the 
time they spent in hunting. They tarried at Albany 
from Wednesday May 22dtill Monday following, from 
which they came on foot twenty miles to Vanterhook, 
where they were met with horses and men that carried 
them safely to Westfield, a few days after. They brought 
with them nineteen captives, which had been carried a- 
way by the Indians September before. Their ransom 
cost above two hundred pounds, which was gathered by 
contribution among the English. 

* Chamblce. E». 


f Quebeck En. 


648 


GENERAL HISTORY 


CHAP. LXXV. 

Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that happened in 
New Englandfrom 1666 to 1682. 

All things come alike to all, saith the wise man, 
and no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is 
before them ; yet it is too often seen, that men that are 
but of yesterday, and know nothing, dare adventure to 
enter the secret of the Almighty, and will undertake to 
give an account of his judgments and actions, assigning 
the reason of this and that sudden and unexpected stroke 
of death, not considering that our Saviour acquits those 
eighteen on whom the tower of Siloam fell, and the Gal¬ 
ileans, whose blood Pilate mingled with their sacrifices, 
from being guilty of more sin than the rest of the inhab¬ 
itants in those places. All men stand condemned in 
Adam, and therefore at all times are obnoxious unto the 
stroke of death, whenever the writ of execution is issued 
forth; nor is the Almighty confined to one and the 
same harbinger, having always his arrow upon the string 
to shoot in the darkness and at noon day. 

April 5th, 1663, Mr. John Norton, the reverend teach¬ 
er of the church at Boston, (after Mr. Cotton,) was taken 
out of this life by a sudden change, which the quakers 
imputed to a judgment of God upon him for opposing 
their doctrine in the country. He was a man of great 
worth and learning, a ready scribe in the law of God, 
one that had the tongue of the learned to speak a word 
in season to the weary soul, besides an eminent acumen, 
with which he was endowed in polemical divinity and 
all controversial points of religion, especially those of the 
present age. 

He was desired by the ministers of New England, to 
draw up an answer in their names, to the Sylloge Ques - 
ticnum> sent over by the Rev. Apollonius, pastor of the 
church at Middleburg, to the congregational divines 
in London, and by them commended to those of New 
England. 

In his answer, besides the satisfaction he gave to those 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


611 


of the same persuasion in either Englands, he was highly 
applauded both for the acumen of his judgment, and 
candour of his spirit appearing therein, by those of the 
adverse party, which made Dr. Hornbeck, the learned 
professor of divinity at Leyden, thus to express himself 
in a tractate of his own, where he treats of the same con¬ 
troversy : “ Non taedet hujus viri nonnulla prolixius 
describere, propter singulare acumen, quamvis in multis 
non ei accedimus; in iis et aliis accurate disputat, et 
ssepe ingenua sua confessione, controversiam tollit, 
quam alii vel faciunt, veil putant superesse, quare nec 
ita commode ab iis tractatur.” The like testimony is 
given him by some of our own nation, even of the epis¬ 
copal persuasion, both for his modesty and learning, in 
stating the controversy in difference between himself and 
them. Nor was he unacquainted with the mysteries of 
civil policy, where he had been very serviceable to the 
country of New England, in which he had spent the 
greatest part of his time and labours : what acceptance 
soever they found with some persons, his reward is with 
the Lord, who, to compensate any injury he might receive 
from men, gave him a speedy discharge from his burden, 
when it grew too heavy. The dark shadow of envy 
and obloquy always follows the body of virtue, which 
himself could never shake off, especially after his last 
publick employment in England with the honoured Mr. 
Bradstreet; soon after which, not too precisely to indigi- 
tate the cause of his death, he suddenly was snatched 
away by an unusual lypothymy, a kind of athanasia, 
which some have desired, so as not to feel the pains of 
death, though he were to pass through the gates thereof. 

In the year 1665, Mr. Atherton, the chief military of¬ 
ficer in New England, died suddenly by a jail from his 
horse, who likewise was called to conflict with the strife of 
tongues, and the manner of his death also noted as a judg¬ 
ment. Moses and Aaron must be stoned when the mix¬ 
ed multitude in Israel have not their will; who by the 
perverseness of their minds become the more obdurate 
m their errours by the solemn strokes of Providence, 
81 


GENERAL HISTORY 


which if righly improved might lead them to repentance, 
which is the use thereof. 

Much about the same time several persons were struck 
dead with thunder and lightning in the country. One 
James Peirce, in Plymouth harbour; Capt. Davenport, 
in the castle near Boston, was in like manner slain, the 
window of the castle being open against him, as he lay 
upon his bed, but no sign of battering any part of the 
building. This last happened in July 1665, the former 
in 1660. 

And in the year 1666, three were in like manner sud¬ 
denly killed in a storm of thunder, whereof one was nam¬ 
ed John Shurtleff, that had a child in his hand, and was 
holding his wife in the other, both of whom escaped, 
when himself was struck dead. 

In the year 1664 the country was smitten with a strange 
blasting and mildew in their wheat, by which, in many 
places, whole fields were quite consumed ; which blast¬ 
ing hath continued more or less most of the following 
years. 

In 1668, a spermaceti whale of fifty five feet long was 
cast up in Winter Harbour, near Casco Bay. The like 
hath happened in other places of the country at several 
times, when for want of skill to improve it, much gain 
hath slipped out of the hands of the finders. 

In the spring of the year 1676, some of the magis¬ 
trates and ministers of New England passing down the 
harbour in a lesser boat, were overrun by a bigger vessel, 
that steered just upon them for want of care, whereby 
most of them were in danger of perishing, yet were ail 
preserved. Soon after which a rude fellow, called Irons, 
coming aboard a ship that lay in the same harbour before 
Boston, and entering into discourse about the said acci¬ 
dent, replied to the company, that it had been no matter 
if they had been all drowned ; but himself, presently af¬ 
ter he left the ship, as he was about to deliver two maids 
(having none else beside in the boat with him,) aboard 
another vessel, missing his stroke with the oar, tipt him¬ 
self over the side of the boat into the channel, and so was 
irrecoverably lost. The other two shiftless sailors, not 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


MS 

being able to help themselves or him, yet were safely 
landed by the tide upon an island near by, so as their 
lives were thereby preserved. Let men take heed how 
they pass rash censures upon others, lest unawares they 
read their own destiny in pronouncing sentence upon 
their neighbours, and not be too forward with the men 
of Miletum, to give an interpretation of the acts of Prov- 
idence, the beginnings of which we may see, but cannot 
foresee the issue and intendment thereof. 

1676. Three gentlemen and two women passing cross 
the harbour before Boston, (not above three quarters of 
a mile in breadth,) in a pleasure boat, by a sudden and 
very violent flaw of wind, were overset in the midst of 
the channel, and but one man escaped by his activity in 
swimming, or keeping fast hold of an oar that Providence 
put into his hand as a staff to pass over Jordan with, 
when the boisterous surges thereof began to rage and 
swell by the violence of the whirlwind. Everlasting 
arms do oft bear us up when the waters are ready to 
overwhelm us and the stream to go over our soul: let 
him that found safety never forget the mercy, lest a worse 
thing fall upon him. 

In the same harbour, and within the compass of the 
same lustre, some merchants and gentlemen goingaboard 
a ship that was then newly arrived, by the firing an half 
barrel of powder, through the carelessness of the gun. 
ner, were with the hinder part of the ship suddenly 
blown up, and divers of them sore wounded thereby, ei¬ 
ther losing their lives or their limbs, and two or three 
spoiltdof both. 

Many that go forth know not that they shall return, 
and the mariner that is ready to let fall his anchor knows 
not but it may be that fatal one which shall put an end to 
the navigation of his life; and many that go forth with 
earnest expectation to meet their best friends, are some^ 
times unexpectedly found of their last enemy before 
they return. Within the compass of the same year, 
(which it seems Providence hath marked out as a year 
to be much observed by the people of New England,) 
Mr. Timothy Prout, jun. master of a ship, having 


GENERAL HISTORY 


64 $ 

twelve or thirteen seamen in his company, sailing to¬ 
wards New England, when they had almost fetched Cape 
Cod, by the violence of the northwest winds springing 
up suddenly they were driven back towards the West 
Indies again, where by a long continued storm their ves¬ 
sel was ready to founder under them : all that were able, 
(being almost famished for want of food,) betook them¬ 
selves to their long boat, with small store of provision, 
(besides raw hides ;) in which pitiful and forlorn state 
they were driven upon the ocean eleven or twelve days, 
at the end of which they were landed at Hispaniola in 
so weak a condition that none of them was able to foot 
it over the sands or to shoulder a musket, yet were by 
good Providence directed to a Frenchman’s house, of 
whom the master had some knowledge before, who re¬ 
lieving them in their distress, gave them opportunity to 
transport themselves back into their own country. Thus 
oft times, when we have marched almost to the very 
gates of death, the Almighty saith, return ye children of 
men: Oh, that men would praise the Lord for his good¬ 
ness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men. 

Take one instance more of the same date and of the 
like tragical nature. 

One Ephraim How, that used to sail between Boston 
and New Haven, about the middle of September, 1676 , 
setting forth of Boston with two of his sons, able sea¬ 
men, a passenger and surgeon, with a youth, before they 
had doubled the cape, scil. Cape Cod, they were attacked 
with a violent storm that almost stranded them amongst 
the shoals, yet did only strike off the rudder of the ves¬ 
sel ; after which they were left to the mere mercy of the 
waves, which tossed them to and again upon those seas 
for divers weeks, so as they could get the sight of no 
shores, but those of death, bordering on the land of eter¬ 
nity. 

But the winter fast approaching was ushered in with 
such violent storms of cold winds, that those who stood to 
the sail instead of the helm were of necessity to be fas¬ 
tened down with ropes, that they might keep their stand¬ 
ing, till at last both the master’s sons (himself being most 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


045 


of this time sick in the cabin,) perished with wet and 
cold. This was their condition till another wind drove 
them ashore upon a sunken island, a receptacle only for 
night birds and gulls, by which, with the help of a gun 
or two happily cast ashore with the vessel, they procur¬ 
ed the lengthening out of their own lives a while by the 
death of other creatures; but of these four that gat 
alive upon the island, by the coldness of the place or un- 
wholesomeress of their entertainment, all dropt away but 
the master, who was now left alone in this solitary condi¬ 
tion, yet was supplied with his daily bread, as was Eli¬ 
jah by the ravens, for many months after the winter was 
over. During all which space sometimes he had noth¬ 
ing to do but meditate and pray in the cave or cell, 
which at first they prepared for themselves; yet in all 
this sea of misery the poor man could see so much mer¬ 
cy as to condemn himself for the not acknowledging of 
it in some solemn way of thanksgiving; for it seems 
hitherunto his devotions had run only in a way of prayer 
and supplication, omitting the part of thanksgiving; af¬ 
ter which considerations he set a day apart with himself 
for that duty also, within a few days after which God 
by special providence sent a vessel within keen* of this 
forgotten creature, who found means to discover him¬ 
self by some wafe that he made, and so was he, after 
nine months restraint or confinement, returned safe to 
some of his friends, who saw cause to rejoice both for 
him and with him before the Lord. 

There is one more solemn occurrent, within the reach 
of a lustre of years from the forementioned year of 1676 , 
not less remarkable than any of the former. An Eng¬ 
lish ship sailing from about the Strait’s mouth, under the 
command of a prudent master, (whose name is not now 
at hand,) but manned with many cruel and hard hearted 
miscreants ; these quarreling with the master and some 
of the officers, turned them all into the long boat with 
a small quantity of provision, about a hundred leagues 
to the westw ard of the Spanish coast. In the mean while 
these villains intended to sail the ship towards New Eng¬ 
land, where soon after the master, with the rest of the 

* Ken, view. Ed. 


646 


GENERAL HISTORY 


company all but one, (whose death, by their barbarous 
usage, made all t! e actors guilty of murther,) were by 
special providence directed not only to follow but to 
overtake them. His countenance no doubt did not a 
little appal them, whom he found, some at Rhode Island 
and some elsewhere, and of whom it might truly be said, 
that though they had escaped the sea, yet vengeance did 
not suffer to live long upon the dry land ; for at the in* 
stance and complaint of the master, they were apprehend¬ 
ed by the officers as guilty of many capital crimes and in¬ 
human cruelty, which brought them all under a sentence 
(at least guilt,) of death, which was inflicted on the ring¬ 
leaders, but some of the less culpable were rescued from 
that sentence, that so justice mixed with clemency might 
terrify the bold and presumptuous offenders and encour¬ 
age such as being carried with the stream of bad compa¬ 
ny only might be looked upon as less culpable in them¬ 
selves, and lawful authority the more reverenced by all. 

Divers reports have passed up and down the country 
of several ominous accidents happening within the fore- 
mentioned time, as of earthquakes in some places, and 
of severe/ vollies of shot heard in the air in the year 1667* 
but because many that lived not far off those places, 
where the said accidents were supposed to fall out, know 
nothing thereof, no more notice shall here be taken of 
the same than a bare hint of the report. But at a place 
called Kennebunk, at the northeast side of Wells, in 
the Province of Maine, not far from the river side, a 
piece of clay ground was thrown up by a mineral vapour, 
(as is supposed,) over the tops of high oaks that grew 
between it and the river. The said ground so thrown 
up fell in the channel of the river, stopping the course 
thereof, and leaving an hole forty yards square in the 
place whence it was thrown, in which were found thou¬ 
sands of round pellets of clay like musket bullets. All 
the whole town of Wells are witnesses of the truth of 
this relation; and many others have seen sundry of these 
clay pellets, which the inhabitants have shewn to their 
neighbours of other towns. This accident fell out in 
the year 1670. 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


64y 


Much about these times two wicked fellows about 
Pascataqua river, killing their master for his money, were 
soon after discovered and condemned for the same, and 
executed at Boston .—Others have confidently reported 
also, that they have seen the eruption of a pond of water 
far up into the woods, and many fish cast up upon the 
dry land adjoining, supposed to be done by the kindling 
of some mineral vapours under these hollow channels, 
running far within the land under ground. All which 
show the wonderful work of God, that commandeth 
both the sea and the dry land, that all the inhabitants of 
the earth should learn to fear before him. 

To the fore mentioned accidents may be added those 
which follow, most of which happened about Pascat* 
aqua, being sad instances of the mischief of intemper¬ 
ance. 

April 20, 1658, was observed to be the coldest night 
in all the year, in which two men going from aboard a 
ship which lay in Pascataqua river, towards Kittery side, 
and being so drunk that they were not able to get to the 
ship again, were found next morning near the shore, one 
dead by the canoe side, the other so frozen in the canoe 
that notwithstanding all means used for his recovery, he 
rotted away by piecemeal, and so died. 

June 5, 1666, one Tucker, a taylor who belonged to 
the Isle of Shoals, being then at the point in Pascataqua 
river, was so drunk in the lecture time, that pulling off his 
clothes he ran into the water, cursing and swearing, and 
at last swimming up and down, he fell with his face 
upon the flats and so was drowned. 

About that time two fishermen, after sermon on the 
Lord’s day at Portsmouth, going into an house, drank so 
much rilm, that being intoxicated therewith, they fell 
out of their canoe as they were going down the river, 
and were both drowned. 

In August, 1669, a ship built at Pascataqua by a Bris¬ 
tol merchant, and laden with fish and tobacco, (the mas¬ 
ter would needs be setting sail out of the river on the 
Lord’s day,) was split on a rock in the Bay of Fundy the 
next Tuesday after, where the vessel and goods were ail 


MB 


GENERAL HISTORY 


lost, and the men saved by their long beat. This accident 
was the more remarkable, falling out in fair weather. 

In June 1671, one J. S. having profanely spent the 
Lord’s day by passing to and from the great island to 
Kittery side, going to the vessel he belonged to at night, 
was so excessive drunk that he fell over his canoe and 
was drowned, and his body not found till twelve days 
after. 

December 23, 1671, several fishermen coming from 
the Isle of Shoals to keep Christmas at Pascataqua, over¬ 
set the canoe, wherein they were going ashore, and were 
all drowned. 

January 18, 1671, there was observed much thunder 
and lightning in a storm of snow. 

January 24, the same year, Capt. Lockwood’s wife 
goingin a canoe with a drunken fellow' from the great 
island to Kittery side, were carried away by the tide, and 
never heard of more. 

June 5, 1673, washed linen was frozen stiff the next 
morning near Pascataqua river. 

Anno 1675, one T. Tricks, falling out of his canoe 
while he was drunk, was drowned. 

December 25,1677, one of J. Hunkins his men, choos¬ 
ing rather to fight than to fish on that day, was struck on 
the face bv one of his fellows, whereof he died that w^eek, 
the wound not appearing considerable at the first. 

April, anno 1678, one Stevens his daughter, about 
four years old, taking a bottle of rum from her mother’s 
bed’s head, drank about half a pint thereof, upon w hich 
she was presently taken speechless, and died at noon. 

In July the same year, one Antipas M, being observed 
to be often overtaken with drink, at the last in that dis¬ 
temper fell out of his canoe and was drowned. 

Some time in June, 1676, it was observed that at a 
great pond in Watertown all the fish there, (many cart 
loads as was thought,) swam to the shore and died. It 
was conceived to be the effect of some mineral vapour, 
that at that time had made an irruption into the water. 

In November, 1676, a fire was enkindled at the north 
end of the town of Boston, (through the carelessnes of 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


049 


a boy called up to work very early in the morning, who 
falling asleep, as was said, the candle set the house on 
fire,) whereby many other houses were consumed, to¬ 
gether with the meeting house at that end of the said 
town. 

Sometime in November, 1677, a great black boar 
came into the town of Dedham, no man knows from 
whence, which was eight feet in length. He was shot 
thirteen times, before he could be killed, and almost the 
whole town were mustered together, before he could be 
mastered. 

A French vessel, that lay between the capes to take a 
vessel that was at Pascataqua, was driven ashore at Cape 
Anne; twelve of the men drowned, and of eight that es¬ 
caped, many frozen.. 

For close of these sad events of Providence may be 
added the burning of Boston August 5, 1679, set on fire 
by some wicked and malicious wretches, as is justly 
suspected, which hath half ruined the whole colony, as 
well as the town; for therein a considerable part of the 
warehouses, belonging to the chiefest merchants in the- 
town were suddenly consumed in the flames, and seve¬ 
ral dwelling houses of good value, to the number of 
twenty or thirty, whereby that which was many years in 
gathering was in a few hours scattered and consumed. 
By another fire also, which happened there in the year 
1682, were many principal warehouses burnt down 
again, whereby God would teach us not to trust in riches , 
which take wing and fly away as a bird toward heaven, 
out of the reach of the owners thereof. 

CHAP. LXXVI. 

The success and progress of the gospel amongst the In - 
dians in New England. 

Forasmuch as the conversion of the Indians in A- 
merica was none of the least motives that persuaded ma¬ 
ny of the inhabitants of New England to transport them¬ 
selves thither, it will be expected that in this place some 
account should be given of the effect thereof. 

82 


650 


GENERAL HISTORY 


For the satisfaction, therefore, of those that desire to 
inquire after the premises, the footsteps of God’s deal¬ 
ing with these poor heathen, shall be declared in what 
follows. From the first planting of the country there 
might be observed some taste of the sprinklings of his 
grace upon them, of which some instances are given by 
those that were careful to take notice of them. 

Anno 1622, in the second year after the English first 
settled at Plymouth, when that place and people were in 
great distress for want of rain, the people there set a 
solemn day apart to seek God in that behalf. An Indian, 
taking notice that all the former part of the day was a 
very hot, clear sunshine time, and yet in the evening that 
rain fell in a sweet, soaking shower, was transported into 
a great wonderment of the power the English had with 
their God, and was so convinced thereby, that he resolv¬ 
ed from that day not to rest till he did know this great 
God, and for that end he immediately forsook the In¬ 
dians, and clave to the English ; and notwithstanding all 
enticements and flatteries or frowns of his countrymen, 
he could never be induced to forsake his Christian friends, 
but died amongst them, leaving some good hopes in 
their hearts that his soul went to rest. 

Two years after the English were settled in the Mas¬ 
sachusetts, sagamore John, i. e. the chief of those In¬ 
dians, being from the first landing of the English more 
courteous and ingenuous to them than the rest, desired to 
learn their language, and loved to imitate their manners 
and behaviour, and was so persuaded of the goodness of 
the Englishmen’s religion above the Indian’s, that he 
promised to leave the Indians and come live with them; 
but yet kept down by fear of the scoffs of the Indians, 
had not power to make good his promise; and being 
soon after smitten with the small pox, a mortal disease 
amongst them, and never known to them before, he sad¬ 
ly lamented his not endeavouring to know God better. 
But now, said he, I must die, the God of the English is 
much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah! I was 
afraid of the scoffs of the wicked Indians, yet my child 
shall live with the English and learn to know their God, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


651 


when I am dead. He did give him to Mr. Wilson, )the 
minister of Boston,) that went to visit this poor wretch 
in his forlorn condition, (as his disease at that time made 
it:) he is much good man and much low me. And 
when he had committed his only child to Mr. Wilson’s 
care he soon after died ; but whether the child answered 
the father’s desire or no, is not known, but the contraiy 
feared. He hath mercy on whom he will have mercy : 
there shall be two in one house, the one taken and the 
other left. 

Mention is made of another Indian, that seeing a pro¬ 
fane fellow of the English, in some remote plantation, 
felling of a tree, said unto him, do you not know this 
is the Lord’s day in ,the Massachusetts, much matchet 
man, (he. much wicked man,) what, break you God’s day? 
The same Indian coming a little while after into an 
Englishman’s house thereabouts, where a man and his 
wife were a chiding and contending with angry words 
one against the other, when they intermitted their brawl¬ 
ing so far as to bid him sit down and tell him he was 
welcome, (possibly they might be in expectation of traf- 
fick, wherein they both were well agreed,) he answered, 
he would not stay there, because God no dwell there, 
but rather Holbomack, i. e. with them, the devil. 

Lastly, a Pequod Indian, called Waquash, a proper 
man, and of good courage, and a captain amongst them 
in the wars they had with the English anno yet 

was so smitten at the terrours of God upon the taking 
their fort and killing so many hundred of the Indians in 
an hour’s time, he was from that moment so awakened 
in his conscience, to think the Englishman’s God was a 
great God; which did so pursue and follow him that he 
could have no rest tili he came to the knowledge of the 
Englishmen’s God, and was so importunate that way 
that he would occasion the English, (amongst whom he 
came afterwards,) to spend more than half the night in 
conversing with him. Afterwards coming to live with 
the English at Connecticut, he would often sadly smite 
on his breast and complain of his naughty heart, adding, 
Waquash no know God, Waquash no know Jesus 


t \52 


(JENKRAL HISTORY 


Christ; but afterwards it pleased the Lord so to move 
on his heart, that he throughow# reformed his life, confes¬ 
sing his dearest sins, lust and revenge, many ways tes¬ 
tifying his unfeigned return from the same . Afterwards 
he went amongst the Indians, like the woman of Sama¬ 
ria, proclaiming Christ, and warning them to fly from 
the wrath to come, by breaking off their sins and wick¬ 
edness. Some of the Indians were , like the children of 
the devil, as Paul speaks, so filled with rage that they 
gave him poison, which he took without suspicion ; 
when the Indians wished him to send for the powaws, 
who with them are their jih^fdans and their priests, he 
only told them, if Jesus Christ say that Waquash shall 
live, then Waquash live; if Jesus Christ say Waquash 
shall die, then Waquash is willing to die, and will not 
lengthen out his life by any such means ; and so he be¬ 
queathed his only child to the care of the English. He 
died, as was charitably conceived, a martyr for Christ, 
rejoicing in this hope, that the child should know more 
of Christ than its poor father did. 

These were the first fruits or gleanings; what the har¬ 
vest may prove, will be the advantage of after genera¬ 
tions to know, but at the present there have been some 
few, a remnant, that have given some hopes of their seek¬ 
ing after God. For it having been put into the heart of 
that faithful and laborious minister of the gospel, Mr. 
John Eliot of Roxbury, to use indefatigable pains to 
learn the language, and take ail opportunities to instruct 
them domatim et vicatim , he did at last persuade two or 
three small companies to join together in the profession 
of Christianity, separating themselves from the Indian’s 
manners, way, and worship, wherein they were bred up, 
and many of them have given good hopes of the truth 
and reality of their conversion to the Christians, which is 
evident by their publick profession thereof, and savoury 
discourses out of texts of scripture before some of their 
company upon solemn times, when they have been call¬ 
ed to seek God by fasting and prayer for the removal of 
some judgments that have befallen them, upon some 
publick occasion. The principal of those that so do with- 


OF NEW ENGLAND, 


653 


in the bounds of the Massachusetts is called Natick, 
near Dedham, where there had been ever since a compa¬ 
ny of them that profess our religion. An instance shall, 
for the satisfaction of the reader, be given of one, that 
in the year 1658 thus delivered himself from a text of 
scripture at the said Natick. 

The sum of the speech of Nishokken. 

The text he spake from was Gen. vjii. 20, 21. “ And 
Noah built an altar unto Jehovah, and took of every 
clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt- 
offerings on the altar. 21. And the Lord smelled a sweet 
savour; and the Lord said in his heart, I will not again 
curse the ground any more for man’s sake ; for the im¬ 
agination of man’s heart is evil from his youth: neither 
will I again smite any more every thing living, as I have 
done.” 

A little I shall say, according to that little I know. 

In that Noah sacrificed to God, he shewed himself 
thankful; in that he worshipped God, he shewed himself 
godly ; in that he sacrificed clean beasts, he shewed that 
God is an holy God, pure and clean, and all that come to 
God and worship him, must be pure and clean, and know 
that we must by repentance purge ourselves and cleanse 
our hearts from all sin, which is a work we are to do this 
day. In that he sacrificed, it was the manner of wor¬ 
shipping God in old times. But what sacrifice must we 
offer now ? Ans. by that in Psalms iv. 5, offer to God the 
sacrifice of righteousness, and trust in the Lord. These 
are true and spiritual sacrifices which God requireth at 
our hands; sacrifices of righteousness, that is, we must 
look to our hearts and conversation, that they be right¬ 
eous, and then we shall be acceptable to God when we 
worship him; but if we be unrighteous, and unholy, 
and wicked, we shall not be accepted, our sacrifices are 
naught. Again, we must trust in the Lord, for who else 
should we trust in; we must believe in the word of 
God, for if we doubt of God and doubt of his word, 
then our sacrifices are little worth ; but if we trust stead¬ 
fastly in the Lord, then our sacrifices are good. Again, 


654 


GENERAL HISTORY 


what sacrifices must we offer? Ans. we must offer such 
as Abraham offered. And what sacrifices did he offer ? 
Ans. see Gen. xx. 12. Now I know that thou fearest 
me, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, thine only son 
from me; he had but one dearly beloved son, and he 
offered him to God; and then said God, I know thou 
fearest me, because thou hast not withheld thy son. 
This was to sacrifice in deed and in truth, so we must 
sacrifice in deed and in truth ; but God doth not require 
us to sacrifice our sons, but our sins, our dearest sins. 
God calleth us this day to part with all our sins, though 
never so beloved, and we must not withhold any of them 
from him ; if we will not part with all, it is not a right 
sacrifice; we must part with those sins we love best, and 
then we offer a good sacrifice. Again, God smelt a good 
savour in Noah’s sacrifice, and so when we offer such 
worship to God as is clean and pure, and sacrifice as A- 
braham did, then God accepts our sacrifice. Again, 
God manifested his acceptance of Noah’s sacrifice by 
promising to drown the world no more, but gave him 
fruitful times and seasons. God hath chastised us of 
late, as if he would drown us ; and he hath drowned and 
spoiled a great deal of the hay, and threatens to kill our 
cattle, and for this we fast and pray this day. Now, if 
we offer a spiritual sacrifice, clean and pure as Noah did, 
then God will smell a savour of rest in us, as he did in 
Noah, and then he will withhold the rain and give us 
fruitful seasons. 

But the greatest appearance of any saving work, and 
serious profession of Christianity amongst any of them, 
was at Martin’s Vineyard, which beginning in the year 
1645 hath gradually proceeded till this present time, 
wherein all the island is in a manner leavened with the 
profession of our religion, and hath taken up the prac¬ 
tice of our manners in civil behaviour, and our manner 
of cultivating of the earth. It is credibly reported that 
there are two hundred families of them that so do, and 
that there are about six or seven that are able to instruct 
the rest, by catechising or other ways of teaching, 
which the reader may take in the words of Mr. Mayhew, 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


655 


whom God raised up, and fitted as a special instrument 
with knowledge of their language and zealous resolu¬ 
tion to improve all advantages for the promoting that 
blessed work, although it pleased the Lord, in whose 
hand are all our times, to put a period to his life, as he 
was going over for England in the year 1657, that the 
work may appear not to be carried on by the arm of 
flesh, but by the power of the living God, who causeth 
the dry bones to live. 

In a letter from Mr. Whitfield. 

46 Now for your satisfaction you may please to know, 
that this work amongst the Indians had its first rise and 
^beginning in the year 1643, when the Lord stirred up 
the heart of an Indian, who then lived near to an English 
plantation, whose name was Hiacoomes, a man of a sad 
and sober spirit; unto whose wigwam, or house, some of 
the English repairing, and speaking to him about the way 
of the English, he came to visit our habitations and pub- 
lick meetings, thinking that there might be better ways 
and means amongst the English for attaining the bles¬ 
sings of health and life than be found among themselves, 
yet not without some thoughts and hopes of an higher 
good he might possibly gain thereby; at which time I 
took notice of him, and had oft discourse with him, in¬ 
viting him to my house every Lord’s day at night. 
About this time it so fell out that this Indian went with 
some Englishmen to a little island, where meeting with 
a surly sagamore whose name was Pakeponesso, who re¬ 
proved him for his fellowship with the English, both in 
their civil and religious ways, railing at him for his being 
obedient to them, Hiacoomes replied, that he was gladly 
obedient to the English, neither was it for the Indians’ hurt 
he did so; upon which the sagamore gave him a great 
blow on the face with his hand, but there being some Eng¬ 
lish present, they would not suffer the sagamore to strike 
him again. The poor Indian, thus wronged, made this use 
of it and said, I had one hand for injuries and the other 
for God; while I did receive wrong with the one, the 
other had the better hold on God. 


656 


GENERAL HISTORY 


“ There was a very strange disease this year among 
the Indians: they did run up and down till they could 
run no longer; they made their faces black as a coal, 
snatched up any weapon, spake great words, but did 
no hurt. I have seen many of them in this case. The 
Indians having many calamities fallen upon them, they 
laid the cause of all their want, sicknesses, and death, 
upon their departing from their old heathenish ways. 
Only this man held out, and continued his care about the 
things of God; and being desirous to read, the Eng¬ 
lish gave him a primer, which he still carries about 
with him. 

“ Now whilst Hiacoomes was feeling after God he 
met with another trial, for going into an Indian house, 
where there were many Indians, they scoffed at him with 
great laughter, saying, here comes the Englishman; who 
by their noise awaked his old enemy, Pakeponesso, who 
was asleep, but now joining with the other Indians, told 
him, I wonder (said he,) that you that are a young man, 
having a wife and two children, should love the English 
and their ways, and forsake the Powaws; what would 
you do if any of you should be sick, whither would you 
go for help ? I say, if I were in your case, they should 
nothing draw me away from our Gods and Powaws. 
At this time he replied nothing, but told a friend of his 
that he thought in his heart, that the God in heaven did 
know and hear all the evil words that Pakeponesso spake. 
Thus the changing his way caused much hatred to him, 
neither was there so much as the least appearance of any 
outward argument amongst us, that might weigh a- 
gainst it. 

“ After this there fell a great judgment of God upon 
this sagamore, for in the night, when he and his com¬ 
pany were in the wigwam, it beginning to rain, he and a 
young man stood up upon the floor of planks, which lay 
about two foot from the ground, to put a mat over the 
chimney, there came a great flash of lightning, and after 
it thunder not very loud, yet full of the vengeance of God, 
which killed the young man outright and struck Pake¬ 
ponesso down dead for a long time; and he fell off from 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


657 


the floor of planks along upon the ground, with one leg 
in the fire, and being much burned, it was took out by 
some that lay in the other side of the Indian house. 
Now Hiacoornes, (as himself saith,) did remember his 
former thoughts of God, and then thought God did an¬ 
swer him, and that he was brought more to rejoice in 
God, and rest more upon him.” 

Now in these times, as I did endeavour the good of 
these heathens by discourse with divers of them, so in 
particular with Hiacoornes, who did communicate that 
knowledge he had, amongst those he could, (for some of 
them could not endure the light he brought;) some were 
more attentive to hear, and more ready to follow the 
truth, yet they did not well behold the majesty of God, 
by these personal and particular works of God. At last 
the Lord sent an universal sickness, and it was observed 
by the Indians, that they that did but give the hearing to 
good counsel did not taste so deeply of it, but Hia- 
coomes and his family, in a manner, not at all. This put 
the Indians, who dwell about six miles from us, upon 
serious consideration of the thing, being much affected 
that he, which exposed himself to such reproaches and 
troubles, should receive more blessings than themselves. 
Hereupon they sent a messenger to Hiacoornes, who was 
with him about the break of day, and delivering his mes¬ 
sage, told him, that he was come to pray him to go pre¬ 
sently to Myoxeo, the chief man of that place, and he 
should have a reward for his labour, for the Indians were 
very desirous to know from him all things that he knew 
and did in the ways of God ; so he being glad of the 
opportunity, went with the messenger, and when he came 
there were many Indians gathered together, amongst 
which was Towanquatick, the sagamore. Then after ma¬ 
ny requests, (the general whereof was this, that he would 
shew his heart unto them, how it stood towards God, 
and what they must do ;) he shewed unto them all things 
that he knew concerning God the Father, Son, and Ho¬ 
ly Ghost. Myoxeo asking him how many gods the 
English did worship, he answered, one God; whereupon 
Myoxeo reckoned up about thirty seven principal gods 
83 


658 


GENERAL HISTORY 


he had, and shall I, (said he,) throw away these thirty sev¬ 
en for one ? Hiacoomcs replied, what do you think of 
yourself? I have thrown away all these, and a great many 
more, some years ago, yet am preserved you see this day. 
You speak true, said Myoxeo, therefore I will throw 
away all my gods too, and serve that one God with you. 
Hiacoomes told them all, he did fear this great God 
only, and also in a special manner, that the Son of 
God did suffer death to satisfy the wrath of God his fa¬ 
ther, for all those that did trust in him, and forsake their 
sins, and that the Spirit did work these things in the 
hearts of men, and that himself did fear this great God 
only, was sorry for his sins, desiring to be redeemed by 
Jesus Christ, and to walk in God’s commandments. 
This, with many truths more he shewed unto them, as 
Adam’s transgression, and the misery of the world by 
it, and did conclude, that if they had such hearts as he, 
they should have the same mercies. He reckoned up 
to them many of their sins, as having many gods, going 
to their powaws; and Hiacoomes told me himself, that 
this was the first time he ever saw the Indians sensible 
of their sins; formerly they did but hear of it as a new 
thing, but not so nearly concerning them, for they were 
exceeding thankful, saying also, now we have seen our 
sins. Thus it pleased the Lord to give both light and 
courage to this poor Indian, for although formerly he had 
been an harmless man amongst them, yet as themselves 
say, not at all accounted of, and therefore they often won¬ 
dered that he, which had nothing to say in all their meet¬ 
ings formerly, is now become the teacher of them all. 

I must needs give him this testimony, after some years 
experience of him, that he is a man of a sober spirit and 
good conversation, and as I hope he hath received the 
Lord Jesus Christ in truth, so also I look upon him to 
be faithful, diligent and constant in the work of the Lord, 
for the good of his own soul, and his neighbours with 
him. 

Now after these things it pleased God to move the 
heart of Towanquatick, encouraged by some others 
amongst them, to desire me to preach unto them. At my 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


65ft 


coming, this man spake thus unto me; that a long time 
ago they had wise men, which in a grave manner taught 
the people knowledge, but they are dead and their wis¬ 
dom is buried with them, and now men live a giddy life 
in ignorance till they are white headed, and though ripe 
in years, yet then they go without wisdom to their graves. 
He told me he wondered the English should be almost 
thirty years in the country, and the Indians fools still; 
but he hoped the time of knowledge was now come, 
wherefore himself with others desired me to give them 
an Indian meeting, to make known the word of God t© 
them in their own tongue. And when he came to me 
to accomplish his desire thereabout, he told me I should 
be to them as one that stands by a running river filling 
many vessels, even so should I fill them with everlast¬ 
ing knowledge; so I undertook to give them a meeting 
once a month; but as soon as the first exercise was 
ended, they desired it oftener, if I could well attend it, 
but once in a fortnight is our settled course : he hath al¬ 
so, since told me the reason why he desired me to preach 
to them, as that he was greatly desirous to have the In¬ 
dians grow more in goodness, to have their posterity in¬ 
herit blessings when he was dead; and himself was de¬ 
sirous to put the word of God to his heart, to repent and 
throw away his sins and to be better, and after he was 
dead to inherit a life in heaven. 

By such ways and means hath it pleased God to con¬ 
vince sundry Indians of that island, so as that in the 
year 1650 there was about forty families that had given 
up themselves to the profession of the Christian religion, 
and did attend upon the publick means appointed by 
the care of Mr. Mayhew, to instruct them further there¬ 
in ; insomuch that now all the island, in a manner hath 
embraced our religion and follow our customs and man¬ 
ners in their husbandry and such like occasions, &c. 

As God had stirred up Mr. Eliot in the Massachusetts, 
and Mr. Mayhew at Martin’s Vineyard, to take some 
pains with the Indians about them to instruct them in the 
Christian religion; in like manner was one Mr. Richard 
Bourne, of Sandwich, in the colony of New Plymouth, 


600 


GENERAL HISTORY 


inclined to the like endeavour with the Indians near that 
place of his abode, so as about the middle of July, 1666, 
the governour of that jurisdiction, with some other gen¬ 
tlemen of that and the other colony, gave a meeting to 
Mr. Bourne, to take notice of what proficiency the In¬ 
dians had made in the knowledge of the true religion by 
an open confession thereof, in order to their joining to¬ 
gether in church fellowship; who it seems gave such sat- 
isfactionto those honoured and judicious persons, then 
assembled on that account, that they encouraged them 
to proceed on therein, insomuch that copies of what the 
Indians had expressed that way, being exhibited to the 
neighbouring churches upon their further approbation, 
they judged that they might be owned as a Christian so¬ 
ciety ; and these were looked upon as the first fruits of 
the jurisdiction of New Plymouth. 

Upon the publishing of these discoveries of the hope¬ 
ful progress of the Indians in the knowledge of the gos¬ 
pel, the parliament of England were pleased so far to take 
notice thereof in the year 1649, that they passed an act 
for the promoting and propagating the gospel of Jesus 
Christ amongst the Indians of New England, and in re¬ 
ference to the furtherance and advancement of so good a 
work, a corporation was appointed, &c. to receive such 
sums of money as from time to time was or should be 
collected, and raised by the liberal contribution of such 
whose hearts God had touched, and stirred up to so glo¬ 
rious a work. It was likewise enacted, that the commis¬ 
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, for 
the time being, by themselves, or such as they shall ap¬ 
point, shall have power and authority to receive and 
dispose of the said money, &c. This act, with several 
particular orders and instructions relating thereunto, was 
published July 27, 1649. 

Since which time it hath pleased his majesty, since his 
restitution to the crown, and regal dignity, so far to 
countenance this work by a legal settlement, which be¬ 
fore was wanting. One principal benefit obtained there¬ 
by, is the translating and printing the holy bible in the 
Indian language, whereby the glad tidings of the gospel. 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


681 


with the history of the scriptures, both of the old and 
new testament, may with the greater facility be commu¬ 
nicated unto them ; so as, in a sense, that of the prophet 
Isaiah may be said to be fulfilled as to the Indians of A- 
merica; “the people that walked in darkness have seen a 
great light, they that dwell in the land of the shadow of 
death, upon them hath the light shined.” For before the 
breaking out of the late troubles amongst them in sundry 
places, there were schools, in which some w ere employ¬ 
ed to teach the Indian children to read in the said bibles; 
which practice, although it hath been much interrupted 
by the late wars, yet it is not wholly laid aside, so as the 
hopes of further and greater success in that behalf are 
again revived. 

This is the substance of what at the present can be 
said of the progress of the gospel amongst the Indians 
in New England; and although the devil hath here, as he 
always hath done in former times, raised up persecution 
against them that preach and profess the gospel, yet are 
not the Christian Indians discouraged thereby, as to lay 
aside their profession ; but have with the peril of their 
lives many of them endeavoured to maintain and defend 
it, against the enemies thereof. 

CHAP. LXXVII. 

A continuation of the History of New Plymouth , from 
the year 1633, until the year 1678. 

The inhabitants of New Plymouth found so great 
advantage for divers years in the wisdom and gravity of 
Mr. Bradford, that they never durst attempt to make any 
change in their governour, notwithstanding the like tes¬ 
timony of respect was deservedly due to some other of 
the company, (like mariners in a storm or dangerous 
channel, that having experience of a skilful and able pi¬ 
lot are loath to change the helm till that storm be over, or 
the haven obtained,) till this year, 1633, when encourag¬ 
ed by the approach of another colony in the next neigh¬ 
bourhood, they called Mr. Edward Winslow to take that 
place upon him. He had done many good offices for 


GENERAL HISTORY 


6&S 

that colony, and adventured his life far for them, both by 
sea and land; therefore was this testimony of respect ac¬ 
counted but his just desert. 

This year, Plymouth was visited with an infectious 
fever, which put an end to the lives of many of their 
chiefest friends, amongst whom was Mr. Samuel Fuller, 
that had been their great comfort and help in matters of 
physick and chirurgery heretofore. It proved a pestilen¬ 
tial fever amongst the Indians next adjoining, and swept 
away many of them. 

In the spring of the same year, was observed great 
swarms of black flies, like wasps, that were as the harbin¬ 
gers, sounding the alarum of some solemn judgment ap¬ 
proaching that place. The next year, they adventured to 
call Mr. Thomas Prince to the place of governour, a se¬ 
rious and prudent man. 

In the year 1635, Mr. Winslow took another voyage 
into England, where he had another opportunity to stand 
up in behalf of the colonies of New England, and to an¬ 
swer the accusations which Morton and Gardner made 
at the council table against them. He put up a petition 
to the lords of the said council, which put a check to 
the design which some had against the country, al¬ 
though he could not put an issue to some trouble, that 
was occasioned thereby. 

In the year 1636, Mr. Winslow took his turn again in 
the governour’s place of New Plymouth, and managed 
the affairs thereof during that year, to great satisfaction. 

This year the town of Plymouth, being straightened 
for room, sallied out into a new plantation near by, 
which they called Duxbury, and whither the people in¬ 
vited Mr. Partridge, a learned and judicious divine, that 
came over into those parts the same year, to exercise the 
ministry of the gospel amongst them; who proved a not¬ 
able champion for the truth against Samuel Gorton, who 
the next year came thither, and began to leaven that ju¬ 
risdiction with his familistical, or rather atheistical, opin¬ 
ions: but by his seditious and tumultuous carriage, be^ 
fore the court, (at which he was complained of for inju¬ 
ry done to Mr. Smith, the minister at Plymouth town,) 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


60 S 


gave them occasion to put him upon seeking sureties for 
his good behaviour, which being not able to do, he re¬ 
moved to Rhode Island, where he behaved himself so 
insolently, that they were forced to condemn him to the 
whipping post, as was mentioned before, and then to 
banishment. 

In the year 1638, there was a necessary and exemplary 
piece of justice done in Plymouth upon three men that 
were executed for robbing a poor Indian near Provi¬ 
dence, according to that ancient law of divine institution; 
Gen. ix. 6. “ He that sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall 
his blood be shedfor they murdered the poor Indian 
whom they robbed. 

Thus went on the affairs of this small colony of New 
Plymouth, not by wealth, nor by might or strength of man, 
but by the special presence and blessing of Almighty 
God, in some convenient measure of prosperity till the 
year 1643, at which time they were furnished with many 
worthy ministers in their several townships, as namely: 


Mr. Charles Chauncey, 
Mr. Ralph Partridge, 
Mr. William Hooke, 
Mr. Nicholas Streec, 
Mr. John Lptrope,* 

Mr John Mayo, 


Mr. Edward Bulkley, 

Mr. William Leveridge, 
Mr. Richard jBlinman, 

Mr. John Miller, 

Mr. Marmaduke Matthews. 


These were dispersed over the whole colony in seve¬ 
ral plantations, as at Plymouth town, Duxbury, Taun¬ 
ton, Scituate, Barnstable, Sandwich, Eastham, Yar¬ 
mouth, Rehoboth, all that were erected before the year 
1645. But the inhabitants being but few, and the 
encouragement but small, and the difficulties wherewith 
they were to conflict in the first setting up of new plan¬ 
tations very great, they, many of them, were removed, 
some back into old England, others into the neigh¬ 
bour colonies, and some into their eternal rest, not long 
after. 

But the sorest loss that hitherto befel them, was in 
the year 1643 by the death of Mr. Brewster, one that 
did, (if any olher in his age,) deserve the name of a 
ruling elder, being able to rule both his own house and 

* Lothrop. E». 


664 


GENERAL HISTORY 


the church of God, and do much that might and did go 
for labour in the word and doctrine* 

Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster were the two main 
props and pillars of their colony, yet after the removal of 
them, others were raised up, who hitherto have been able 
to carry on the work of their generation to the honour 
of Almighty God, and the prosperity of their jurisdiction, 
viz. Mr. Thomas Prince, and Maj. Josiah Winslow, who 
succeeded the former in the chiefest place of govern¬ 
ment. 

In the year 1664, it pleased his majesty to send over 
commissioners to take cognizance 5f the estate of the 
several colonies in New England, who came to Ply¬ 
mouth the same year and presented the governour of 
that colony with a gracious letter from his majesty, the 
contents of which are as followeth, much after the same 
tenour with those which were commended to the rest of 
the colonies, and therefore, that which was directed to 
this colony may serve for a specimen for the rest, therein 
to manifest his majesty’s particular care and gracious in¬ 
clination towards these remote plantations in America, 
the whole whereof from Acady, or Nova Scotia, on the 
south side of Canada, to Florida, is become subject to 
his majesty’s power and absolute government, with¬ 
out the interposition of the interest of any foreign prince 
or state. 

His majesty’s commissioners had an honourable re¬ 
ception at Plymouth, according to the capacity of the in¬ 
habitants, and as is said, those honourable gentlemen did 
very much and very kindly resent it. The like was ten¬ 
dered them at the Massachusetts, but they were not so 
propitious to that colony, upon the account foremention- 
ed; in which, if there were any failure upon any mis¬ 
taken ground, it is hoped his majesty hath grace enough, 
notwithstanding all he hath expended upon the subject 
of his three kingdoms, yet left in his royal heart to oblit¬ 
erate the remembrance thereof, and not impute ini¬ 
quity to his servants, who tvere not willingly led into an 
errour of that high nature. 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 665 

To our trusty and well beloved, the governour and council of 
New Plymouth, Greeting. 

Charles Rex. 

Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. We 
need not enlarge upon our care of, and affectfott to 
that our plantation of New Plymouth, when we give you 
such a testimony and manifestation of it in the sending 
of those gentlemen, persons well known unto us, as de¬ 
serving from us, our tru sty and well beloved Col. Rich¬ 
ard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight,George Cartwright, 
Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. our commissioners 
to visit you, and other our plantantations in those parts 
of New England, and to give us a full and particular in¬ 
formation and account of your preset state and condi¬ 
tion, and how the same may be advanced and improved 
by any further acts of grace and favour from us towards 
you ; and that both you and all the world may know and 
take notice, that we take you into our immediate protec¬ 
tion, and will no more suffer you to be oppressed or in¬ 
jured, by any foreign power or ill neighbours, than we 
shall suffer our other subject, that live upon the same 
continent with us, to be so injured and oppressed. And as 
our care and protection will, (we doubt not,) be sufficient, 
with God’s blessing, to defend you from foreign force, 
so our care and circumspection is no less, that you may 
live in peace amongst yowrselves, and with those our oth¬ 
er subjects, who have planted themselves in your neigh¬ 
bour colonies, with that justice, affection, and brotherly 
love, which becomes subjects born under the same prince, 
and in the same country, and of the same faith and hope 
in the mercies of oui Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. And 
to the end, that there may be no contention and differ¬ 
ence between you, in respect of the bounds and jurisdic¬ 
tion of your several colonies, the hearing and determin¬ 
ing whereof we have referred to our commissioners, as 
the right appears by clear evidence and testimony before 
them, or that they can settle it by your mutual consent 
a nd agreement; otherwise, in cases of difficulty, they 
shall present the same to us, who will determine accord¬ 
ing to our own wisdom and justice. The address you 
formerly made to us, gave us so good satisfaction of your 


666 


(1BNERAL HISTORY 


duty, loyalty, and affection to us, that we have not the 
l east doubt that you will receive these commissioners in 
such manner as becomes you, and so may manifest your 
respect and affection towards us, from whom they are 
sent. They will let you know the resolution we have to 
preserve all your liberties and privileges, both ecclesias¬ 
tical and civil, without the least violation, which we pre¬ 
sume will dispose you to manifest, by all ways in your pow¬ 
er, loyalty and affection to us, that all the world may know, 
that you do look upon yourselves as being as much our 
subjects, and living under the same obedience under us, 
as if you continued in your natural country; and so we 
bid you farewell. 

Given at our court at Whitehall, April 23, 1664, in 
the sixteenth year of our reign. 

By his majesty’s special command. 

Henry Bennett. 

CHAP. LXXVIII. 

The country about Hudson’s river , when first discovered 
and planted ; what changes have passed over them , since 
their first planting to this present time . 

The most fertile and desirable tract of land in all the 
southerly part of New England, is that which lieth about 
the greatest river in all those parts, called Hudson’s riv¬ 
er, at the first called New Netherlands, from the people 
that first possessed it. 

That great river was first discovered by Capt. Hudson 
in the year 1610, from whom it received its name. The 
reason why it was not first seized into the possession of 
the English, seems to be the many sad disasters they met 
withal, in their first attempts that way in 1607, and some 
years after, which discouraged those of our nation from 
further prosecuting any design of that nature till the 
year 1620, when some of the separations of Leyden, in 
Holland, put on a fresh resolution to transplant them¬ 
selves into some part efif America. Their intent was to 
have pitched upon some place about Hudson’s river, 
but they were therein supplanted by some of the Dutch, 
amongst whom they sojourned, which hired the master 


OF NEW ENGLAN D. 


66? 

of the ship to bend his course more northward, which to 
gratify their fraudulent interlopers, Jones, their mercena¬ 
ry pilot, performed, and forced them in at Cape Cod, hav¬ 
ing at that time an intent to make a plantation about 
Hudson’s river themselves, which they soon after ac¬ 
complished, although their pretence was only to make 
use of the harbour for a supply of fresh water for their 
ships, as they passed to and from the West Indies; but 
took such liking to the place, that they there settled a 
plantation; for those that began 1614, were routed by 
Sir Samuel Argali, soon after the other began at Cape 
Cod. On which consideration, that providence is the 
more remarkable, that hath of late brought it under the 
English in the year 1664, having been in the hands of 
the Dutch above forty years before. 

At the first settling of their plantation there, they al¬ 
ways held a friendly correspondence with the English at 
New Plymouth ; thereby, as it were, proffering them a 
mess of pottage instead of the birthright of the land, 
which, by an under contrivance, they had before subtile- 
ly deprived them of. 

It was quietly possessed by the Dutch a long time, till 
of late, when beginning to stand upon terms, and upon 
masteries, with our royal sovereign Charles the Second, 
(whose royal predecessors had not only been their great 
benefactors, but their chief upholders, when casting off* 
the Spanish yoke, they began to set up for themselves,) 
it was happily surrendered, or surprized, by the English, 
under the conduct of Col. Nichols, in the behalf of his 
royal highness the duke of York. Under the govern¬ 
ment of the said Col. Nichols it continued until the year 
before our last quarrel with the Dutch, when Gen. Nich¬ 
ols, weary of his confinement there, resigned up his place 
in the government of the Dutch plantation to Col. Love¬ 
lace, who held it till the year 1673, when in his absence 
from the fort, and chiefest place of strength, it wa§ un¬ 
happily surprised by Mons. Colve, under a Dutch com¬ 
mission, who held it for a while, to the no small damage 
of the English in those parts, till it was again restored to 
the absolute possession of the English, upon their last 
treaty of peace between the two nations. 


668 


GENERAL HISTORY 


When the Dutch first planted that part of the coun¬ 
try, they took possession, in like manner, of the wester- 
most part of Long Island, where they began some pet¬ 
ty plantations with some inhabitants of their own nation. 

The remainder of the said island was possessed by the 
English, that removed into those parts for the sake of a 
more convenient and commodious situation, out of the 
other colonies of New England, having obtained the lib¬ 
erty so to do, by some kind of grant from the agent of 
my lord Sterling, to whose share or allotment, (either by 
grant from the earl of Carlisle, or in some other way,) 
that part of the country fell, upon the resignation of the 
grand patent betwixt the years 1630 and 1635, and also 
bv a voluntary consent and agreement amongst them- 
selves and of the towns upon that part of Long Island, 
put themselves under the government of New Haven, 
and some under Connecticut colony ; under which juris¬ 
dictions they remained till the coming over of Col. Nich¬ 
ols, 1664, who assumed the whole island into his posses¬ 
sion, as part of the patent granted his royal highness the 
duke of York, to which it hath been annexed ever since. 
The towns placed thereon, all, or most of them are 
moulded, as to their ecclesiastical concernments, after 
the manner of the rest of the New English plantations, 
and are of their persuasion generally in matters of reli¬ 
gion ; nor have they been abridged of their liberty there¬ 
in, by any of the honourable gentlemen that have pre¬ 
sided there, since it hath been reduced into the power of 
the English, 

The towns there seated lie in this order, being about 
twelve in all. 

In a bay, at the eastermost end of Long Island, is 
that called Shelter Island, a very fruitful and pleasant 
place, the seat of one Mr. Sylvester, a rich merchant, 
that purchased it of a New Haven gentleman, and hath 
there settled his family, which he brought from Barba¬ 
dos. 

The next place,, on that called Long Island, is East 
Hampton, at the furthest end eastward; then South 
Hampton ; next, Southhold, where the inhabitants of 
late have fallen upon the killing of whales, that frequent 


OF NEW ENGLAND. 


069 


the south side of the island in the latter part of the win- 
ter, wherein they have a notable kind of dexterity; and 
the trade that ariseth therefrom hath been very beneficial 
to all that end of the island ; then Seatocket, Hunting¬ 
don, Oister, Jerusalem, Jericho, Hempsted, Flushing, 
New Town, Bedford, Gravescant. Some of these are 
Dutch towns, in the first planting or ordering of which 
there hath not much matter of moment been reported. 

After Mons. Colve had possessed himself of the Dutch 
plantations at Manhattos, he made some attempts to have 
seized the towns of the English on Long Island, but the 
inhabitants stood resolutely upon their guard, and so 
prevented his further design upon them. As for any 
further discourse of the Dutch plantations next adjoin¬ 
ing, or the description thereof, the reader may take the 
following relation, with little variation, in the words of 
D. D. some time an inhabitant there, and published in 
the year 1670. 

A brief relation of New York, with the places thereunto adjoin¬ 
ing, formerly called the New Netherlands, &c. 

That tract of land, formerly called the New Nether¬ 
lands, doth contain all that land which Yieth in the north 
parts of America, betwixt New England and Maryland, in 
Virginia, the length of which northward into the country, 
as it hath not been fully discovered, so it is not certainly 
known; the breadth of it is about two hundred miles. 
The principal rivers within this are Hudson’s river, Af- 
terkull, Raritan river, and Delaware Bay river; the chief 
islands , the Manahatan’s Island, Long Island, and Staten 
Island. 

And first, to begin with the Manahatan’s Island, so 
called by the Indians. It lieth within and betwixt the de¬ 
grees of 41 and 42 of north latitude, and is about four¬ 
teen miles long and two wide . It is bounded with Long 
Island, on the south; with Staten Island, on the west; 
on the north, with the main land; and with Connecticut 
colony on the east side of it; only a part of the main 
lam/, belonging to New York colony, where several 
towns and villages are settled, being about \\xree miles in 


670 


GENERAL niSTORV 


breadth, doth intercept the Manhatan’s Island and Con¬ 
necticut colony, before m aitio?ied. It is rather an isth» 
mus than an island, being tacked to the main by a shal¬ 
low stream, forda&fc at low water. 

The town, called New York, is settled upon the west 
end of the said island, having that small arm of the sea, 
which divides it from Long Island, on the south side of 
it, which bears away eastward to New England, and is 
navigable, though dangerous. For about ten miles from 
York is a place called Hell Gate, which being a narrow 
passage, there runneth a violent stream, both upon flood 
and ebb, and in the middle lieth some islands of rocks, 
which the current sets so violently upon, that it threatens 
present shipwreck; and upon the flood is a large whirl¬ 
pool which continually sends forth a hideous roaring, 
enough to affright any stranger from passing further, but 
to wait for some Charon to conduct him through; yet 
to those that are well acquainted, there is no danger; yet 
a place cf great defence against any enemy coming in that 
way, which a small /ortification would absolutely prevent, 
and necessitate them to come in at the west end of the 
island by Sandy Hook, where Nuttep Island doth force 
them within command of the fort * * *, which is one 
of the best pieces of defence in the north part of A- 
merica. 

New York is built most of brick and stone, and cov¬ 
ered with red and black tile, which being high, it gives 
at a distance a pleasing aspect to the spectators, f * * 
* * * * inhabit * * * most of English 

and Dutch, and have a considerable trade with the In¬ 
dians for beavers, otter, rackoon skins, with other furs; 
and also for b.ear, deer, and elk skins; and are. supplied 
> with venison and fowl in the winter, and fish in the sum¬ 
mer, by the Indians, which they buy at an easy rate. And 
having the country round about them, they are continu¬ 
ally supplied with ail such provisions as is needful for the 
life of man, not only by the English and Dutch within 
their own, but likewise by the adjacent colonies. 

The commodities vented from thence are furs and 
skins before mentioned, as likewise tobacco, made with* 


OP NEW ENGLAND. 


671 

in the colony, as good as is usually made in Maryland; 
also, horses, beef, pork, oil, peas, wheat, and the like. 

Long Island, the west end of which lies southward of 
New York, runs eastward above one hundred miles, and 
is, in some places eight, in some twelve, in some four¬ 
teen miles broad. It is inhabited from one end to the 
other. On the west end are four or five Dutch towns, 
the rest being all English, to the number of twelve, be¬ 
sides villages and farm houses. The island is most of 
it of a very good soil, and very natural for all sorts of 
English grain, which they sow and have very good in¬ 
crease of; besides all other fruits and herbs, common in 
England, as also tobacco, hemp, flax, pumpkins, melons, 
&c. 

The fruits, natural to the island, are mulberries, pos- 
simons, grapes, great and small, whortleberries, cram- 
berries, plums of several sQrts, raspberries, and straw¬ 
berries ; of which last is such abundance in June, that 
the fields and woods are died red, in a manner, with them. 

The greatest part of the island is very full of timber, 
as oaks, white and red walnut trees, chesnut trees, which 
yield store of mast for swine, and are often therewith 
sufficiently fatted without corn ; as also maples, cedars, 
saxifrage, beach, birch, holly, hazel, with many sorts 
more. 

The herbs, which the country naturally affords, are 
purslain, white orage, egrimony, violets, penny-royal, 
ellecampane, besides saxaparilla very common, besides 
many more. Yea, in May you shall see the woods and 
fields so curiously bedecked with roses, and an innu¬ 
merable multitude of other delightful flowers, not only 
pleasing to the eye, but smell, that you may behold na¬ 
ture contending with art, and striving to equal, if not 
excel many gardens in England. Nay, did we know the 
virtue of all those plants and herbs growing there, 
(which time may more discover,) many are of opinion, 
and the natives do affirm, that there is no disease com¬ 
mon to the country, but may be cured without materi¬ 
als from other nations. 

There are several navigable rivers and bays, which 


673 


GENERAL HISTORY 


put into the north side of Long Island ; but upon the 
south side, which joins to the sea, it is so fortified with 
bars of sands and shoals, that it is a sufficient defence 
against any enemy* Yet the south side is not without 
brooks and rivulets, which empty themselves into the 
sea; yea, you shall scarce travel a mile but you shall 
meet with one of them, whose chrystal streams run so 
swift that they purge themselves of such stinking mud 
and filth, which the standing or slow paced streams of 
most brooks and rivers, westward of this colony, leave ly¬ 
ing behind them upon their banks, and are by the sun’s 
exhalation dissipated, the air corrupted, and many fevers 
and other distempers occasioned, not incident to this col¬ 
ony* Neither do the brooks and rivulets premised, give 
way to the frost in winter, or drought in summer, but 
keep their course throughout the year. 

These rivers are very well furnished with fish, as bass, 
sheepsheads, plaice, pearch, trouts, eels, and divers others. 
There is also a black fish, of an excellent taste, not 
found elsewhere in New England. * * island is 

plentifully stored with all sorts of English cattle, hors¬ 
es, hogs, sheep, * * * * of America 

better, which they can both raise and maintain, by reason 
of the large spacious meadows * * * * 

* * producing excellent English grass, the 

seed of which was brought out of England, which they 
sometime mow twice a year. 

For wild beasts there is deer, bear, wolves, foxes, 
rackoons, otter, musquashes, and skunks. Wild fowl 
there is a great store of, as turkeys, heathhens, quails, par¬ 
tridges, pigeons, cranes, geese of several sons, brants, 
ducks, widgeon, teal, and divers others. There is also 
the red bird, with divers sorts of singing birds, whose 
chirping notes salute the ears of travellers with an har¬ 
monious discord ; and in every pond or brook, green 
silken frogs, who whistling forth their shrill notes, strive to 
bear a part in this musick, not much unlike the Lanca¬ 
shire ba gpipe ; while in the mean time the larger sort of 
them are bellowing out their sackbut diapason. 

1 owards the middle of Long Island lieth a plain, six- 


OF NEW ENGLAND* 


673 

teen miles long and four broad, upon wh ich plain grows 
very fine grass, that makes exceeding good hay, and is 
very good pasture for sheep or other cattle, where 
you shall find neither stick nor stone to hinder thefr 
heels, or endanger them in their races; and once a year 
the best horses in the island are brought hither to try 
their swiftness, and the swiftest are rewarded with a sil¬ 
ver cup, two being annually procured for that purpose. 
There are two or three other small plains, of about a 
mile square, which are no small benefit to those towns 
that enjoy them. 

Upon the south side of Long Island, in the winter, 
lie store of whales and grampuses, which the inhabit¬ 
ants begin with small boats to make a trade of catching, 
to their no small benefit ; also, an innumerable multi¬ 
tude of seals, which make an excellent oil. They lie all 
winter upon some broken marshes and beaches, or bars 
of sand before mentioned, and might he easily got, were 
there some skilful men would undertake it. 

Within two leagues of New York lieth Staten Island. 
It bears from New York west, something southerly. 
It is about twenty miles long and four or five broad. 
It is most ly of very good land, full of timber, and pro- 
duceth all such commodities as Long Island doth, be- 
sides tin, and store of iron ore, and the calamine stone is 
said likewise to be found there . There is but one town 
upon it, consisting of English and French, but is capa¬ 
ble of enter taining more inhabitants. Betwixt this and 
Long Island is a very large bay, and is the com mon * 

* for all ships and vessels out of the sea. On the 
north side of this island After-Kuil puts into the main 
land, on the west side whereof is two or three towns, but 
on * * but one. There is very great marshes or 

meadows on both sides of it; excellent grass, * and 
good convenience for the settling of several towns. 
There grows black wa * as there doth in Virginia, 
with mighty tall, strait timber, as good as any in the 
whole of America. It produceth any commodity Long 
Island doth. 

Hudson’s river runs by New York northward into the 
country, toward the head of which is seated New Alba- 
85 


GENERAL HISTORY 


67* 

ny, a place of great trade with the Indians; betwixt which 
and New York, being above one hundred miles, is as 
good corn land as the world affbrcZy, and able to entertain 
hundreds of families, which in the time of the Dutch gov¬ 
ernment of those parts could not be settled for the Indians, 
excepting one place called the Sopers, which is kept a 
garrison ; but since the reducement of those parts, un¬ 
der his majesty’s rule y and a patent granted to his royal 
highness the duke of York, which is about six * * 

by the care and diligence of the honourable Col. Nich¬ 
ols, sent thither deputy to his * * such a league of 
peace was made, and friendship concluded betwixt that 
colony, that they have not resisted or disturbed any 
Christians there, in the settling or peaceful possessing of 
any lands there, within that government, but every man 
hath sat under his vine, and hath peaceably reaped and 
enjoyed the fruits of his own labours, which God * * 

Westward of After-Kull, before mentioned, about 
eighteen or twenty miles, runs in Raritan river west - 
ward into the country, some score of miles, both sides 
of which river is adorned with meadows, enough to 
maintain thousands of cattle ; the woodland is likewise 

* * for corn, and stored with wile beasts, as deer and 

elks, and an innumerable * * * fowl, as in other 

parts of the country. This river is thought very capa¬ 
ble * * of several towns and villages on each side of it. 
No place in the north * * * * * 

* * * * * * * * 

* * * two or three towns and villages, set¬ 
tled upon * * * betwixt that and Dela¬ 

ware Bay, which is about sixty miles, all which is a rich 
champaign country, free from stones, and indifferent 
level, store of excellent good timber, and very well wa¬ 
tered, having brooks or rivers ordinarily one or more in 
every mile’s travel. The country is full of deer, elks, bear, 
and other creatures, as in other parts of the country, 
where you shall meet with no inhabitants in your journey 
but a few Indians; * where there is stately oaks, 

whose broad-branched tops serve for no other use but to 
keep off the sun’s heat from the wild beasts of the wil¬ 
derness ; where is grass as high as a marts middle, that 


OP NEW ENGLAND* 




serves for no other end except to maintain the elks and 
deer, who nez^r devour an hundredth part of it, then to 
be burnt every spring, to make way for new. How ma¬ 
ny poor people in the world would think themselves 
happy, had they an acre or two of land, whilst here is 
[are] hundreds, nay thousands of acres, that would in¬ 
vite inhabitawto. 

Delaware Bay, the mouth of the river, lieth about the 
midway betwixt New York and the capes of Virginia, 
It is a very pleasant river and country, but very few in¬ 
habitants, and them being mostly Swedes, Dutch, and 
Finns. About sixty miles up the river is the principal 
town, called New Castle, which is about forty miles 
from Maryland, and very good way to travel, either with 
horse or foot. The people are settled all along the west 
side sixty miles above New Castle; the land is good 
for all sorts of English grain, and wanteth nothing * 

* * people to populate it, it being capable of en¬ 
tertaining many hundred families. 

Some may admire that these rich and great tracts of 
land, lying so adjoining to New England and Virginia, 
should be no better inhabited, and that the richness of 
the soil, and healthfulness of the climate, and the like, 
should be no better a motive to induce * * * 

* * * to populate it * * 

* * * * * * * * 
********* 

* * that whilst it was under the Dutch gov¬ 
ernment * * * years, there was little en¬ 
couragement for any English, both in respect * * 

* from the Indians, * * * * 

* the Dutch being almost always in danger * * 

g of a war, which would have been destructive to their 

******* the main thing 
prosecuted by the Dutch. And secondly the Dutch * 

* * lands, together with their exacting of the 

tenth of all which * * * * their lands 

that did much hinder the populating of it; together 

* * * * dislike the English have of liv¬ 
ing under another government * * * 

* there were several towns of a considerable great- 


676 


GENERAL HI3T0RV 


ness began and settled by people out of New England* 
and every day more and more came to view and settle. 

To give some satisfaction to people that shall be de¬ 
sirous to transport themselves thither, (the country being 
capable of entertaining many thousands,) how and after 
what manner people live, and how land may be procured, 
&c. I shall answer, that the usual way is for a company 
of people to join together, either enough to make a 
town, or a less number. These go with the consent of 
the governour, and view a tract of land, there being choice 

* * and finding a place convenient for a town, 

they return to the governour, who, upon their desire, ad¬ 
mits them into the colony, and gives them a grant or pa¬ 
tent for the said tracts for themselves and their associates. 
These persons, being thus qualified, settle that * * 

and take in what inhabitants to themselves they shall sec 
cause to admit of, till their town is full. 

These associates, thus taken in, have equal privileges 
with themselves, and they make division of the land,, 
suitable to every man’s occasions, no man being debarred 
of such quantity as he hath occasion for. The rest they 
let lie in common, till they have occasion for a new divi¬ 
sion, never dividing their pasture lands at all, which lie 
in common to the whole * * The best com¬ 

modities for any to carry with them is clothing, the 
country being full of all sorts of cattle, with which they 
may furnish themselves at an easy rate. 

* * a true description of the country about New 

York was thought necessary to be published as well 
for the encouragement of any that may have a mind to 
remove themselves thither, as for a * * * * 

******** * 

* * * * * * * * * 


&c. &c. &c. 






































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